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Will $20 minimum wage crush fast food in California?

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Will  minimum wage crush fast food in California?


California is on the cusp of putting the fast-food industry into a curious economic experiment – mandating a custom minimum wage for larger restaurant chains.

Come April, fast food’s biggest players will be paying workers $20 hourly vs. 2024’s statewide $16 wage floor. The thinking behind the legislation is that the industry’s workers have long been underpaid, and a bold move was required to get these poorly compensated workers some hope of surviving California’s high cost of living.

Economic history tells me that this labor-intensive industry, despite all of its protests about the government’s hand in the cost of doing business, has managed to thrive.

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Fast food lives in a consumer sweet spot: demand, convenience and relative affordability. And this pay hike – equal to minimum wage increases during the past five years – will create grand economic unknowns.

Will jobs be cut? Restaurants closed? Automation expanded? Will prices skyrocket? A mix of these? Or none of the above? Already we’ve seen Pizza Hut franchisees say they’ll cut 2,000 drivers statewide due to the wage hikes.

But you cannot ignore the other side of this equation.  As a workplace, fast food is a tough gig.

It’s typically part-time employment with challenging schedules and few, if any, benefits. This slice of food service workers is paid some of the state’s lowest wages. California food workers, by one federal calculation, earn $18 an hour on average vs. $35 for all workers statewide.

To understand this dichotomy, I filled my trusty spreadsheet with several employment and price stats for fast food – employment at limited-services restaurants; a California slice of the Consumer Price Index for dining out, and the minimum wage’s history.

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What you see is that fast food is a significant, quick-growth industry. Limited-service restaurants employed 744,000 Californians in 2023 – that’s 4% of the state’s 18 million jobs.

And fast food’s addition of 431,000 workers since 1990 is nearly 8% of all California job growth. These worker additions are on par with the expansion of jobs in transportation and warehousing or local government.

Or look at it this way: Fast food’s 138% hiring spree since 1990 is triple the 44% job growth seen for all industries statewide.

That expansion happened as California’s minimum wage ballooned from $3.35 in 1990 to $15.50 last year. That’s a 363% jump in pay for the bottom-tier worker – nearly a fivefold pop. And it’s more than double the 167% jump in overall inflation.

And over the 33 years, dining-out costs for all kinds of eateries inflated only slightly more than the CPI – up 182%.

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But look at fast food’s ebbs and flows over this third of a century, as I slice economic history into three chapters. Fast food’s quickest growth has come as wages and dining out costs jump the most.

1990-2000: $1 burger wars

This era featured big national chains battling for market share with a host of marketing ploys — from cheap food to big promotions for kids’ meals.

California fast food staffing grew by 107,000 or 34% growth, which doubled the statewide 16% hiring expansion. Fast food equaled 5% of the 2 million hires statewide.

This was a period where the minimum wage jumped 72% to $5.75 from $3.35. That was nearly double the 38% overall inflation rate.

But dining-out prices rose only 29% – likely due to the significant marketing battles of that era. Do you remember the $1 burgers and cheap taco promotions?

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2001-2012: Double dips

Two recessions – one of legendary scope – cooled fast food and iced the rest of the California economy.

Still, the state’s fast food industry added only 79,000 jobs in this period or 19% growth. At the same time, however, all other bosses in total cut 37,500 California workers. Remember, the dot-com crash and the Great Recession throttled employers’ willingness to add staff in most industries.

In these economically uncertain times, the state’s minimum wage rose only 39% to $8 from $5.75. The bump was on par with the overall inflation rate.

Yet dining-out prices rose faster, a 43% increase, as busy consumers grew fonder of eating away from home.

2013-2023: The boom

Quick-serve eateries have flourished. Smaller chains brought new flavors and excitement to the industry as pandemic-era twists helped popularize take-out and delivery dining.

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Fast food added 236,700 jobs or 47% growth – that’s 7% of all hires and double the statewide 22% hiring pace.

In this period, the minimum wage nearly doubled (to $15.50 from $8) vs. 39% overall inflation – most of that hike coming in the past two years.

Please note that dining-out prices jumped 53%, easily exceeding broader inflation.

Bottom line

Ponder fast food’s pricier competition, full-service dining.

From 1990 through 2015, staffing at these two styles of eating out moved essentially in tandem.

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Eight years ago, when the state minimum wage was $9, full-service had 626,000 California workers – up 297,000 since 1990. Fast food staffing was 605,000 – up 292,000 in 25 years.

Fast-forward to 2023. Full-service added just 2,000 positions statewide in eight years. Fast food grew by 139,000.

This growth gap can be tied to everything from changing consumer demands to pandemic business restrictions to fast food’s price advantage.

But far costlier quick-serve meals seem to be a likely outcome of the coming higher minimum wage. Will that ultimately slow fast food’s growth, too?

Jonathan Lansner is business columnist for the Southern California News Group. He can be reached at jlansner@scng.com

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Billionaire Steyer’s spending binge dwarfs rival campaigns in California governor’s race

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Billionaire Steyer’s spending binge dwarfs rival campaigns in California governor’s race


LOS ANGELES (AP) — In the wide-open race for California governor, billionaire Tom Steyer is on a spending binge.

The hedge fund manager-turned-liberal activist is using his personal fortune to saturate TV screens and mobile phones with advertising, while his competitors accuse him of trying to use his vast wealth to buy the state’s most powerful job.

Steyer’s ads — in which he promises to bring down household costs or rails against federal immigration raids — appear inescapable at times in heavily Democratic Los Angeles, the state’s largest media market. Data compiled by advertising tracker AdImpact show Steyer has spent or booked over $115 million in ads for broadcast TV, cable and radio — nearly 30 times the amount of his nearest Democratic rival.

If he makes it through the June 2 primary election, Steyer could easily eclipse the 2010 record set by Republican Meg Whitman, who spent $178.5 million in a losing bid for governor, much of it her own money. At the time, it was the costliest campaign for statewide office in the nation’s history.

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Even when ad buys from all his major competitors are combined, along with ad purchases by independent committees supporting candidates, Steyer is outspending the field by tens of millions of dollars.

“Billionaire money is flooding our state in an attempt to buy this election,” former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, one of Steyer’s chief rivals, warned her supporters this month.

Mail-in ballots are set to go out to voters next month. Steyer is among a crowd of candidates hoping to seize a spotlight after former Democratic U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell’s dramatic departure from the race following sexual assault allegations that he denies.

But while Steyer has ticked up in polling amid his spending splurge, he has not broken away from the field, leaving some wondering if he’s getting value for his dollars.

“If your first round of ads doesn’t move you dramatically (in the polls), the third, fourth, fifth, six, seventh and eighth rounds won’t either,” said veteran Democratic strategist Bill Carrick, who for years advised the late Democratic U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein. “There is something inherently holding Steyer back.”

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In recent prior campaigns for governor, at this stage a leading candidate was taking control of the race. This year, voters appear to be shrugging at a contest that lacks a star candidate among seven leading Democrats and two Republicans.

“Somehow the campaign is frozen,” Carrick added.

History shows that money doesn’t always translate into votes.

Billionaire developer Rick Caruso spent over $100 million in 2022 in his bid to become Los Angeles mayor, much of it his own money, but he was handily defeated by Mayor Karen Bass, who spent a fraction of Caruso’s total. Billionaire former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg spent more than $1 billion of his own money on his 2020 presidential bid before dropping out. And Steyer’s money was unable to lift him into contention in the 2020 presidential contest, when he dropped out early in the year after a poor finish in the South Carolina primary.

Steyer has never held elected office.

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In a 2019 interview with The Associated Press, Steyer was asked what he would say to people who think he’s trying to buy the presidency.

“I don’t think that’s possible,” Steyer said at the time, before adding, “I’m never going to apologize for succeeding in business. That’s America, right?”

His campaign did not respond directly when asked about similar criticism facing his run for governor.

“Tom now stands as the only Democrat with the grassroots energy, institutional backing and resources to advance to the general election,” spokesperson Kevin Liao said in a statement.

The governor’s race was recently reordered by two developments: Swalwell, a leading Democrat, abruptly withdrew from the race then resigned from Congress, following sexual assault allegations. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump endorsed conservative commentator Steve Hilton.

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Still, there is no clear leader.

Polling in late March and early April by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California found a cluster of candidates in close competition: Democrats Steyer and Porter, Republicans Hilton and Chad Bianco, and Swalwell. Other candidates were trailing. The polling was conducted before Swalwell withdrew.

Democrats have feared the party’s large number of candidates could lead to them getting shut out of the general election in November. That’s because California has a primary system in which only the top two vote-getters advance to the general election, regardless of party.

Leading Democrats are all claiming to have picked up support since Swalwell’s exit. Steyer nabbed one plum endorsement, when the influential California Teachers Association, which previously backed Swalwell, recommended him.

In his ads, Steyer promises to “abolish” U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which has been staging raids across California. In another, he laments the state’s punishing cost of housing, “Everybody needs an affordable place to live,” he says.

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Tory Lanez Sues California Prison System for $100 Million Over Stabbing

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Tory Lanez Sues California Prison System for 0 Million Over Stabbing


Rapper was stabbed 16 times by fellow inmate in May 2025 while 10-year sentence in Megan Thee Stallion shooting case

Tory Lanez has filed a $100 million lawsuit against the California Department of Corrections stemming from a May 2025 incident where the rapper was stabbed in prison.

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Lanez — born Daystar Peterson and currently serving a 10-year sentence after being found guilty in the Megan Thee Stallion shooting case — also sued the warden and guards at the California Correctional Institute in Tehachapi, where the rapper was stabbed 16 times in an “unprovoked life-threatening attack” by another inmate, the lawsuit states. 

Peterson was hospitalized following the May 2025 incident, suffering a collapsed lung among stab wounds to his back, torso, and head.

According to the Associated Press, the lawsuit criticized the Department of Corrections for housing Peterson with fellow inmate and alleged attacker Santino Casio, who was serving a life sentence for second-degree murder. “The choice to house Casio with Peterson was known or should have been a known danger,” the lawsuit said, adding that Tory Lanez’ “high-profile celebrity status” made him a target.

The lawsuit also said that prison guards were slow to respond to the shanking, and didn’t employ flash grenades or other measures to halt Casio’s attack.; Casio was not charged for stabbing Peterson, the Associated Press notes.

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Lanez, who following his hospitalization was transferred to San Luis Obispo County’s California Men’s Colony, also alleges in the lawsuit that he never received his possessions from the California Correctional Institute in Tehachapi, including songbooks filled with lyrics to his unreleased music.

Lanez is serving a 10-year prison sentence for shooting Megan Thee Stallion in the foot during a confrontation in the summer of 2020. He was eventually convicted on several firearms charges, including assault with a firearm, in December 2022. In November 2025, his appeal was denied by a three-judge panel, and the 10-year sentence was upheld.



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California DOJ cracks down on hospice fraud. Takes shot at Trump Administration

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California DOJ cracks down on hospice fraud. Takes shot at Trump Administration


From one crackdown on hospice fraud to another.

A few weeks ago, the FBI arrested multiple people in Southern California that were accused of defrauding the government for millions of dollars.

In a more recent announcement last Thursday, California’s State Attorney General Rob Bonta held a press conference to announce a fraud bust of their own.

“Operation Skip Trace uncovered and ended a hospice fraud scheme that defrauded Medi-Cal of $267 million,” Bonta said. “So just to be clear, a quarter billion dollars over funds that are paid for by California taxpayers, funds that are meant to provide care to Californians in need. It is unacceptable. It is illegal and we will not stand for it.”

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The operation saw a total of 21 suspects charged as a result and dismantled a major hospice fraud scheme, with two handguns and over $750 thousand in cash seized as well.

According to the state’s attorney general, this is just one of the many cases over the years the state has cracked down on.

“This is just the latest example of the California DOJ’s longstanding ongoing and successful efforts to combat hospice and medical fraud,” Bonta said. “We have been doing this work for years. We’ve been doing it successfully before certain people in this country decided to think about it for the first time. We will continue to do this work. Heads down, sleeves rolled up, important investigative work, prosecutorial work.”

He added to that by taking a shot at the Trump Administration’s latest fraud operations.

“While healthcare fraud might be President Trump’s shiny new political talking point, the California DOJ has been going after healthcare fraud since 1979,” Bonta said. “For decades, Trump is late to the party. Protecting taxpayer dollars and protecting programs sick and vulnerable Californians rely on have been our priority for nearly five decades.”

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Governor Gavin Newsom also spoke out about this latest crackdown while taking a shot of his own at President Trump.

In a post to “X” the Governor’s Press Office wrote in part quote…

“California has been cracking down on hospice fraud long before Trump gutted oversight and pardoned the architect of the biggest health care fraud scheme in U.S. history.”

State Republicans have responded to this latest announcement from Attorney General Bonta, calling for a special session to demand accountability from the Governor on widespread fraud.



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