Montana
Donald Trump Brings Plenty of Loathing and the 'Cats' Soundtrack to Montana
It’s Day 20 of the Kamala Era but Trump World remains in the Before Times. Sure, the Let’s Go Brandon merch is being sold at a discount, but otherwise the mood in the non-swing state of Montana is very July 2024. Or July 2016. The ex-president is on his way for a rally tonight and the sound system in the parking lot of Bozeman’s Brick Breeden Fieldhouse bleats out the same seven songs, including “Memory” from Cats. The roughly 8,000 supporters who began queuing at dawn will hear the song approximately 30 times before they enter the temple of Trump this evening.
There are plenty of other Trump comfort-food visuals, a Red Bull-slamming dude wears an electoral college T-shirt with Trump states in red and blue states labeled Dumb Fuckistan. The guy in the block suit is here and tells an admirer that it is his greatest wish to sub in for Fox’s Greg Gutfeld one day. (His dream comes a bit closer later today when Fox News misidentifies him as a Montana voter.) Huckleberry smoothies are being hawked for $14 next to a pickup truck emblazoned with the image of Donald Trump shooting a Tommy Gun while saying “Merry MAGA you filthy animal.” A teen waits in line for a porta-potty and sings along with the Natasha Owens classic, “Trump Won”:
“We got dead people votin’ Dropboxes and Dominion
And facts are facts, it’s not just my opinion
The Democrats know how to steal
Come on man, here’s the deal
Trump won and you know it
Trump won and you know it.”
What we are all doing here is not exactly clear. The Kamala Harris-Tim Walz ticket is barnstorming swing states on a sugar high that may or may not last until November, but this is Trump’s only rally of the week. It is being held in Montana, a state he still owes money from previous rallies and a state he will win by at least 15 points. My theory is that Trump booked the Bozeman trip before Joe Biden’s departure from the race. That’s when he thought he could cruise the country once a week grandstanding for Senate candidates that could get him a Republican majority.
I’m also guessing the fundraisers had already been locked in. Trump is heading to Big Sky’s posh Yellowstone Club this afternoon, the kind of event that would cause the fictional John Dutton to spit on the ground and then deliver a deranged monologue about all the rich fuckers ruining his beloved Montana.
One of those late-arriving arrivistes is Tim Sheehy, the Montana Republican Senate candidate running against three-term incumbent Jon Tester, a seven-fingered dirt farmer from Big Sandy. Sheehy is generically handsome with gelled, dark-blond hair. He gladhands this morning in a Sheehy For Senate fleece, proclaiming, “We’re going to Save America and these people are going to help us do it.”
Tester was not available for comment because, according to a source, he was busy pulling 16-hour days on his tractor harvesting peas back on his farm in Big Sandy. Sheehy once called Tester’s farmer credentials fake and described the farm where Tester grew up as just a “weed patch.” I don’t think they are friends.
Sheehy’s background is different. He was raised in a posh Minnesota lake house and only moved to Montana in 2014. Sheehy has never spent a day involved in Montana politics, continuing a storied tradition of Republican rich dudes moving to Montana, buying a ranch, throwing on some work jeans, and trying to convince the locals he is a man of the people.
Sheehy has a lush bio, a Navy SEAL who served with distinction in Afghanistan before moving to Montana and founding Bridger Aerospace, an aerial firefighting company. Many of Sheehy’s photos feature him looking rugged in a flight suit with one of Bridger’s planes in the background. Tonight, he will talk about water-bombing forest fires for a living.
Alas, the thing about too-good-to-be-true candidates is they often turn out to be not actually true. Bridger Aerospace reported losses of $77 million in 2023 with its stock down 54 percent for the year. An auditor recently reported: “The Company has suffered recurring losses from operations, operating cash flow deficits, debt covenant violations, and insufficient liquidity to fund its operations that raise substantial doubt about its ability to continue as a going concern.”
Well, he still has a stellar military record. Sort of, maybe? Sheehy has a bullet lodged in his arm that, depending on his various accounts, either happened in Afghanistan during an attack, or from friendly fire, or, uh, in Glacier National Park in 2015 when he dropped his Colt .45. Sheehy has shared a Rashomon number of accounts of his bullet and I assumed this would cause him to low-key his military record tonight.
I should have known better. I also should have known that Donald Trump’s presence here has little to do with getting him to 270 electoral votes and a helluva lot to do with a political vendetta straight out of a not-picked-up Showtime pilot on corruption.
Stories emerged in the days after Trump was shot about how his brush with death had changed him into a softer version of himself. Politico posited, “A changed Trump? Some allies detect an ‘existential’ shift after shooting.”
Nope. In a few hours, Trump will take the stage and call a reporter a “maggot,” mock Tester’s weight, promise mass deportations, and question the origin of Kamala Harris’ last name.
Nothing has changed and that’s a problem.
I CAME ACROSS a half-dozen Trump supporters clasping hands and praying for his safety near their SUV as I walked toward the fieldhouse a few hours before the rally. It wasn’t residual words of thanks for Trump surviving last month’s assassination attempt, but news that Trump Force One had mechanical difficulties and had to land in Billings, a hundred miles away. Other supporters had more personal concerns.
“He better not fucking cancel, I’ve been out here for 12 hours,” mutters one guy.
Agreed.
Trump doesn’t cancel, but he has to hop a different plane from Billings to Bozeman and then his motorcade heads down to his Big Sky fundraiser. That meant he wouldn’t take the stage here until 9:30 p.m. local time, which seems to defeat any attempt to alter the political narrative as Harris and Walz held another rapturous rally in Arizona during primetime. This was my first Trump rally since his infamous one in Tulsa during the 2020 campaign that claimed Herman Cain’s life, but the presentation hit the same notes of malice and unintentional comedy.
The sound system pumps in Celine Dion singing the theme song from Titanic and later there’s a video of Dennis Quaid as Jerry Lee Lewis singing “Great Balls of Fire” from the movie of the same name — the heartwarming tale of a 22-year-old man courting his 13-year-old cousin that surely would be anathema to the Pizzagate anti-pedo supporters in the crowd.
The gathered hear a series of opening acts who are obsessed with the issue of masculinity. Maybe this shouldn’t have surprised me in a fieldhouse with multiple national rodeo championship banners in a state governed by Greg Gianforte, a man once convicted of assaulting a reporter.
The Montana Republican Party chair derides Tester as a vodka cranberry drinker, which offends my personal vodka drinking preferences. The microphone finds Matt Whitaker, who has parlayed three months as Trump’s acting attorney general into a career often dropping the “acting” from his speech. He shouts for a while about a “world on fire” and a Justice Department targeting Catholics even though President Biden is a practicing Catholic.
Then we get Congressman Ryan Zinke, a man in a black cowboy hat going after Walz for purported stolen valor. Zinke, it should be pointed out, was a decorated Navy SEAL who never made captain because he was caught billing the Navy for personal expenses and was run out as Trump’s ride-a-pony-to-work Interior Secretary for using planes and helicopters for private travel. (He attempted to diffuse the controversy by making the distinction that he never took a jet for private travel; they were all prop planes.)
There’s still no sign of Trump so Sheehy is brought out alone. He begins his speech with a joke.
“Well, you know my name,” says Sheehy. “Those are also my pronouns. ‘She-he.’ I can tell you going to middle school in the Nineties that wasn’t a fun thing to have.”
Oh boy.
Sheehy goes through his military record with no word about his own personal magic bullet. Then he makes a grievous mistake; he makes sense. He offers the usual Republican words about the border crisis and then makes an observation.
“If you wonder why we have a border crisis, it’s because everybody wants to come here and be Americans,” says Sheehy. “No one’s walking across deserts to move to China. No one’s climbing and going in the ocean to move to Russia. They are coming here to be Americans, and we should be proud of that.”
This is a good point! Alas, it runs counter to the Trumpian view that America has become a dystopian shithole. The crowd doesn’t know what to do and there’s an odd quiet. An uncertain Sheehy pivots back to familiar ground.
“Montanans want common-sense government. And what does common sense mean to Montanans? They want a secure border, safe streets, cheap gas.” The crowd stands and cheers. “Cops are good. Criminals are bad. Boys are boys and girls are girls.”
Sheehy exits to applause. The video screen cues up Freddie Mercury camping it up at Live Aid.
TRUMP FINALLY HITS the stage at 9:30 p.m., 90 minutes late. Maybe it’s all the rest he’s been getting, but he’s in a good mood. It’s moments like this that you get a real sense of the man, in all his dyspeptic glory. He talks of Biden and you get Trump unfiltered.
“You know, he wanted to debate. If we didn’t have a debate, he’d still be there. Can you imagine if we didn’t have a debate? Why the hell did I debate him?”
The crowd laughs but you know from his face that Trump means it. He realizes debating Biden early is going to turn out to be the biggest fucking mistake of his life.
The idea that the shooting would transform Trump into a fully formed human was always ridiculous, but there still is the question of Donald’s own personal great reset: He is now trailing Harris nationally in some polls and performing poorly even in the swing states. The man is an amoral realist — could he pivot somewhat to the center in the search of the sliver of the electorate that could determine his fate?
The answer, my friends, is absolutely not.
Trump plays his hits in all their disgusting glory. He calls New York Times reporter Maggie Hagerman “Maggot Hagerman” because she wrote an article casting doubt on a story that the ex-president told about a treacherous helicopter ride. Speaking of Tester, Trump proclaims, “I don’t speak badly about somebody’s physical disability, but he’s got the biggest stomach I have ever seen.”
He offers insight into his verbal slam strategy. “I’ve done a lot of bad name-calling,” says Trump with a chuckle. “You know, when you call somebody that you know how to say the name perfectly, and you call it on purpose, they say, ‘Sir, you made a mistake.’ I say, ‘No, I didn’t.’”
His attacks on Harris are gross and predictable. “You know, it’s interesting. Nobody really knows her last name. If you ask people, ‘Do you know what her last name is?’ Nobody has any idea what it is. ‘Harris.’ How the hell did this happen?”
I did some reporting and Harris turns out to be the last name of Vice President Kamala Harris’ father. Some further digging suggests taking your father’s last name is a common practice in Western cultures.
Trump hits an anti-media jag and the crowd starts their usual finger-pointing and chanting at us reporters herded together in our veal fattening pen. I debate shouting back, “You want me on that wall, you need me on that wall!” but instead decide on a five-minute mental health break.
Trump has at least another 45 minutes in him despite the fact some fans are heading for the exits. So I go into a toilet stall and pull up a video I shot on my phone earlier in the day.
I’d heard that there was going to be a 20-foot inflatable IUD outside the Bozeman Public Library as part of a pro-choice, anti-Trump demonstration. Might be some good color. But I fucked up the time and instead stumble into Bubblepalooza. Twenty or so toddlers were blowing said bubbles, fitting themselves with crowns, and listening to the Treble-Makers harmonize through “Top of the World” and “Going to the Chapel.” Finally, I get a glimpse of some of that happiness and joy that Kamala has been talking about!
I leave the stall heartened and energized, only to see a four-year-old peeing on his shoes as he chants, “USA! USA!” Meanwhile, his dad and a friend are screaming, “Sword fight!”
I can do this.
The best thing about a Trump speech is that it is impossible to miss anything because the guy loops around a subject at least five times. Now he’s talking about brutal crimes committed by “illegal aliens” and he makes a promise:
“Here’s all we’re going to do. It’s going to be called a Trump mass deportation, because we have no choice. We have no choice. We have no choice. If Harris wins, a never-ending stream of illegal alien rapists, MS-13 animals, and child predators will ravage your communities …We have a new form of crime. It’s called migrant crime, and it’s going to be as vicious as any crime ever seen in this country before.”
The remaining crowd stands and cheers. The thing you need to know about Trump rally-goers is they love Trump because he is the political equivalent of a Law & Order binge. He’s always going to hit the same bigoted points you’ve grown to love. You will go home confirmed in your entrenched ideology. Have some more Cheetos.
But tonight there’s a twist, a special guest star that might explain everything. Trump introduces his good friend and former White House doctor Ronny Jackson. Jackson is hyped up on something, maybe just revenge.
“I want to tell you a little bit about this man, Jon Tester. This man who says that he represents Montana in the Senate. This man who tells you that he’s up there trying to clean the place up and trying to fix what’s broken.” Jackson makes some odd motions inside his mouth. “This man is a sleazy, disgusting, swamp politician. He’s a fraud and he’s a liar.”
Dejected reporter heads pop up from their Slack channels like dogs sensing a squirrel with a hobbled leg. Turns out Tester was the ranking member on the Senate Veterans Affair Committee when Trump nominated Jackson to be VA secretary in 2018. Tester helped torpedo Jackson’s nomination after discovering credible allegations of misconduct — drunkenness and the liberal distribution of prescription meds to his colleagues.
Jackson sees it differently.
“I had a spotless, spotless, flawless career in the Navy, I’ve never had a single complaint about anything,” says Jackson. “He came after me. He tried to destroy me. He tried to destroy my family.”
Jackson then turns back to his friend. “The end of Jon Tester starts tonight, and it starts by bringing this man back to the White House!”
Trump smiles at the doctor who proclaimed he was in better shape than Barack Obama. “You’re a great leader,” he says. “You’re a great Admiral.”
This isn’t actually true and seems relevant in the time of Walz getting swift-boated over his use of the rank of sergeant major. Jackson is not actually a rear admiral anymore. The Navy demoted him in 2022 after the Navy Inspector General found the charges of unprofessional behavior brought to light by Tester were accurate. Point goes to the seven-fingered man with the big stomach.
And you may ask yourself, what the hell does any of this have to do with Trump turning his campaign around? Absolutely nothing. The fact that Trump trotted Jackson out to launch a personal vendetta is proof the man is never, ever, ever going to change. There are some benefits: This may result in the man not being able to replace Clarence Thomas when the judge finally discovers shame.
The arena is now a quarter empty. Trump wraps up with his own vulgar mantra.
“We will make America wealthy again. We will make America strong again. We will make America proud again. We will make America safe again. We will make America free again. We will make America great again.”
This is not a recording.
I stumble into the Montana night full of Trump bros high-fiving and cracking open cold ones.
I miss those happy babies blowing bubbles.
Montana
Broadband access is expanding in Montana, but rural areas still lag behind
In the southeastern Montana town of Belfry, 65-year-old resident Mary Boyer reflects on her relationship with technology.
“I’m a green-ledger girl,” Boyer said. “I can handwrite. I don’t like calculators. I never owned a television, I have a crank Victrola for music.”
Boyer’s home is about an hour south of Billings. The Beartooth and Pryor Mountains flank Belfry, as the Clarks Fork of the Yellowstone River meanders through it.
She said technology has always been slow to come to their town.
“We had a heck of a time getting songs – because we have to do it over the internet – for the karaoke machine,” she said. “And all of a sudden halfway through a song there’s no words or there’s no karaoke whatsoever.”
Boyer knows connectivity goes beyond a karaoke machine.
Before this year, she said their internet service couldn’t meet the community’s needs. Her neighbors rely on it for telehealth appointments, education and commerce.
“I think it’s all about the community and keeping them in touch with the outside world,” she said.
Montana ranks among the lowest in the country when it comes to internet access. And rural places disproportionately lack access to high speed connectivity compared to urban.
Montana ranks among the lowest in the country when it comes to internet access. Broadband Now, an independent research organization, ranked Montana second to last in the nation for internet speeds and affordability. And rural places disproportionately lack access to high speed connectivity compared to urban; this is known as the digital divide.
State officials and telecommunications companies have been trying to change that. Over the last few years, just shy of a billion dollars in federal funding aimed at tackling this issue came into the state. The goal is to use it to close the digital divide for good.
In the southern end of Belfry, Jay Velez stands in front of his restaurant, the Silvertip, admiring the scenery.
“What a view, man!” he said, looking toward the Beartooth Mountains. “It doesn’t suck here.”
His restaurant serves as a local watering hole. It offers the karaoke night coveted by Boyer. And this summer, the Silvertip’s internet got better.
“We just rely on it for our point of sale systems, and so far, it’s been working great,” he said.
His improved internet is due to newly installed fixed fiber optic lines. These are thick cables laid in the ground. They’re considered the “gold standard” for broadband connectivity.
But this technology is expensive to install, and it’s been slow to reach towns like Belfry.
“We’re way behind, in looking at the grander sphere of the problem,” said Misty Ann Giles, the head of the state’s broadband office ConnectMT. “We are farther behind our sister states. Montana does have a lot of challenges when it comes to thinking about internet access.”
Government-led efforts to close the digital divide have been underway for decades. The federal government established the Universal Service Fund in 1996, prescribing that “all Americans” should have access to basic connectivity. The fund subsidizes fiber installation and maintenance in remote areas.
But it wasn’t enough. So, another project emerged in 2018. The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s ReConnect program offers federal funds and loans to expand internet access.
Giles helped stand-up the program as former Chief of Staff at the agency’s Rural Development office.
“A lot of the work we did when we were at USDA when we first came into office was trying to look at the bigger Rubik’s Cube of, why are rural communities lacking some core services when it comes to education, telehealth, things like that in their communities,” Giles said. “And what it all came down to was connectivity.”
This connectivity became even more imperative during the pandemic. Business, community, health care and education all required a stable internet.
According to the Federal Communications Commission, broadband expansion timelines considered reasonable pre-COVID-19 became “unworkable,” and the Commission pushed to get rural communities connected faster. So the federal government launched several new programs.
Since 2019, around $900 million from four federal programs for rural broadband expansion has flowed into the state.
Since 2019, around $900 million from four federal programs for rural broadband expansion has flowed into the state.
The main sources include funds from the ReConnect Program, which go to telecom companies through grants and loans. Those total around $144 million for Montana-focused projects. Then there’s the American Rescue Plan Act, which provided $310 million; The Broadband Equity Access and Development program, which allotted around $308 million; Lastly, there’s the FCC’s Rural Digital Opportunity Fund, which provided Montana $126 million for a 10-year period during its Phase I auction.
And it’s through these programs that Belfry’s internet just got a little better.
Back in southeastern Montana, Nemont Communications Chief Operating Officer Scott Paul drives through the 250-resident town on a sunny October afternoon.
“You probably didn’t see it, but look for an orange capped plastic pole,” he said, pointing out markers of their recent efforts. “Beneath that orange-capped plastic pole, there is gonna be a handhole. And then between those plastic poles, there’s fiber that’s buried underground.”
Nemont just replaced Belfry’s copper wire laid around the 1970s. Paul said copper was great for dial-up internet, but fails at providing the internet speeds we expect today. But installing fiber in Montana is expensive. It can cost up to $300,000 to reach a single home or business, according to Giles.
“If you’re trying to put all of this fiber into an area that’s all rock, then it becomes a lot more expensive because rock’s a lot harder to get through than the dirt,” he said.
For Belfry’s project, Nemont received $10 million ReConnect dollars to build fiber for around 1,000 households in 500 square miles. That’s an area the size of Los Angeles. Paul said they installed 80 miles of fiber just to reach Belfry.
Most companies rely on their customer base to cover the costs of installing internet infrastructure. But in low population states like Montana, that model does not always work. Paul said that’s why these funds are so important.
“It’s allowing us to escalate the speed of doing that,” he said. “We’re doing a little bit more now than we have done in the past, for that reason.”
Dozens of companies like Nemont have leveraged these federal programs to try and reach more residents. Sometimes the costs still exceed what they can afford, and they default.
According to the FCC, Montana’s broadband coverage increased 10 percent between 2023 and 2024. But there’s more work to be done. 70,000 homes and businesses across Montana still need better internet.
Some progress has been made. According to the FCC, Montana’s broadband coverage increased 10 percent between 2023 and 2024. But there’s more work to be done. 70,000 homes and businesses across Montana still need better internet.
And rural residents like Mary Boyer know how necessary it is to be connected.
“If we didn’t have the access to the good communications, we could be in a world of horse pucky,” she said.
State officials hope to bridge the digital divide by the end of the decade.
Montana
Humane Society of Western Montana has many pets for adoption
MISSOULA, Mont. — Humane Society of Western Montana’s Director of Marketing Katie Hofschield dropped by NBC Montana Today with special guest Lady Bird.
Lady Bird is a 9-year-old mixed breed who is available for adoption. Lady Bird is house and crate trained and in general is a very laid back dog who loves cheese.
The Humane Society of Western Montana currently has many animals looking for homes, including several older pets, cats, plus two guinea pigs and a rabbit.
The Humane Society of Western Montana runs an annual pet food pantry, but this year they’re expanding into a larger-scale pet food relief project due to holiday and financial pressures on families.
Through a partnership with Greater Good Charities and the Montana Food Bank Network, they received 25 pallets (almost 20,000 pounds) of pet food, which will be stored in a former food bank facility and distributed across the state, including to tribal partners.
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For more information, visit https://myhswm.org/.
Montana
Former Montana Heritage Commission director sentenced in embezzlement scheme
Former Montana Heritage Commission Executive Director Michael Elijah Allen was sentenced Thursday to 10-years in the Montana State Prison with seven years suspended for stealing public funds from the state agency charged with preserving some of Montana’s most significant historic sites.
Lewis and Clark County District Court Judge Kathy Seeley said she took no pleasure in imposing the sentence but told Allen he was the brains behind this operation of years of theft and fraud. On a count of theft by embezzlement as part of a common scheme, Seeley sentenced Allen to 10 years at the Montana State Prison with seven years suspended, and imposed a concurrent, fully suspended 14-year term on a felony money laundering count.
“You have destroyed yourself,” Seeley said. “You understand that. I hope you do. This is not anybody but you that did this.”
Allen was ordered to pay $280,000 in restitution to the Montana Heritage Commission, plus a 10% administrative fee, and a series of standard court costs and fees, including a presentence investigation fee and victim-witness surcharge. He received credit for eight days previously served in custody, from Dec. 27, 2024, through Jan. 3, 2025, and was barred from having contact with the Department of Commerce or related entities as he serves his sentence under conditions laid out in a plea agreement.
Prosecutors urged a stiffer punishment, asking the court to impose a 20-year prison sentence with 10 years suspended, arguing that Allen’s years-long scheme was a serious breach of public trust that demanded a lengthy custodial term. Deputy County Attorney Kevin Downs told the court that every defendant in similar embezzlement and financial-crimes cases submitted for comparison had received multi-year prison time and said a 10-year effective prison term was warranted to deter others from stealing public funds.
“He was the one that made this happen. He greased the wheels to steal from people,” Downs said. “This sentence sends a message to people. The people that work in any state agency, god forbid, that if you steal there will be significant consequence.”
Allen’s attorney asked Seeley for a lengthy but largely suspended sentence, arguing that a shorter period of incarceration — about two years, roughly double that imposed on co-defendant Casey Jack Steinke — would still hold Allen accountable while allowing him to work and pay restitution more quickly. The defense said Allen has suffered enough with the public humiliation and collateral consequences, including the loss of his career, voting rights and ability to serve on a jury or possess firearms.
Brenda Elias, chief legal counsel for the Montana Department of Commerce, told the court Allen had been a long-time state employee with significant autonomy as the Heritage Commission’s director and had been compensated for his work. She said Allen abused trust, manipulating people and resources.
“Hundreds of thousands of dollars that should have gone to preserve Montana’s heritage were diverted to Mr. Allen’s personal use,” Elias said.
Elias said Allen served as executive director from 2012 to 2024 and said the Heritage Commission has never been financially self-sufficient, relying heavily on bed tax revenue and other support from the Department of Commerce.
“The Heritage Commission continues to realize the impact of these crimes to this day, and it will take many years for the Commission to recover,” Elias said.
Detective Nathan Casey of the Helena Police Department, a veteran investigator in financial crimes, testified that he was contacted by Commerce employees in mid-2024 after they uncovered significant irregularities, prompting a wide-ranging probe. Casey said investigators ultimately reviewed roughly 744 pages of documents which included invoices, contracts and procurement justifications tied to a state-issued purchasing card controlled by Allen.
According to earlier court records, Allen used his position as head of the Heritage Commission to channel roughly $350,000 in commission funds to Steinke between 2020 and 2024, often through invoices for work that was not legitimately performed. In addition to those payments, investigators found evidence that Allen used public money to cover rent, educational expenses and other personal costs, and that Steinke lived rent-free in Reeder’s Alley, one of the commission’s historic properties, during the scheme.
Steinke, who was charged with accountability for theft by embezzlement and felony money laundering, previously pleaded guilty to one embezzlement-related charge and the money laundering count under a plea deal that called for prosecutors to recommend a 20-year prison sentence with 15 years suspended. As part of that agreement, Steinke agreed to pay $100,000 in restitution, including a $20,000 upfront payment at sentencing.
The embezzlement case comes as the Heritage Commission, which manages historic properties, is facing financial pressure. According to reporting from the Daily Montanan, the Commission is obligated to provide $1.1 million annually to the state but has only generated an average of about $750,000 in recent years, leaving less available for capital improvements than needed to maintain historic buildings.
Allen, 49, told the court he accepted full responsibility for his actions, saying he was ashamed and that the crimes were an aberration from how he had otherwise lived his life. He described the embarrassment his children have faced as his case played out publicly, and said he hopes to work and resume making restitution payments.
“I apologize to my friends and to my community,” Allen said. “I’m incredibly ashamed of the actions.”
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