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Dems determined to coddle Colorado’s sex criminals | BRAUCHLER

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Dems determined to coddle Colorado’s sex criminals | BRAUCHLER







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George Brauchler



Colorado’s Democratic legislative delegation is quickly revealing itself to be the BFFs of pedophiles and sex offenders.

Far from political hyperbole, it is a label earned by their recent conduct in our General Assembly.

Last year, a no-brainer of a bill to elevate the crime of masturbating in front of a child from a misdemeanor to the lowest-class felony — a probation-eligible felony — sailed through the state Senate without opposition. Twenty-seven Democrats in the state House, including Denver-area Democratic Reps. Steven Woodrow and Elisabeth Epps, voted against HB 23-1135. Back when Epps showed up on the House floor, she single-handedly filibustered the bill for more than three hours, arguing the penalties for the lowest-level felony are too harsh for someone who pleasures themselves in front of innocent children.

This year, another no-brainer effort — a bipartisan bill — to prevent judges from giving probation to those who commit “soliciting for child prostitution…procurement of a child, keeping a place of child prostitution, pimping of a child, inducement of child prostitution, and patronizing a prostituted child” was introduced in the House. Its mandatory minimum sentence was four years, which amounts to fewer than two years in our broken sentencing system.  Democrats still thought that was too much.

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Dem Rep. Jenny Willford bemoaned, “it feels like this bill is very cut and dried…you did this, so now you go to jail… but, like, how are you accounting for the nuances?” Nuances? To prostituting a child? To vote against this bill would be to entertain the notion there is a situation in which someone could pimp or prostitute a child and then walk out of the courtroom back into our communities.

Predictably, Democratic leadership sent the bill, sponsored by Reps. Regina English (D), Brandi Bradley (R) and Sen. Kevin Van Winkle (R), to a “kill committee.” Only three witnesses testified against the bill. Two of them were members of the public defender’s office — who represent those pimping and prostituting children. Ignoring the voluminous testimony in support of the bill, every one of the eight Democratic members of the committee, including Reps. Epps, Woodrow and Nuance Willford, voted to kill HB 24-1092.

In the Senate, things are about to get worse. Few legislators have championed the cause of offenders more than Denver Democratic Sen. Julie Gonzales, the prime sponsor of SB 24-118, a bill to lessen the punishment and accountability of convicted child rapists.

Currently, Colorado recognizes those who sexually prey upon children are dangerous, many times untreatable, and should remain in prison for as long as it takes to get necessary treatment. That is called an indeterminate sentence because we do not know how long it will take for the risk of them re-offending to be minimized (if even possible) by specific, sex-offender treatment.

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Gonzales hates that. Gonzales wants to reduce the mandatory amount of time a child rapist will serve by eliminating the indeterminate part of their sentence — independent of whether they are successful in treatment or even engage in treatment. By removing the indeterminate sentence provision, Gonzales makes child sex assaulters eligible for “good time,” a 25% reduction in their prison sentences.

Additionally, Gonzales’s bill requires only the highest-risk sex offenders to begin sex-offender treatment while incarcerated. Every other sex offender with a prison sentence must begin treatment only after they have been put back into our communities — with our kids and grandkids. In fact, Gonzales forbids the Department of Corrections from even referring a sex offender for pre-release treatment, unless he is of the highest risk. This ensures child sex offenders and rapists who are classified as anything other than “high risk” will be put back in our communities before they undergo any sex-offender treatment. Sounds safe, doesn’t it?

Here’s the trick: every offender who mouths an admission (whether sincere or not) they are a child rapist and wants to change is deemed to be less than “high risk.”

Gonzales trusts the parole board to get this right. Coloradans cannot.

Case in point: Kenneth Dean Lee. In 2014, my district attorney’s office convicted the fake immigration doctor and sexual assaulter of numerous immigrant children, and had him sentenced to 23 years to life in prison. Fewer than six years later, having found sexually violent predator Lee not to be a high risk to reoffend, Gov. Jared Polis’s parole board put him back onto our streets. A year later, he was re-arrested for again pretending to be an immigration doctor and sexually assaulting immigrant children. Lee is not the only losing gamble the parole board has made at the expense of other victims.

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Gonzales’s bill is more insidious than that. Currently, Colorado law punishes more harshly a rapist (18-3-415.5) who knows they are HIV positive and who infects their child victim with HIV. Gonzales’s bill deletes that entire provision of the law and reduces the extra penalty to zero.

A bizarre, final insult for Coloradans: Gonzales declares her bill lowering the bar for punishment of rapists is for “the immediate preservation of the public peace,” ensuring it becomes immediately effective without objection by us through the normal petition process. The day Polis signs it is the day it becomes the law.

The party purportedly committed to protecting children has left the Capitol — and has been replaced by a party whose brand is protecting those who prey upon children. Elections have consequences.

George Brauchler is the former district attorney for the 18th Judicial District and is a candidate for district attorney in the newly created 23rd Judicial District. He has served as an Owens Early Criminal Justice Fellow at the Common Sense Institute. Follow him on Twitter(X): @GeorgeBrauchler.



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Coworking firm Industrious takes former WeWork space in Denver

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Coworking firm Industrious takes former WeWork space in Denver


Industrious, a national coworking brand, is opening a new location in LoHi.

The company has snapped up 25,000 square feet at The Lab building at 2420 17th St., just off Platte Street. Industrious has an existing LoHi location just up the road at 2128 W. 32nd Ave.

“They are going to draw from different populations. … No doubt they’re close to each other, but [this is a] different product type, just in terms of build-out,” said Peri Demestihas, an Industrious executive.

Demestihas said the current LoHi location has been full for two years, which indicates demand for more space. That existing spot is more for established businesses with a greater emphasis on private offices. The new location will be geared more toward smaller companies and the solo entrepreneur.

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In total, there will be 379 dedicated “office seats” and 18 “access seats,” which can be used by anyone.

Industrious has a conservative mindset when it comes to growth, Demestihas said. The company also operates in Upper Downtown and by I-25 and Colorado Blvd.

“These are the submarkets we like and if we can find the right building and we can get the right structure, … without those things, we’re not going to go to those submarkets. It’s got to suit our members.”



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Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News

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Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News


The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed. 

Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.

The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.

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Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.” 

For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.” 

For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”

A resident prepares to fill jugs with purified water at the Rocky Ford Food Market in Rocky Ford, Colorado. The town’s water supply is contaminated with unsafe levels of radium and uranium. Credit: Michael Ciaglo
Lawrence Armijo, maintenance operator for the town of Manzanola’s water treatment plant. While the plant filters out most toxins, it is not equipped to remove radium and uranium from the groundwater.
Lawrence Armijo, maintenance operator for the town of Manzanola’s water treatment plant. While the plant filters out most toxins, it is not equipped to remove radium and uranium from the groundwater. Credit: Michael Ciaglo

“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.” 

The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.

By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.

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The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.

Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.

“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”

THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.

Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards. 

The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.

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Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river.  “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”

Orlando Rodriguez, Pate Construction foreman, climbs out of a hole where sections of the Arkansas Valley Conduit will be connected.
Orlando Rodriguez, Pate Construction foreman, climbs out of a hole where sections of the Arkansas Valley Conduit will be connected. Credit: Michael Ciaglo

THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.

Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.  

Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.” 

“The only true solution is a new source.”

Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.

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The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.” 

Russell Van Dyk, owner of Lloyd’s Ice and Water in Rocky Ford, Colorado, closes up his store at the end of the day. The residents of Rocky Ford and surrounding towns rely on purified drinking water because the area’s groundwater has been contaminated by uranium and radium.
Russell Van Dyk, owner of Lloyd’s Ice and Water in Rocky Ford, Colorado, closes up his store at the end of the day. The residents of Rocky Ford and surrounding towns rely on purified drinking water because the area’s groundwater has been contaminated by uranium and radium. Credit: Michael Ciaglo

We welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.

This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”   

This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.

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2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark

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2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark


By almost every measure, the 2026 Rockies are better than the ’25 Rockies. And, by almost every measure, the Rockies have a long way to go to become a contending big-league baseball team.

After getting bludgeoned by Kyle Schwarber and shut down by ace lefty Cristopher Sanchez in a 6-0 loss at Philadelphia on Sunday, the Rockies are 16-25 with one-quarter of the season in the books.

Schwarber hit solo home runs in the first and second innings off right-hander Tomoyuki Sugano, who gave up five runs on seven hits over five innings. Sanchez dominated Colorado for seven innings, giving up six hits, striking out seven, and walking none. He reduced his ERA to 2.11.

It was a step back for Colorado, but a week ago, Paul DePodesta, president of baseball operations, said, “We’re certainly encouraged by a lot of what’s going on, but at the same time, far from satisfied.”

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Here’s a look at the state of the Rockies at the quarter pole:

• On pace: The Rockies’ .390 winning percentage has them pointed toward a 63-99 record. That would be a 20-game improvement over their 119-loss season in 2025 and enable them to avoid the infamy of being the first team since the 1961-64 Washington Senators to post four consecutive 100-loss seasons.

• White Sox meter: Chicago’s Southsiders lost a major league record 121 games in 2024. At the quarter pole last year, they were a miserable 12-29, but they eventually finished with a 60-102 record. That was a 19-game improvement.

• Road conditions: Colorado was laughably bad on the road last season, going 18-63, averaging just 2.81 runs per game, and getting outscored by 213 runs. The ’26 Rockies no longer look like automatic roadkill. They are 8-14 away from Coors Field but 6-4 over their last 10 games. They are averaging 3.95 runs per game on the road.

• Rotation in motion: The ’25 Rockies finished with a starters ERA of 6.65, the worst in the majors since ERA became an official statistic in 1913. This season’s starters own a 5.27 ERA, still the worst in the majors, but an improvement. Toss out the innings thrown by “openers” and the starters’ ERA is 5.11.

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• Ace in the making? Right-hander Chase Dollander, who has the pure best stuff on the staff, is exponentially better this season than last — 3.35 ERA vs. 6.98 ERA as a rookie. On Friday, he held the Phillies to two runs and three hits in 5 2/3 innings, but walked five in the Rockies’ wild, 9-7, 11-inning victory. Dollander’s command was not sharp, but he didn’t implode as he might have last season.

“Every outing is different, for everybody,” Rockies manager Warren Schaeffer told MLB.com. “Today, for Chase, he had to battle command issues, but his stuff is so good that he was able to stay in it. He competed, and he kept grinding without his best command.”

Colorado Rockies’ Chase Dollander pitches during the first inning of a baseball game against the Philadelphia Phillies, Friday, May 8, 2026, in Philadelphia. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

Trade material: Except for Dollander, Colorado’s four other starters are all veterans in the final year of their contracts. That makes them possible trade candidates at the Aug. 3 deadline, if not before.

However, after a strong start to the season, the starters are beginning to fade. Lefty Kyle Freeland (1-4, 6.00 ERA) has a vesting option worth $17 million for 2027, but he needs to pitch 170 innings to activate that option, and it’s doubtful he will. There is a $9 million team option for right-hander Michael Lorenzen, but considering that he is 2-4 with a 6.92 ERA and a 3.56 batting average against, it’s doubtful the Rockies would pick up his option. But are either Lorenzen or Freeland tradeable?

That leaves lefty Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90 ERA) and Sugano (3-3, 4.07 ERA) as the most attractive trade pieces. And throw in reliever Antonio Senzatela (2-0, 1.11 ERA), too, because he’s also in the final year of his contract.

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Somehow, someway, the Rockies are going to have to restock their pitching cupboard for next season and beyond. It’s a predicament that DePodesta and company will have to solve.

Men of mystery: The hope was that this would be corner outfielder Jordan Beck’s breakout season, and that centerfielder Brenton Doyle and shortstop Ezequiel Tovar would bounce back. It’s early, but it’s not happening.

After going 1 for 3 on Sunday, Beck is hitting .169 with a .490 OPS. Doyle (.196, .529, 33.6% strikeout rate) is showing signs of rebounding, as is Tovar (.197, .277, 28.6%), who had two singles on Sunday. Still, the trio is underperforming. Beck and Doyle are often supplanted in the lineup by Mickey Moniak and newcomers Troy Johnston and Jake McCarthy.

The Rockies' Mickey Moniak heads up the first base line after hitting a triple off New York Mets relief pitcher Craig Kimbrel in the eighth inning of a baseball game Monday, May 4, 2026, in Denver. (AP Photo/David Zalubowski)
The Rockies’ Mickey Moniak heads up the first base line after hitting a triple off New York Mets relief pitcher Craig Kimbrel in the eighth inning of a baseball game Monday, May 4, 2026, in Denver. (AP Photo/David Zalubowski)

After a 1-for-4 performance on Sunday, Moniak is hitting .303 with a 1.004 OPS and leads the Rockies with 11 home runs. Moniak has had hot streaks before with the Angels, but then faded. However, the Rockies believe he can sustain his success.



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