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Lauren Boebert’s switch-up throws massive political wrench into Colorado’s two largest congressional districts

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Lauren Boebert’s switch-up throws massive political wrench into Colorado’s two largest congressional districts


Lauren Boebert’s current congressional district shares a border with the one she wants to represent next year. But she’d have to drive nearly 300 miles from her home to reach it.

That distance underscores the surprised reactions prompted by her decision last week to abandon the 3rd Congressional District, where she narrowly avoided a reelection defeat in 2022. The controversial right-wing Western Slope firebrand’s announcement of a switch for the November election to the 4th Congressional District, on the state’s Eastern Plains — seeking to represent an even more politically conservative district than the one she sits in today — is not getting the kind of welcome she might have hoped for.

“It looks like she’s so in love with the D.C. swamp that she will do whatever it takes to stay there,” her old friend Greg Brophy, a farmer and former Republican state lawmaker from Wray in northeastern Colorado, told The Denver Post. “Sometimes your friends do things that disappoint you.”

In just minutes, the second-term congresswoman’s Dec. 27 announcement upended the dynamics in two of the state’s eight congressional races. It also prompted speculation about her own fate, given the 4th District’s deeper red hue: Can Boebert increase her chances of returning to Congress in 2025 by throwing her hat into that already crowded race?

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U.S. Rep. Ken Buck, a fellow Republican who’s held the seat for five terms, has announced he won’t run for reelection this year. Candidacy rules don’t require hopefuls for congressional seats to live in the district they want to represent, though they must reside in the same state. Boebert has said she plans to move to the 4th District this year.

So far, views on Boebert’s chances — and her bombshell decision — are mixed, even among Republicans.

Colorado GOP chair Dave Williams last week chastised her for “jeopardizing our ability to retain Congressional District 3 as well as our slim majority in the U.S. House of Representatives.” RINO Watch Colorado, an organization that targets GOP candidates that it says have betrayed their conservative bona fides, followed up with a scathing denunciation of Boebert’s move, characterizing it as a surrender to “the enemy” and an egregious example of carpetbagging.

“Her self-serving bid to hold on to power guarantees CD3 will now go to a Democrat or a uni-party Republican In Name Only,” the group posted on its website.

The 3rd District includes most of western Colorado and many southern counties. The 4th District covers the state’s rural eastern third, along with a chunk of Douglas County, a Republican stronghold for decades in south metro Denver. The two districts are Colorado’s most expansive.

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They border each other in southeastern Colorado along the Pueblo, Crowley and Las Animas county lines — far away from Boebert’s longtime home in Garfield County. Her statement last week noted that she “spent years living on the Front Range” and played up the two districts’ common rural interests.

For her part, Boebert argued her switch would make it more likely that Republicans, who now have a seven-seat edge, could “protect our House majority” by holding onto both Colorado’s 3rd and 4th districts. She said in her statement that the 4th District “is hungry for an unapologetic defender of freedom with a proven track record of standing strong for conservative principles.”

Sandra Hagen Solin, a Loveland-based Republican political and policy strategist, called Boebert’s decision “both savvy and desperate.”

“Her desire to maintain some semblance of power and enjoyment of a prominent media profile motivated her to seek an alternative path in the face of a very likely defeat in CD3,” Solin said. “CD4, with its significant Republican advantage and Congressman Buck’s departure, presented the perfect opportunity for her.”

An analysis produced for Colorado’s redistricting commission of the results of eight elections between 2016 and 2020 found an average 9.3-percentage-point advantage for Republican candidates over Democrats in the 3rd District. The Republican advantage in the 4th District averaged 26.6 percentage points.

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Boebert will bring her positives and considerable negatives to the new district, said Colorado State University political science professor Kyle Saunders. But she remains a force to be reckoned with.

“There are other (Republican) candidates she must defeat for the nomination, but with her cash on hand and her name recognition, she has to be the favorite as of today,” Saunders said.

Democratic candidate for congress Adam Frisch, right, running against U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-Silt, in Colorado’s Third Congressional District in 2022, holds a town hall meeting in Montrose Monday evening Oct. 11, 2022. (Photo by William Woody/The Denver Post)

“Downsides” for Democrat Adam Frisch in CD3

The candidate with the most to lose in Boebert’s district shuffle, political watchers say, is Democrat Adam Frisch.

The former Aspen city councilman’s campaign to represent the 3rd Congressional District has largely cast him as an alternative to the chaotic “angertainment” he claims Boebert has stirred up.

Frisch came within a half percentage point of unseating the congresswoman in the 2022 election and has raised more than three times the money Boebert has in this cycle. There are two other Democrats in the race.

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“Rep. Boebert’s exit from the 3rd District likely provides more downsides to Adam Frisch than upsides,” said Justin Gollob, a political science professor at Colorado Mesa University. “It is important to remember that the 3rd is a Republican district that became competitive in no small part because of Lauren Boebert.”

The congresswoman’s controversial conduct, including public statements that have generated headlines, culminated last fall in her humiliating removal from a performance of the musical “Beetlejuice” in Denver after fellow patrons complained she was acting inappropriately. Her antics inside the Buell Theatre, which included surveillance video footage of her groping her date and vaping, prompted several Republicans — both inside and outside her district — to abandon her reelection effort and back GOP challenger Jeff Hurd.

Frisch, Gollob said, has “spent a lot of time messaging (and fundraising) that he is the candidate who can beat Lauren Boebert, and it will be interesting to see how the Frisch campaign adjusts to this new reality.”

Hagen Solin predicts his fundraising will slow significantly — while Hurd’s goes in the other direction.

Hurd, a Grand Junction attorney who raised more than $400,000 during his first six weeks in the race and now leads the GOP field in the money game, didn’t mention Boebert in reacting to her district switch.

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“We have the support of elected and previously elected Republicans all over the state and district, and I will fight every day to ensure this seat stays in Republican hands,” he said.

Four other Republicans are in the race, including former state Rep. Ron Hanks, a Donald Trump devotee who announced his candidacy last week. Russ Andrews, a financial adviser who is second in fundraising among Republican candidates, wished Boebert well and immediately turned his focus on Hurd.

“Now more than ever it is important to unite behind a candidate who will represent our district’s priorities and values, not someone who will turn his back because his endorsers have guided him to do so,” Andrews said in a news release.

Frisch’s campaign said its focus “will remain the same” — namely “defending rural Colorado’s way of life and offering common sense solutions to the problems facing the families” of the district.

Congressional candidate Trent Leisy, left, speaks during a rally in front of U.S. Rep. Ken Buck's office
Republican congressional candidate Trent Leisy, left, speaks during a rally in front of U.S. Rep. Ken Buck’s office on Oct. 20, 2023, in Windsor, Colorado. He entered the race before Buck announced he wouldn’t seek reelection — and before Rep. Lauren Boebert decided to run in the district. (Photo by Andy Cross/The Denver Post)

“A bigger gunfight on the Eastern Plains”

Boebert’s path in the 4th Congressional District has plenty of potential hurdles and obstructions.

With no fewer than nine Republican candidates now in the mix for the June primary, Democratic political strategist Andrew Boian predicted the district would be “enormously tough” for Boebert to win. The latest entrant is House Minority Leader Mike Lynch, a Wellington Republican who planned to announce his candidacy Wednesday.

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“This is viewed by many as a desperate move and one that most likely proves ultimately fatal for her political career,” Boian said. “With the Iowa caucuses (in the presidential race) just a few weeks away, the time to have made this jump passed months ago.”

But Steven Peck, the Douglas County GOP chair, called Boebert’s move “undeniably intriguing.”

The large field will offer “competing ideas and visions for both our community and the future of America,” he said. “I am looking forward to hearing a robust policy debate around the best ways to solve these problems and move beyond the headlines.”

Brophy, the former state lawmaker from Wray, said Boebert may be able to rely on her famous name to win a plurality in the GOP primary — “unless the people who want a more serious conservative leader decide to rally around one of the others and bring real resources.”

Candidate Richard Holtorf, a Republican who represents seven plains counties in the state House, looked down on Boebert’s chances. A third-generation cattle rancher who lives about 20 miles north of Akron, he said Boebert is kidding herself if she thinks she can lay claim to eastern Colorado simply by laying down stakes.

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“She doesn’t even know all the counties in the district,” he said. “She doesn’t know the district. She’s just trying to keep that job in D.C.”

The Eastern Plains is a wholly different beast from the Western Slope, Holtorf said, almost entirely agricultural and ranching-based, and devoid of the ritzy ski resorts and outdoor tourism that characterize the 3rd District.

“She’s running from a fight on the Western Slope,” he said, “and she’s running into a bigger gunfight on the Eastern Plains.”

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Medina Alert issued after hit-and-run crash seriously injures motorist in Denver

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Medina Alert issued after hit-and-run crash seriously injures motorist in Denver


DENVER — Authorities issued a Medina Alert Sunday following a hit-and-run crash that seriously injured a motorist.

Police said the driver of a gold 2008 BMW X3 SUV struck another vehicle at the intersection of Sheridan Boulevard and W. 17th Avenue in Denver around 4:37 p.m. Saturday.

The crash left the driver of the victim vehicle with serious bodily injuries, according to the Colorado Bureau of Investigation.

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The BMW driver fled following the crash, traveling northbound on Sheridan Boulevard, CBI said in a bulletin.

The gold BMW X3, with Colorado license plate ECB F17, sustained heavy damage on the driver’s side from the collision.

If seen, call 911 or the Denver Police Department at 720-913-2000.

This was the second hit-and-run crash and Medina Alert in Denver on Saturday.

Earlier Saturday, a pedestrian in a crosswalk was seriously injured after being struck by a 2010 white Toyota Corolla, Colorado license plate EDM U42, at the intersection of Federal Boulevard and W. Kentucky Avenue.

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The driver of the Corolla left the scene—heading northbound on Federal Boulevard.

No arrests have been announced.

A Medina Alert honors the memory of Jose Medina, a 21-year-old valet driver who was killed by a hit-and-run driver in 2011.

A taxi driver witnessed the event, followed the driver, and gave the police the license plate number, leading to the capture and arrest of the suspect.

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Coloradans making a difference | Denver7 featured videos


Denver7 is committed to making a difference in our community by standing up for what’s right, listening, lending a helping hand and following through on promises. See that work in action, in the videos above.





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Denver shelter working to end homelessness for at risk youth, funding at risk

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Denver shelter working to end homelessness for at risk youth, funding at risk


Urban Peak is working to help Colorado youth have safe housing and support, and the organization says the community need is growing. They say 90% of the youth they assisted have been able to find safe housing and, even with funding cuts looming, it will continue to help those in need.



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GUEST COLUMN: Principles for Guiding River Water Negotiations – Calexico Chronicle

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GUEST COLUMN: Principles for Guiding River Water Negotiations – Calexico Chronicle


Next week is the annual gathering of “water buffaloes” in Las Vegas. It’s the Colorado River Water Users Association convention. About 1700 people will attend, but probably around 100 of them are the key people—the government regulators, tribal leaders, and the directors and managers of the contracting agencies that receive Colorado River water.

Anyone who is paying attention knows that we are in critical times on the river. Temporary agreements on how to distribute water during times of shortage are expiring. Negotiators have been talking for several years but haven’t been able to agree on anything concrete.

I’m just an observer, but I’ve been observing fairly closely. Within the limits on how much information I can get as an outsider, I’d like to propose some principles or guidelines that I think are important for the negotiation process.

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  1. When Hoover Dam was proposed, the main debate was over whether the federal government or private concerns would operate it. Because the federal option prevailed, water is delivered free to contractors. Colorado River water contractors do not pay the actual cost of water being delivered to them. It is subsidized by the U.S. government. As a public resource, Colorado River water should not be seen as a commodity.
  2. The Lower Basin states of Arizona, California, and Nevada should accept that the Upper Basin states of Colorado, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming are at the mercy of Mother Nature for much of their annual water supply. While the 1922 Colorado River Compact allocates them 7.5 million acre-feet annually, in wet years, they have been able to use a maximum of 4.7 maf. During the long, ongoing drought, their annual use has been 3.5 maf. They shouldn’t have to make more cuts.
  3. However, neither should the Upper Basin states be able to develop their full allocation. It should be capped at a feasible number, perhaps 4.2 maf. As compensation, Upper Basin agencies and farmers can invest available federal funds in projects to use water more efficiently and to reuse it so that they can develop more water.
  4. Despite the drought, we know there will be some wet years. To compensate the Lower Basin states for taking all the cuts in dry years, the Upper Basin should release more water beyond the Compact commitments during wet years. This means that Lake Mead and Lower Basin reservoirs would benefit from wet years and Lake Powell would not. In short, the Lower Basin takes cuts in dry years; the Upper Basin takes cuts in wet years.
  5. Evaporation losses (water for the angels) can be better managed by keeping more of the Lower Basin’s water in Upper Basin reservoirs instead of in Lake Mead, where the warmer weather means higher evaporation losses. New agreements should include provisions to move that water in the Lower Basin account down to Lake Mead quickly. Timing is of the essence.
  6. In the Lower Basin states, shortages should be shared along the same lines as specified in the 2007 Interim Guidelines, with California being last to take cuts as Lake Mead water level drops.
  7. On the home front, IID policy makers should make a long-term plan to re-set water rates in accord with original water district policy. Because IID is a public, non-profit utility, water rates were set so that farmers paid only the cost to deliver water. Farmers currently pay $20 per acre foot, but the actual cost of delivering water is $60 per acre foot. That subsidy of $60 million comes from the water transfer revenues.
  8. The SDCWA transfer revenues now pay farmers $430 per acre-foot of conserved water, mostly for drip or sprinkler systems. Akin to a grant program, this very successful program generated almost 200,000 acre-feet of conserved water last year. Like any grant program, it should be regularly audited for effectiveness.
  9. Some of those transfer revenues should be invested in innovative cropping patterns, advanced technologies, and marketing to help the farming community adapt to a changing world. The IID should use its resources to help all farmers be more successful, not just a select group.
  10. Currently, federal subsidies pay farmers not to use water via the Deficit Irrigation Program. We can lobby for those subsidies to continue, but we should plan for when they dry up. Any arrangement that rewards farmers but penalizes farm services such as seed, fertilizer, pesticide, land leveling, equipment, and other work should be avoided.
  11. Though the IID has considerable funding from the QSA water transfers, it may need to consider issuing general obligation bonds as it did in its foundational days for larger water efficiency projects such as more local storage or a water treatment plant to re-use ag drain water.

Much progress has been made in using water more efficiently, especially in the Lower Basin states, but there’s a lot more water to be saved, and I believe collectively that we can do it.





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