Connect with us

California

This Latino Republican flipped a deep-blue California Assembly district. How?

Published

on

This Latino Republican flipped a deep-blue California Assembly district. How?


While Assemblyman Jeff Gonzalez, a newly elected Republican, was taking the oath of office in Sacramento last week, the phones of two supporters in Imperial County pinged with ecstatic updates from his staff about his first day at the Capitol.

There were photos of Gonzalez’s nameplate outside his new office and of his freshly printed business cards. There was even one showing a piece of paper bearing his new letterhead.

The supporters receiving the pictures? Tony Gallegos and his fiancee, Olga Moreno, from El Centro. They are Democrats.

“We ate a little bit of crow in the beginning because here I am, a big Democrat, and [people think] all of a sudden I’ve changed,” said Gallegos, a former chair of the Imperial County Democratic Central Committee. “Well, we didn’t change. We just supported the better candidate.”

Advertisement

By winning his race to represent California Assembly District 36, which borders Mexico and includes a wide swath of the Imperial and Coachella valleys, Gonzalez flipped a rural, mostly Latino district where Democrats hold a nearly 14-point voter registration advantage.

Gonzalez, who wouldn’t say who he voted for in the presidential election, said he was successful because he worked hard to downplay party politics.

He campaigned with prominent local Democrats — including a onetime mayor of Calexico who organized a 2019 protest of former President Trump’s visit to the border that included the infamous, diaper-clad “Trump Baby” balloon — while still appealing to the MAGA Republicans who flocked to the former president’s October rally in Coachella.

Tony Gallegos and his fiancee, Olga Moreno, outside the Brawley American Citizens Club in Brawley, Calif. They are Democrats who supported Republican Assemblyman Jeff Gonzalez. (Hailey Branson-Potts / Los Angeles Times)

“I don’t come here as a Republican,” Gonzalez, of Indio, said in an interview at the Capitol. “Yes, that’s my party, but … I don’t put that title on me. I come here as Jeff, as a community member looking to find a way to work together across the aisle.”

Advertisement

Still, Gonzalez’s victory has excited California Republicans, who hope they can make inroads in this liberal state — especially among voters of color — amid the country’s rightward shift that sent President-elect Donald Trump back to the White House.

Gonzalez, who is of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent, is one of three Republicans — two Latinos and one Asian American — to flip Democrat-held seats in the state Legislature in this election.

He won the seat vacated by Assemblyman Eduardo Garcia, a Coachella Democrat whom he unsuccessfully challenged in the blue-wave year of 2018, losing 35% to 65%.

This year, Gonzalez defeated Democrat Joey Acuña, the president of the Coachella Valley Unified School District board, by 3.6% of the vote. Acuña declined a Times request for comment.

Although Democrats still hold a supermajority in the Legislature, the growing number of Latino Republicans excites Assembly Republican leader James Gallagher of Yuba City.

Advertisement

“I think it’s huge,” Gallagher said. “It represents a realignment. We’re starting to see more and more Latino voters that were loyal Democratic voters and have started to break away from that.”

Assemblywoman Leticia Castillo, a Mexican American Republican who flipped a Democratic district in San Bernardino and Riverside counties, said her focus on “taking back” schools and the economy resonated with voters.

“I found a lot of people would talk about stuff that the Democrats were trying to push on them that they should care for,” Castillo said, referencing topics such as abortion and the new state law banning schools from enacting policies that require teachers to notify parents about changes to a student’s gender identity, including asking to be called by a different name or pronoun.

Voters, she said, made it clear that they “have other issues going on that are more important.”

Gonzalez focused his campaign on the Achilles’ heel of California Democrats: the state’s high cost of living.

Advertisement

In one Instagram video posted in October, Gonzalez stood in front of a gas station in the little desert town of Needles, where a gallon of regular gas cost $5.89. A few miles east, across the Arizona border, a gallon cost $2.95.

“There is no reason why Californians should have to cross state lines in order to make life more affordable,” he said. “Sacramento needs a change.”


Assemblyman Jeff Gonzalez smiling in a suit

Assemblyman Jeff Gonzalez attends a Dec. 2 meeting in Sacramento. (Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press)

For Gonzalez, a 50-year-old Marine Corps veteran who served in Iraq and Afghanistan, cost-of-living issues are personal.

The freshman assemblyman and his wife, Christine, have four adult children, including a 32-year-old son, RJ, who has cerebral palsy with spastic quadriplegia, which means he has epilepsy, cannot use his legs or hands or eat without assistance, and is nonverbal.

“When I married my wife, she had three kids, so I became ‘instapop,’ as I say,” said Gonzalez, who noted that he calls all of them his children and does not use the word “stepchildren” because he raised them.

Advertisement

Gonzalez said he and his wife have battled to get RJ the services he needs.

“It’s expensive to care for someone with severe special needs,” Gonzalez said. “Yes, there are services out there, but that doesn’t always cover everything.”

Last year, they needed a new shower chair for RJ, who had outgrown his old one. Gonzalez said Medi-Cal determined the chair, which can cost more than $1,000, was “a luxury” item that they did not need — but that they qualified for a commode.

“My wife said, ‘A commode? Have you ever taken a bath or shower in your toilet? So why would you ask my son to do the same thing?’” Gonzalez said. After about 10 months, he said, the bath chair was approved.

Watching his wife try to pick up and carry their 150-pound son to the bathroom, he said, prompted him to run for office.

Advertisement

“My son doesn’t have a voice, but I do, and I’m his dad so I’m going to use it,” Gonzalez said. “I thought we were the only ones [with these problems], but on the campaign trail, these underserved communities — it blew my mind.”

Joy Miedecke, president of the East Valley Republican Women Patriots group in the Coachella Valley, said Gonzalez’s personal story of caring for his disabled son resonated with voters on both sides of the aisle.

“When you think about it, a Democrat is probably more likely to support a government program, with people coming to the house,” Miedecke said. “Jeff recognizes that, and that conservatives don’t want to give everything away — but he also recognizes that there are people in need.”

Miedecke, 80, said Gonzalez was smart to spend much of his time on the campaign trail getting Imperial County Democrats on board.

“We celebrated together when Jeff won,” she said. “They were most welcome in our headquarters. Those Democrats, they worked for Jeff with all their hearts because they were ready for something different.”

Advertisement

Gonzalez’s district includes Republican-leaning portions of Riverside and San Bernardino counties, such as French Valley, Desert Palms and Needles.

It also includes all of Imperial County, a longtime Democratic stronghold in the state’s southeast corner that relies heavily upon an agriculture industry whose workforce could be decimated under Trump’s deportation plans and has long struggled with poverty and unemployment.

In Imperial County, the unemployment rate in October was 19.6% — the highest in the state and more than three times the state average, according to the Employment Development Department.

That made Gonzalez’s focus on California’s high prices effective, he and his supporters say.

“These are just working-class folks who came here for whatever reason, from another county or state, and just want to live the California dream,” Gonzalez said. “They’re seeing it go away, and they want someone to stand up for them.”

Advertisement
People cross a street near the U.S.-Mexico border fence in Calexico, Calif., in March.

People cross a street near the U.S.-Mexico border fence in Calexico, Calif., in March. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)

Imperial County was one of nine counties in California to flip from blue to red in this year’s presidential race. Trump beat Vice President Kamala Harris by 463 votes, becoming the first Republican presidential candidate to win the county since 1988, when voters chose George H.W. Bush.

It is a dramatic shift. In 2020, Imperial County supported Biden by 24.4% of the vote — a roughly 25-point swing with voters choosing Trump this year by 0.8%.

Earlier this year in the county, moderate Democrats in Calexico, an almost entirely Latino border city, led a successful recall campaign against two young, progressive members of the City Council, including its first out transgender member, Raúl Ureña, who accused opponents of transphobia.

Recall leaders — who prominently backed Gonzalez’s campaign — said the recall was not about gender but, rather, about the two ousted councilmembers being out-of-touch and too far-left. The councilmembers, they said, dismissed downtown merchants’ concerns about crime, public drug use and rampant homeless encampments to focus instead on projects like installing charging stations for electric vehicles that most people in town cannot afford.

Kay Pricola, a 77-year-old Republican from Brawley who helped with Gonzalez’s campaign, said she was not surprised by the county’s rightward shift because people are fed up with state Democrats who, she said, have not done enough to bring down costs.

Advertisement

“There’s no financial constraints on the Democratic Party,” Pricola said. “Tax, tax, tax. Everything for everybody, and you don’t have to work for it. … We’re driving the financially responsible people out of California. Those that are tied to the land, who can’t leave, are going to have a bigger burden, bigger burden, until the point they break. And their children are going to leave.”

Still, given the district’s Democratic tilt, she urged Gonzalez to focus on local issues, telling him: “If you come across as a Trumper, you’re going to turn them off.”

Gallegos, 79, said California Democrats became arrogant, not paying enough attention to the struggling Imperial Valley because it had always voted blue.

“All they want is taxes, taxes, taxes, taxes, taxes — and I’m a Democrat,” he said. “And they’re always asking for money for this and money for that. That’s fine. But what are we going to get out of it? We don’t see it. Look at all the money they put into homelessness, and people are still in the streets.”

Gallegos, who is Mexican American, runs the Brawley American Citizens Club, which his father opened in the 1940s to cater to Latino military veterans who were not allowed to join the local American Legion despite having served in World War II.

Advertisement
A homeless encampment in Calexico on March 25.

A homeless encampment in Calexico on March 25. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)

Inside the club is a glass display case with a framed thank you letter from former Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown thanking Gallegos for volunteering for his campaign, an invitation to Brown’s 2011 inauguration, and a black-and-white photo of the two men together in 1978.

Nationwide, he said, Democrats seemed to take Latino voters for granted, thinking that “just because we’re Democrats we are going to vote Democrat and let them do whatever they want” but that “it’s changing and the younger generation doesn’t think that way anymore.”

He tends bar at his club and often overhears young people talking over drinks about politics, venting about how much tax money California takes from their paychecks.

Some local Democrats, he and Moreno said, were furious that they supported Gonzalez, arguing that he would have little power in Sacramento as a greatly outnumbered Republican. But the way they see it, Democrats have long had their chance. This year, it was time to try someone new.

Sosa reported from Sacramento, Branson-Potts from Brawley, Calif.

Advertisement

Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week.

This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.



Source link

California

Chris Bell scores 21, sparks California to 91-67 victory over Sacramento State

Published

on

Chris Bell scores 21, sparks California to 91-67 victory over Sacramento State


BERKELEY, Calif. — – Chris Bell scored 17 of his 21 points in the first half and California cruised to a 91-67 victory over Sacramento State on Friday night in a campus game of the Empire Classic.

Bell and Justin Pippen combined for 29 points to help California take a 47-33 lead into the break. Bell sank 6 of 8 shots with three 3-pointers in the first 20 minutes.

John Camden’s 3-pointer capped an 11-2 run to begin the second half and the Golden Bears (5-1) were never threatened. Cal took its biggest lead at 81-47 on a 3-pointer by Camden with nine minutes left to play.

Pippen finished with 16 points and five assists. Dai Dai Ames also scored 16 and Camden totaled 14 points, five rebounds and five assists.

Advertisement

Brandon Gardner hit 4 of 5 from 3-point range and scored 19 to lead the Hornets (3-4). Mark Lavrenov had 14 points and Prophet Johnson notched his fifth double-double of the young season with 12 points and 11 rebounds.

The Golden Bears shot 50.8% overall and made 15 of 38 from beyond the arc (39.5%).

Sac State made only 18 of 67 shots (26.9%) overall, including 7 of 24 from distance. The Hornets made 24 of 30 free throws, while Cal sank 10 of 19.

—— Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here and here (AP News mobile app). AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketballbr/]

Copyright © 2025 ESPN Internet Ventures. All rights reserved.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading

California

‘Toxic’: California ex-police chief tells of colleagues’ racist harassment campaign

Published

on

‘Toxic’: California ex-police chief tells of colleagues’ racist harassment campaign


The embattled former police chief of Vallejo, a San Francisco Bay Area city that has attracted national attention over police violence, has said that he endured a steady procession of racist remarks from colleagues and online harassment and threats that ultimately led him to resign.

By the time Chief Shawny Williams tendered his resignation in 2022, he said he had received a slew of threats – at his office, at his home, and in his email inbox. Most demanded he step down. But even after resigning, the threats still came by mail to his home and a second property he owned outside the state.

“They were hostile, toxic,” Williams testified in a deposition on Wednesday. “I had safety concerns.”

Williams made the statements as part of a federal civil rights lawsuit against the Vallejo police department brought by Deyana Jenkins, whom officers pulled from a car and tased during a traffic stop in 2019. The incident occurred months after six Vallejo police officers shot her uncle, Willie McCoy, a 20-year-old rapper, 55 times while he was asleep in his car. The killing attracted widespread attention and thrust a spotlight on the department’s use of force.

Advertisement

The deposition, first reported by the Vallejo Sun, offers a window into what Williams describes as a pattern of hostile, threatening and retaliatory behavior that ended his brief attempt to impose accountability on a department known nationally for unchecked violence and resistance to reform.

Vallejo police officers have repeatedly drawn concern over their practices, perhaps most notoriously for the ritual of “badge bending”, in which officers reportedly fold back a tip on their badges after killing someone on duty.

Williams took over the department in 2019 with a mandate to reform it. His three-year stint coincided with a national reckoning over police violence, sparked by nationwide protests over the 2020 murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin.

But Williams said he experienced harsh backlash for his efforts to impose accountability on the department’s use of force.

“He was our first Black police chief in a department that’s always been known as a racist police department,” Melissa Nold, the lawyer representing Jenkins in the federal case, told the Guardian. “To hear that he was run off because he was doing reform and discipline – that’s very concerning. It doesn’t seem like it should be possible that the people being reformed have that much power.”

Advertisement

In his deposition, Williams said a colleague made several disturbing statements, including: “This Black Jesus can’t save us.”

He described “racial hostilities or comments” made to him by a former police captain. Williams also said the city attorney threatened him, but did not describe how.

The Vallejo police department did not immediately respond to a Guardian request for comment.

Williams also received several anonymous threats, through the post and online. Three weeks before resigning in October of 2022, he received a “Halloween card threat” that said “quit today” and emitted a deafening screech that “filled the hallway” and kept blaring until the battery ran out.

A secretary opened the letter. When Williams heard it he “actually thought it was some kind of domestic violence occurring outside the building because it was so loud”.

Advertisement

Williams also said that he received anonymous threats, after an officer who shot an unarmed 22-year-old in 2020 later rejoined the police department.

Officer Jarrett Tonn shot and killed Sean Monterrosa after an alleged looting incident at a Walgreens during a George Floyd-inspired protest. Williams dismissed Tonn after the shooting.

But an arbitrator reinstated Tonn in 2023, after Williams left the force. Tonn was promoted to sergeant in September of this year, according to the Vallejo Sun. Afterwards, Williams said he received messages that said “some bad things were coming”.

Williams said he asked the department to investigate the threats and raised concerns to city manager Mike Malone. But the city failed to act, and Malone appeared uninterested in helping him, Williams testified.

“One of the things that I guess exacerbated my concerns was [Malone’s] statement that this is not going to stop – or ‘They’re not going to stop until I fire you or you quit,’” Williams said in the deposition. “And he said that over half a dozen times.”

Advertisement

By “they”, Williams said the city manager was referring to the Vallejo Police Officers’ Association (VPAO), which serves as the bargaining unit for all ranks of police officer except the chief in its negotiations with the city. The VPOA did not immediately respond to a Guardian request for comment.

“My resignation was a result of a pattern of constructive termination hostility,” Williams testified. “There was racial animus, retaliatory things that were happening that just made it unbearable or impossible for me to perform my duties in a safe environment.”



Source link

Continue Reading

California

Fire marched toward west Altadena hours before official accounts, new report shows

Published

on

Fire marched toward west Altadena hours before official accounts, new report shows


The Eaton fire was marching toward west Altadena even earlier than previously believed, a state-commissioned report confirmed this week, raising further questions about why it took L.A. County officials so long to order evacuations in the neighborhood where 18 people died.

The fire erupted Jan. 7 at 6:18 p.m., fueled by hurricane-force Santa Ana winds that pushed flames into neighborhoods with great speed. Within about an hour, the county issued evacuation orders for many of the foothill communities near the fire’s origin, including the eastern side of Altadena. But as The Times first reported in January, evacuation orders were not issued for west Altadena until after 3 a.m., well after the fire had threatened the area. Evacuation warnings for the area never went out.

All but one of the Eaton fire’s 19 deaths occurred in west Altadena.

The Fire Safety Research Institute report, released Thursday morning, doesn’t analyze why alerts were delayed, but provides the most detailed timeline yet of the night of the fire, including new timestamps that show there were signs the fire was moving toward west Altadena almost six hours before the area received any evacuation alert.

Advertisement

The report notes that there was “fire spread to the west” as early as 9:30 p.m. on Jan. 7, pointing to several spot fires west of the fire origin.

By 10:22 p.m., and through the next hour, there were multiple radio calls reporting the fire was spreading west toward North Lake Avenue, the report said. Just before 11 p.m., as The Times has previously reported, there were signs of flames in west Altadena — more than four hours before officials issued evacuation orders for that area.

The report states that winds shifted just after 11 p.m., which “could have assisted in spreading flames that had reached the foothills and the northeastern section of Altadena to the south and west throughout Altadena in the earlier hours of Jan. 8, 2025.”

Between 11:18 p.m. and 12:17 a.m., the document identified at least 10 fire reports on the western flank of the blaze, showing its advance toward Lake Avenue.

Why the county did not evacuate west Altadena earlier has been a subject of great concern among residents, and a question the county has still not fully addressed.

Advertisement

A county report on fire evacuations last month found that there was a recommendation to issue more widespread evacuations to the west around midnight, but for unknown reasons it was not heeded. It would be another three hours before incident commanders would order additional evacuation orders.

Though the new state report doesn’t provide new details about that midnight recommendation, it does offer new insights into how fast the fire moved, particularly how early the ember cast from the Eaton fire blew into west Altadena, ultimately ravaging the community.

The highly anticipated state report is the first of two from the nonprofit safety research organization. It provides the most exhaustive examination yet into how and when fire officials responded to the Eaton and Palisades fires.

Although the document doesn’t provide much analysis, focusing on the facts of the conditions, preparations and response, the findings were clear that “the ember cast contributed to the rapid expansion,” Derek Alkonis, one of the authors, said at a news conference on Wednesday, ahead of the report’s release.

The delayed evacuations have prompted scrutiny from public officials and Altadena residents about the L.A. County Fire Department’s handling of the wind-driven inferno.

Advertisement

Michael Gollner, an associate professor of mechanical engineering at UC Berkeley who leads its Fire Research Lab, said the timeline provided in the report is an important starting point to understand what happened during the fire response.

But he noted there was still little information about some crucial details: What was the chain of command on the first day of the Eaton fire? How was information being shared? What other issues were incident commanders dealing with at the same time that could have affected evacuation decisions?

“That’s what’s really important, how that information was passed on and how much they knew that [the fire] was spreading into this area,” Gollner said. “There’s a lot more to come and a lot more we need.”

Other already released reports about the fires conducted by Los Angeles County and the city were met with criticism from residents for being limited in scope and findings.

Last month, a report commissioned by Los Angeles County found that a general lack of planning, poor communication, understaffing and chaotic conditions contributed to untimely evacuation orders as the Eaton fire tore through Altadena. But the report was widely criticized for not answering key questions around evacuation failures, including why county officials didn’t send evacuation alerts to west Altadena until 3:25 a.m. or later.

Advertisement

Details in the state report shed some more light on what ultimately caused county fire officials to expand evacuations to include western Altadena.

At 10:50 p.m., a resident called in to say that fire was visible from her home on East Calaveras Street in west Altadena. Almost exactly an hour later, a Los Angeles County battalion chief reported a structure fire at Glenrose Avenue and West Loma Alta Drive, even farther into west Altadena, according to the report.

Shortly before 2 a.m., an official drove west toward Lake Avenue on East Altadena Drive, trying to get to Fair Oaks Avenue in west Altadena to “investigate the extent of fire spread” and found intense conditions, the report said.

“He could not continue as he encountered zero visibility, intense heat, and had serious concerns of becoming trapped,” the report said.

Around the same time, county fire officials were defending structures on East Mount Curve Avenue near Lake Avenue. They were forced to leave after 30 minutes because of danger from the erratic winds.

Advertisement

Despite all these signs of increasing fire activity in west Altadena, it would still take more than an hour before the evacuation order went out.

Gov. Gavin Newsom commissioned the Fire Safety Research Institute to conduct an investigation about a month after the Palisades and Eaton fires killed 31 people and destroyed 16,000 structures across Los Angeles County. Researchers and engineers from the institute — which also conducted the post-incident analysis for the state of Hawaii after the 2023 Maui fire — deployed to Southern California to gather evidence to “build a comprehensive timeline of events and conditions that will inform the analysis of efficacy of the response.”

Thursday’s report provides a timeline of how the fires progressed and looks at state and local officials’ actions, weather conditions, the emergency response and fire suppression. It also includes a review of 10 other fires that occurred in Southern California the same month as the Eaton and Palisades fires.

The report further captures the chaos and erratic nature of the wind-driven Eaton fire and the challenges crews on the ground faced battling the inferno. Not only was the fire moving west earlier than previously reported, but it was also spreading east simultaneously, according to the report.

Just before 1 a.m., crews at different ends of the fire requested more resources, asking for help both to the east and west of the fire’s origin. Similar accounts of the severity of the fire came in from law enforcement from 1:11 a.m. to 3:13 a.m., reporting houses on fire in north Sierra Madre, as well as in east and west Altadena.

Advertisement

The ember cast transformed what started as a wildfire into a full-blown urban conflagration. This likely made evacuations more difficult, experts have said.

When fire officials are considering evacuations, they generally look at wind speed and direction, topography and fuel type to help guide them, said Matt Rahn, the founding director for the wildland urban interface program at Cal State San Marcos and the research director for the Wildfire Conservancy.

But in a rapidly moving inferno where embers are casting miles from the head of the blaze and igniting spot fires, it “makes it very difficult to evacuate communities and predict where an evacuation should occur,” Rahn said.

“When all of the sudden you have spot fires start literally miles away from the fire front itself, it creates this whole new challenge,” Rahn said. “You’re not just worried about what’s happening here, you’re worried about other incidents that may grow into larger fires or, in the case of the Eaton fire, an urban conflagration. They’re very hard to predict and they’re becoming more common in the kinds of fires we experience.”

The second phase of the report, expected to be released in mid-2026, will draw on information contained in the first report to provide analysis and details on the effectiveness of officials’ efforts to prevent the fires and alert residents. The reports will not delve into the cause of the fires.

Advertisement

Art Botterell, former senior emergency services coordinator for the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, said the timeline was a necessary first step. But although the timeline approach can be useful, Botterell said, it also has limitations.

Botterell said trends and variations in demographics, urban planning, workforce development, and infrastructure development and maintenance might be harder to spot in a series of snapshots from a relatively short period.

“New data is always helpful, but usually the blind spots lie in the questions we don’t ask,” Botterell said. “Much will depend on the depth, perspective, and independence of the analysis that follows.”

Times staff writer Jenny Jarvie contributed to this report.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending