Colorado
They hoped their children’s deaths would bring change. Then a Colorado bill to protect kids online failed
Bereaved parents saw their hopes for change dashed after a bill meant to protect children from sexual predators and drug dealers online died in the Colorado state legislature last month.
Several of those parents had helped shape the bill, including Lori Schott, whose 18-year-old daughter Annalee died by suicide in 2020 after consuming content on TikTok and Instagram about depression, anxiety and suicide.
“When the legislators failed to vote and pushed it off onto some fake calendar date where they’re not even in session, to not even have accountability for where they stand – as a parent, it’s a slap in the face,” said Schott, who identifies as a pro-second amendment Republican. “It’s a slap in the face of my daughter, and to other kids that we’ve lost.”
Had the legislation passed, it would have required social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram and TikTok to investigate and take down accounts engaged in gun or drug sales or in the sexual exploitation or trafficking of minors. It also mandated the creation of direct hotlines to tech company personnel for law enforcement and a 72-hour response window for police requests, a higher burden than under current law.
Additionally, platforms would have had to report on how many minors used their services, how often they did so, for how long and how much those young users engaged with content that violated company policies. Several big tech firms registered official positions on the bill. According to Colorado lobbying disclosures, Meta’s longtime in-state lobby firm, Headwater Strategies, is registered as a proponent for changing the bill. Google and TikTok also hired lobbyists to oppose it.
“We’re just extremely disappointed,” said Kim Osterman, whose 18-year-old son Max died in 2021 after purchasing drugs spiked with fentanyl from a dealer he met on Snapchat. “[Legislators] chose big tech over protecting children and families.”
Protections for users of social media (SB 25-086) passed both chambers before being vetoed on 24 April by governor Jared Polis, a Democrat, who cited the bill’s potential to “erode privacy, freedom and innovation” as reasons for his veto. Colorado’s senate voted to override the veto on 25 April, yet those efforts fell apart on 28 April when the state house opted to delay the vote until after the legislative session ended, effectively blocking an override and keeping the bill alive.
The bill originally passed the senate by a 29-6 vote and the house by a 46-18 margin. On 25 April, the senate voted 29-6 to override Polis’s veto. Lawmakers anticipated that the house would take up the override later that day. At the time, according to those interviewed, there appeared to be enough bipartisan support to successfully overturn his veto.
“It was an easy vote for folks because of what we were voting on: protecting kids from social media companies,” said the senator Lindsey Daugherty, a Democrat and a co-sponsor of the bill. She said she urged house leadership to hold the vote Friday, but they declined: “The speaker knew the governor didn’t want us to do it on Friday, because they knew we would win.”
The parents who advocated for the bill attribute its failure to an unexpected, 11th-hour lobbying campaign by a far-right gun owners’ association in Colorado. Two state legislators as well as seven people involved in the legislative process echoed the parents’ claims.
An abnormal, last-minute campaign disrupts bipartisan consensus
Rocky Mountain Gun Owners (RMGO) cast the bill as an instrument of government censorship in texts and emails over the legislation’s provisions against “ghost guns”, untraceable weapons assembled from kits purchased online, which would have been prohibited.
RMGO launched massive social media and email campaigns urging its 200,000 members to contact their legislators to demand they vote against the bill. A source with knowledge of the workings of the Colorado state house described the gun group’s social media and text campaigns, encouraging Republicans voters to contact their legislators to demand opposition to the bill, as incessant.
“[Legislators] were getting countless calls and emails and being yelled at by activists. It was a full-fledged attack. There was a whole campaign saying: ‘This is a government censorship bill,’” they said.
The group’s actions were instrumental in a campaign to deter house Republicans from voting against the veto, resulting in the quashing of the bill, and unexpected from an organization that had been facing funding shortfalls, according to 10 people interviewed who were involved in the design of the bill and legislative process. Sources in the Colorado state house spoke to the Guardian on condition of anonymity out of fear of reprisal from RMGO.
The house had delayed the vote until 28 April, which allowed RMGO time to launch a campaign against the bill over the weekend. When lawmakers reconvened Monday, the house voted 51-13 to postpone the override until after the legislative session ended – effectively killing the effort.
The gun activists’ mass text message campaign to registered Republican voters asserted the social media bill would constitute an attempt to “compel social media companies to conduct mass surveillance of content posted on their platforms” to search for violations of Colorado’s gun laws, describing the bill as an attack on first and second amendment rights, according to texts seen by the Guardian.
A familiar, aggressive foe
Founded in 1996, RMGO claims to have a membership of more than 200,000 activists. It is recognized as a far-right group that takes a “no-compromise” stance on gun rights. Dudley Brown, its founder and leader, also serves as the president of the National Association for Gun Rights, which positions itself further to the right than the National Rifle Association (NRA). RMGO has mounted criticism against the NRA for being too moderate and politically compromising. Critics have described RMGO as “bullies” and “extremists” because of its combative tactics, which include targeting and smearing Democrats and moderate Republicans. The group did not respond to requests for comment on its legislative efforts.
RMGO is a well-known presence at the Colorado capitol, typically opposing gun-control legislation. Daugherty described its typical campaign tactics as “scary”. She got rid of her X account after being singled out by the group over her work on a bill to ban assault weapons earlier this year.
“When we were running any of the gun bills at the capitol, they put my and some other legislators’ faces on their websites,” she said. A screenshot of a tweet from RMGO showed Daugherty with a red “traitor” stamp on her forehead.
The group’s campaign resulted in the spread of misinformation about the bill’s impact on gun ownership rights, sources involved in the legislative process said.
“The reason I was in support of the bill, and in support of the override, was it has to do with child trafficking and protecting the kids,” said the senator Rod Pelton, a Republican, who voted in favor of the veto override in the senate. “I just didn’t really buy into the whole second amendment argument.”
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The bill had enjoyed the backing of all 23 of Colorado’s district attorneys as well as bipartisan state house support.
RMGO’s late-stage opposition to the social media bill marked a break from its usual playbook. The group generally weighs in on legislation earlier in the process, according to eight sources, including two of the bill’s co-sponsors, Daugherty and the representative Andy Boesenecker.
“They really ramped up their efforts,” Boesenecker said. “It was curious to me that their opposition came in very late and appeared to be very well funded at the end.”
In recent years, RMGO group had been less active due to well-documented money problems that limited its ability to campaign on legislative issues. In a 2024 interview, the group’s leaders stated plainly that it struggled with funding. Daugherty believes RMGO would not have been able to embark on such an apparently costly outreach campaign without a major infusion of cash. A major text campaign like the one launched for SB-86 was beyond their financial capacity, she said. Others in Colorado politics agreed.
“Rocky Mountain Gun Owners have not been important or effective in probably at least four years in the legislature. They’ve had no money, and then all of a sudden they had tons of money, funding their rise back into power,” said Dawn Reinfeld, executive director of Blue Rising Together, a Colorado-based non-profit focused on youth rights.
The campaign made legislators feel threatened, with primary elections in their districts over the weekend, Daugherty said, particularly after accounts on X, formerly Twitter, bombarded the bill’s supporters.
“Folks were worried about being primaried, mostly the Republicans, and that’s kind of what it came down to,” Daugherty said.
Aaron Ping’s 16-year-old son Avery died of an overdose in December after buying what he thought was ecstasy over Snapchat and receiving instead a substance laced with fentanyl. Ping saw the campaign against the bill as an intentional misconstrual of its intent.
“It was looking like the bill was going to pass, until all this misinformation about it taking away people’s gun rights because it addresses people buying illegal shadow guns off the internet,” he said.
Ping gave testimony in support of the bill in February before the first senate vote, alongside other bereaved parents, teens in recovery and a district attorney.
“The bill gave me hope that Avery’s legacy would be to help. So when it didn’t pass, it was pretty soul-crushing,” said Ping.
States take up online child-safety bills as federal lawmakers falter
Several states, including California, Maryland, Vermont, Minnesota, Hawaii, Illinois, New Mexico, South Carolina and Nevada, have introduced legislation aimed at improving online safety for children in the past two years. These efforts have faced strong resistance from the tech industry, including heavy lobbying and lawsuits.
Maryland became the first state to successfully pass a Kids Code bill, signing it into law in May 2024. But the victory may be short-lived: NetChoice, a tech industry coalition representing companies including Meta, Google and Amazon, quickly launched a legal challenge against the measure, which is ongoing.
Meanwhile, in the US federal government, the kids online safety act (Kosa), which had wound its way through the legislature for years, died in February when it failed to pass in the House after years of markups and votes. A revamped version of the bill was reintroduced to Congress on 14 May.
In California, a similar bill known as the age-appropriate design code act, modeled after UK legislation, was blocked in late 2023. A federal judge granted NetChoice a preliminary injunction, citing potential violations of the first amendment, which stopped the law from going into effect.
Colorado
Coworking firm Industrious takes former WeWork space in Denver
Industrious, a national coworking brand, is opening a new location in LoHi.
The company has snapped up 25,000 square feet at The Lab building at 2420 17th St., just off Platte Street. Industrious has an existing LoHi location just up the road at 2128 W. 32nd Ave.
“They are going to draw from different populations. … No doubt they’re close to each other, but [this is a] different product type, just in terms of build-out,” said Peri Demestihas, an Industrious executive.
Demestihas said the current LoHi location has been full for two years, which indicates demand for more space. That existing spot is more for established businesses with a greater emphasis on private offices. The new location will be geared more toward smaller companies and the solo entrepreneur.
In total, there will be 379 dedicated “office seats” and 18 “access seats,” which can be used by anyone.
Industrious has a conservative mindset when it comes to growth, Demestihas said. The company also operates in Upper Downtown and by I-25 and Colorado Blvd.
“These are the submarkets we like and if we can find the right building and we can get the right structure, … without those things, we’re not going to go to those submarkets. It’s got to suit our members.”
The new location off Platte Street will open in July. The build-out won’t be too intensive. The space was last occupied by WeWork, a coworking business that shuttered there in 2023 and filed for bankruptcy later that year.
Industrious isn’t signing a traditional lease for the space. Instead, it opts to do a revenue sharing agreement with the landlord. The business was acquired by CBRE in 2025 for $400 million.
Demestihas acknowledged the other competition in the area, like Switchyards, which recently opened a neighborhood work club near Industrious’ existing LoHi location.
“It’s serving a different customer base that’s looking for a different thing, which is great, and it shows you that there’s demand across the entire segment,” he said.
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Colorado
Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News
The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed.
Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.
The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.
Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.”
For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.”
For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”

“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.”
The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.
By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.
The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.
Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.
“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”
THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.
Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards.
The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.
Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river. “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”

THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.
Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.
Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.”
“The only true solution is a new source.”
Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.
The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.”

We welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.
This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”
This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.
Colorado
2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark
By almost every measure, the 2026 Rockies are better than the ’25 Rockies. And, by almost every measure, the Rockies have a long way to go to become a contending big-league baseball team.
After getting bludgeoned by Kyle Schwarber and shut down by ace lefty Cristopher Sanchez in a 6-0 loss at Philadelphia on Sunday, the Rockies are 16-25 with one-quarter of the season in the books.
Schwarber hit solo home runs in the first and second innings off right-hander Tomoyuki Sugano, who gave up five runs on seven hits over five innings. Sanchez dominated Colorado for seven innings, giving up six hits, striking out seven, and walking none. He reduced his ERA to 2.11.
It was a step back for Colorado, but a week ago, Paul DePodesta, president of baseball operations, said, “We’re certainly encouraged by a lot of what’s going on, but at the same time, far from satisfied.”
Here’s a look at the state of the Rockies at the quarter pole:
• On pace: The Rockies’ .390 winning percentage has them pointed toward a 63-99 record. That would be a 20-game improvement over their 119-loss season in 2025 and enable them to avoid the infamy of being the first team since the 1961-64 Washington Senators to post four consecutive 100-loss seasons.
• White Sox meter: Chicago’s Southsiders lost a major league record 121 games in 2024. At the quarter pole last year, they were a miserable 12-29, but they eventually finished with a 60-102 record. That was a 19-game improvement.
• Road conditions: Colorado was laughably bad on the road last season, going 18-63, averaging just 2.81 runs per game, and getting outscored by 213 runs. The ’26 Rockies no longer look like automatic roadkill. They are 8-14 away from Coors Field but 6-4 over their last 10 games. They are averaging 3.95 runs per game on the road.
• Rotation in motion: The ’25 Rockies finished with a starters ERA of 6.65, the worst in the majors since ERA became an official statistic in 1913. This season’s starters own a 5.27 ERA, still the worst in the majors, but an improvement. Toss out the innings thrown by “openers” and the starters’ ERA is 5.11.
• Ace in the making? Right-hander Chase Dollander, who has the pure best stuff on the staff, is exponentially better this season than last — 3.35 ERA vs. 6.98 ERA as a rookie. On Friday, he held the Phillies to two runs and three hits in 5 2/3 innings, but walked five in the Rockies’ wild, 9-7, 11-inning victory. Dollander’s command was not sharp, but he didn’t implode as he might have last season.
“Every outing is different, for everybody,” Rockies manager Warren Schaeffer told MLB.com. “Today, for Chase, he had to battle command issues, but his stuff is so good that he was able to stay in it. He competed, and he kept grinding without his best command.”
Trade material: Except for Dollander, Colorado’s four other starters are all veterans in the final year of their contracts. That makes them possible trade candidates at the Aug. 3 deadline, if not before.
However, after a strong start to the season, the starters are beginning to fade. Lefty Kyle Freeland (1-4, 6.00 ERA) has a vesting option worth $17 million for 2027, but he needs to pitch 170 innings to activate that option, and it’s doubtful he will. There is a $9 million team option for right-hander Michael Lorenzen, but considering that he is 2-4 with a 6.92 ERA and a 3.56 batting average against, it’s doubtful the Rockies would pick up his option. But are either Lorenzen or Freeland tradeable?
That leaves lefty Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90 ERA) and Sugano (3-3, 4.07 ERA) as the most attractive trade pieces. And throw in reliever Antonio Senzatela (2-0, 1.11 ERA), too, because he’s also in the final year of his contract.
Somehow, someway, the Rockies are going to have to restock their pitching cupboard for next season and beyond. It’s a predicament that DePodesta and company will have to solve.
Men of mystery: The hope was that this would be corner outfielder Jordan Beck’s breakout season, and that centerfielder Brenton Doyle and shortstop Ezequiel Tovar would bounce back. It’s early, but it’s not happening.
After going 1 for 3 on Sunday, Beck is hitting .169 with a .490 OPS. Doyle (.196, .529, 33.6% strikeout rate) is showing signs of rebounding, as is Tovar (.197, .277, 28.6%), who had two singles on Sunday. Still, the trio is underperforming. Beck and Doyle are often supplanted in the lineup by Mickey Moniak and newcomers Troy Johnston and Jake McCarthy.

After a 1-for-4 performance on Sunday, Moniak is hitting .303 with a 1.004 OPS and leads the Rockies with 11 home runs. Moniak has had hot streaks before with the Angels, but then faded. However, the Rockies believe he can sustain his success.
He’s arbitration-eligible for one more season, leading to plenty of internet trade speculation. But if the Rockies don’t believe their outfield prospects are ready to carry the load, signing Moniak to a reasonable contract extension makes sense. He’s making $4 million this season.
First addition: Utility infielders Edouard Julien and Willi Castro, and outfielders Johnston and McCarthy have all contributed to Colorado’s improvement. But it’s rookie first baseman TJ Rumfield who looks like part of the Rockies’ foundation for the future.
He’s slashing .272/.337/.429 with five home runs and is tied with Moniak for the team lead with 21 RBIs. Among all qualified rookies, he is tied for first in games played (40), second in hits (40), fifth in RBIs (21), and eighth in batting average. He’s also a terrific fielder.
Rumfield is everything the Rockies hoped Michael Toglia would be.
Pitching probables
Monday: Off day
Tuesday: Rockies RHP Michael Lorenzen (2-4, 6.92 ERA) at Pirates RHP Paul Skenes (5-2, 2.36 ERA), 4:40 p.m.
Wednesday: Rockies LHP Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90) at Pirates RHP Mitch Keller (4-1, 2.87 ERA), 4:40 p.m.
Thursday: RHP Chase Dollander (3-2, 3.35) at Pirates RHP Carmen Mlodzinski (2-3, 4.50 ERA), 10:35 a.m.
TV: Rockies.TV
Radio: KOA 850 AM/94.1 FM
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