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Millions of Californians live near oil and gas wells that are in the path of wildfires

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Millions of Californians live near oil and gas wells that are in the path of wildfires


As firefighters continue to battle more than two dozen active wildfires in California, new research has found that millions of people are living in close proximity to oil and gas wells that are in the potential path of flames.

More than 100,000 wells in 19 states west of the Mississippi River are in areas that have burned in recent decades and face a high risk of burning in the future, with the vast majority in California, according to a study published recently in the journal One Earth.

What’s more, nearly 3 million Americans live within 3,200 feet of those wells, putting them at heightened risk of explosions, air and water pollution, infrastructure damage and other hazards.

“One of the things that surprised me was just the extent of how many oil wells had been in wildfire burn areas in the past, and how much this was impacting people in California — and is likely to in the coming century,” said David J.X. González, the study’s lead author and an assistant professor of environmental health sciences at UC Berkeley.

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California is particularly vulnerable to the threat. Of the roughly 118,000 western oil wells in high fire risk areas, 103,878 of them — more than 87% — are in California, with 2.6 million residents living in close proximity to them, according to the study, which was described as the first to investigate historic and projected wildfire threats to oil and gas infrastructure in the United States.

The researchers examined active and inactive oil wells because some inactive wells continue to leak methane and other harmful or combustible emissions, González said. In California, the danger is particularly high in Los Angeles, Fresno, Kern and Orange counties, which are high fire risk areas that are also home to large populations and numerous wells.

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Idle oil well behind a fence near a house.

A pump station sits idle near homes in Arvin, Calif., where toxic fumes from a nearby well made residents sick and forced evacuations in November 2019.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

Many Angelenos have already experienced the perils of living near oil and gas infrastructure. In 1985, methane linked to a long-abandoned oil field fed an explosion at a Ross Dress for Less store in Fairfax, injuring more than 20 people.

In 2015, a massive gas leak from the Aliso Canyon underground storage facility near Porter Ranch released about 100,000 tons of methane, ethane and other chemicals into the air, forcing more than 8,000 families to flee their homes and prompting reports of nausea, skin rashes, nosebleeds and other health issues.

Four years later, a 90-year-old well erupted beneath a construction site in Marina del Rey and spewed oil, gas and other debris into the air for several days.

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And in 2017, the Thomas fire burned through areas of Santa Barbara and Ventura counties that contained more than 2,100 oil and gas wells — the long-term effects of which have yet to be studied.

It’s not only California that is at risk however. Texas, Oklahoma and New Mexico also host wells in high fire risk areas, the study says. The U.S., in general, has been the top global producer of crude oil and natural gas since 2014, with the majority of production concentrated in the West.

Additionally, oil drilling continues across the country, despite federal and state efforts to curb new wells and cap old ones. One of the provisions included in President Biden’s landmark climate bill, the Inflation Reduction Act, allows for new oil leases to be auctioned on federally managed lands, which means California and other states could see more new wells in the future.

But the California Department of Geologic Energy Management, which oversees oil and gas wells in the state, said production here has been steadily declining since its peak in 1985.

“Presently, CalGEM approves far more permitting applications from operators to plug oil wells than it does to drill new wells,” agency spokeswoman Janice Mackey said in an email. She noted that over the last 12 months, the state agency approved 5,059 permits to permanently plug oil and gas wells while approving only 56 new drills.

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Mackey said most of the nearly 250,000 wells under the state agency’s jurisdiction are in the San Joaquin Valley, “but there are also many others in high fire threat areas such as Santa Barbara, Ventura, and Los Angeles counties.”

That could prove to be a problem as wildfire activity continues to worsen, even in the face of slowing oil production. One recent study found that wildfire burn areas in California could increase 50% or more by midcentury, due largely to climate change. Eighteen of the state’s 20 largest wildfires have occurred since 2000.

Additionally, Mackey said the placement of new wells — which are determined by oil and gas operators who seek permits from local governments — has little to do with fire risk.

“California’s oil fields are well established from decades to [over a] century old,” she said. “Operators continue to drill in areas where oil and gas is known to exist.”

Estimates included in the study indicate the hazards will get worse in the decades ahead as population and wildfire activity expand. Between 1984 and 2019, the researchers documented a five-fold increase in the number of wells located in wildfire burn areas, and a doubling of the population living within 3,200 feet of those wells.

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By midcentury, more than 122,000 wells are expected to be in high wildfire risk areas, and by late century that number will grow to more than 205,000, according to the study. Both projections are significantly higher when also accounting for moderate wildfire risk areas, and both show that California will continue to experience the lion’s share.

“Wildfires are increasingly burning in oil fields over the past four decades, and it’s a trend that’s very likely to continue throughout the rest of the century, including near some densely populated parts of California,” González said.

Silhouette of several pump jacks in a field.

A 2020 photo shows one of more than 1,100 producing oil wells in the McKittrick oil field, just north of McKittrick, Calif., on State Route 33.

(Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times)

He added that estimates for the number of wells and people in harm’s way are likely conservative, as the study assessed wells drilled before 2020. That same year was California’s worst wildfire year on record, and saw more than 4.3 million acres burn.

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The researchers also found that exposure to oil wells in the path of wildfires was unevenly distributed. Black, Latino and Native American people faced disproportionate risk.

The reasons for this are myriad, according to González.

For one, an estimated 350,000 new houses are constructed each year in the wildland urban interface, or the area where human development meets forestland and other natural landscapes. Such areas often draw people seeking lower costs of living, but face significant wildfire risks because of their remoteness and high vegetation content.

In urban areas, research has found that oil wells are more likely to be sited in neighborhoods that were historically redlined, or racially segregated. New wells are also disproportionately drilled in areas where Black and Latino people live.

There are solutions, however — or at least recommendations to help mitigate the risks of oil wells in populated, wildfire-prone regions. California recently approved legislation that prohibits new oil and gas wells within 3,200 feet of homes, schools, healthcare facilities and other sensitive sites.

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The state will also receive more than $35 million in federal funding to help plug and remediate more than 200 high-risk orphaned oil and gas wells, and plans to invest more than a quarter of a billion state and federal dollars into orphan well plugging in the coming years.

The researchers also recommended limiting or eliminating drilling in high wildfire risk areas, and investing in better technology for monitoring wells for leaks of flammable gases.

“There’s a strong base of evidence that active wells are harmful for people that live nearby — even in the absence of wildfires,” González said. “So I think from a public health perspective, additional protections are well justified.”

Mackey, of the California Department of Geologic Energy Management, said oil and gas operators in the state are subject to multiple layers of regulation, including requirements that well pads and tanks be kept free of vegetation, and that wells within specified distances of homes and public rights-of-way have fire prevention devices, sensors and alarm systems.

“In the event of a fire, CalGEM will contact affected field operators to warn them of the possible risk and discuss strategies to prevent damage to wells and equipment,” she said. “Operators are directed to close pipelines and tanks and shut off power to wells if they are not already doing so. Operators also have fire suppression capabilities they deploy during emergencies.”

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During the Thomas fire, which was the largest in California at the time, the operators in Santa Barbara and Ventura counties shut down their wells, pipelines and rig work as part of their emergency response to mitigate the risk of fire-related incidents, she said.

Despite such efforts, the study also highlighted what it referred to as a “pernicious feedback loop.” The production and consumption of fossil fuels are driving global warming, which is in turn increasing the frequency and intensity of wildfires, it says. Greenhouse gases emitted by fires are also exacerbating climate change and contributing to the cycle.

González said he hopes the study will prompt more action to not only reduce wildfires, but also to better protect people living in or near the oil wells in their paths.

“We have an opportunity now to take action to prevent future disasters,” he said.

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Two Jewish men beaten in San Jose after speaking Hebrew | The Jerusalem Post

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Two Jewish men beaten in San Jose after speaking Hebrew | The Jerusalem Post


Two Jewish men were beaten, and later briefly hospitalized, after they were heard speaking Hebrew in front of a restaurant in San Jose’s Santana Row in California, local media reported on Tuesday. 

Footage of the incident, shot by local witnesses, shows the pair of victims attacked by three other individuals outside the Augustine restaurant, NBC Bay Area reported.

“I just turned around, and they literally started punching,” one of the victims, who wished not to be identified, told the outlet. “We got swarmed very badly. I’m in a lot of pain. I still cannot chew. My jaw hurts, my back is hurting.”

According to NBC, the victims said they did not recognize their assailants, and police are investigating the incident as a possible hate crime.

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According to ABC7 News, both Jewish men were waiting to be seated at the restaurant when the incident occurred.

“One of the witnesses said that they heard them saying, ‘don’t mess with Iran’, which we don’t know why,” one of the victims told the outlet. “We don’t have any problem with them. But, I heard at the beginning of the fight, something with, ‘F the Jews’.”

ABC7 added that one of the victims had been knocked out and needed stitches after the assault.

In a statement, the Bay Area Jewish Community Relations Council identified the pair of victims as Israeli Americans.

Sam Liccardo, the Democratic representative of California’s 16th Congressional District and former San Jose mayor, condemned the assault in a subsequent statement on X/Twitter.

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“Violence targeting any members of our community—including our Jewish and Israeli community members—amounts to an attack on all of us,” he wrote.

Current San Jose Mayor also weighed in on X, stating that “Antisemitism and all acts of hatred have no place in San Jose. Being able to talk about our differences and celebrate them is what makes us the safest big city in America.”

“I have been in touch with our police department and leaders in the local Jewish community regarding this deeply disturbing incident and will continue to monitor the situation closely as the investigation continues,” he added.





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California’s Voter ID Initiative is Way More Chill Than Trump’s SAVE Act

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California’s Voter ID Initiative is Way More Chill Than Trump’s SAVE Act


Sources: California Voter ID Initiative text (proposed); H.R. 7296, Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, 119th Congress, 2d Session (introduced January 30, 2026); Congressional Research Service Bill Summary; California Secretary of State; National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL).

Background: How California Currently Handles Voter Identification

Under current California law, U.S. citizenship is required to vote, but the state relies on voters to simply attest to their citizenship when registering. California does not generally require voters to show identification at the polls. The limited exceptions apply only to first-time federal election voters who registered by mail or online without providing a California ID or Social Security number, and even then, the state allows a broad range of documents, including utility bills, bank statements, paychecks, or official government mail.

In 2024, Governor Gavin Newsom signed legislation explicitly banning local jurisdictions from requiring voter ID, following Huntington Beach voters’ approval of a local measure to do so. California currently has among the most permissive voter identification rules in the nation.

The California Initiative: A Targeted, Inclusive Reform

A proposed California ballot initiative would amend the state constitution to add a new Section 3.1 to Article II. The initiative states three purposes: to “promote public confidence and trust in the electoral process,” to “deter and detect voter fraud by maintaining accurate voter registration records and confirming eligibility to vote,” and to “minimize the risk of voter impersonation by requiring proof of identity to vote.”

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The measure is notable for what it does and, just as importantly, for what it does not do.

For in-person voting, the initiative requires that “each time a voter casts a ballot in person in any election in the State, the voter shall present government-issued identification.” The initiative defines government-issued identification as “documentation that allows conclusive verification of the voter’s identity.”

For mail voting, the requirement is far more limited. The voter needs only to provide “the last four digits of a unique identifying number from government-issued identification that matches the one designated solely by the voter for their voter registration.” Importantly, the type of ID designated by each voter “must be indicated in their voter registration record, noted on the mail ballot envelope provided to them, and available to them on request by phone or electronically,” so voters are never caught off guard.

On the question of cost, the initiative is explicit: “Upon request by an eligible voter, the state shall provide, at no charge, a voter ID card for use in casting a ballot.” This is perhaps the most important provision in the measure. One of the most common and legitimate criticisms of voter ID laws is that they can function as a de facto poll tax. This initiative addresses that concern directly by guaranteeing that the means of compliance are freely available to every eligible voter.

On citizenship verification, the initiative directs the Secretary of State and county elections officials to “use best efforts to verify citizenship attestations using government data” and to “annually report what percentage of each county’s voter rolls have been citizenship-verified.” This is a transparency measure, not a documentation barrier.

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On accountability, the initiative requires that “during every odd-numbered year, the State Auditor shall audit the State’s and each county’s compliance with this section and report its findings and recommendations for improving the integrity of elections to the public.” Citizens may also “seek judicial review and remedy of the State’s or any county’s compliance with this section.”

What the initiative does not do is equally important. It does not require documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote. It does not require voters to submit citizenship documents with mail ballots beyond the last four digits of an ID number. It does not impose criminal penalties on election officials. It does not create unfunded mandates. It does not establish a private right of action against election workers.

In short, the California initiative is a narrowly drawn measure. It asks voters to confirm who they are while ensuring that the tools to do so are freely available to all.

The Federal SAVE Act (H.R. 7296): A Sweeping and Problematic Mandate

Introduced in the House on January 30, 2026, by Rep. Chip Roy and referred to the Committee on House Administration, the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act amends the National Voter Registration Act of 1993. Unlike the California initiative, which works within existing systems, the SAVE Act would fundamentally restructure how Americans register to vote and cast ballots in federal elections, with requirements that, in many cases, are practically impossible for millions of eligible citizens to meet.

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Here is what the bill actually requires, provision by provision, and why each raises serious concerns.

1. Documentary Proof of Citizenship Required to Register

The bill is unambiguous on this point. It states that “a State may not register an individual to vote in elections for Federal office held in the State unless, at the time the individual applies to register to vote, the individual provides documentary proof of United States citizenship.”

The bill defines acceptable proof narrowly. It includes a REAL ID-compliant document “that indicates the applicant is a citizen of the United States,” a valid U.S. passport, or a military ID combined with “a United States military record of service showing that the applicant’s place of birth was in the United States.” For voters who cannot provide those documents, the bill allows a government photo ID paired with a certified birth certificate, but that birth certificate must meet an exacting list of requirements: it must include “the full name, date of birth, and place of birth of the applicant,” must list “the full names of one or both of the parents of the applicant,” must carry “the signature of an individual who is authorized to sign birth certificates,” must include “the date that the certificate was filed with the office responsible for keeping vital records in the State,” and must bear “the seal of the State, unit of local government, or Tribal government that issued the birth certificate.”

This is an extraordinarily demanding standard. Birth certificates are lost, damaged, or were never properly recorded, particularly for older Americans, rural residents, and low-income citizens.

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The bill does include a fallback process for applicants who cannot produce these documents. They may “sign an attestation under penalty of perjury that the applicant is a citizen of the United States” and “submit such other evidence to the appropriate State or local official demonstrating that the applicant is a citizen.” The official then makes a personal judgment and must sign a sworn affidavit “swearing or affirming the applicant sufficiently established United States citizenship.” This places an unusual and significant legal burden on individual election workers who are simply trying to help voters register.

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2. A Photo ID Requirement That Specifies Citizenship on the Face of the Document

The bill requires that every voter in a federal election present an “eligible photo identification document.” The bill defines that document as one containing “a photograph of the individual identified on the document,” “an indication on the front of the document that the individual identified on the document is a United States citizen,” and either an ID number or “the last four digits of the social security number of the individual identified on the document.”

The citizenship indicator requirement is the critical problem. Currently, only a handful of states denote citizenship status directly on driver’s licenses. Even REAL ID-compliant cards display the same gold star insignia for citizens and lawfully present non-citizens alike. The bill does include a limited workaround: a voter may present a non-compliant ID “together with another identification document that indicates the individual is a United States citizen.” But requiring two documents at the polls is itself a significant additional burden, and it would disqualify the standard ID held by the vast majority of Americans unless paired with a second document.

The bill also specifies that for in-person voting, the eligible photo identification document “shall be a tangible (not digital) document,” closing off the possibility of using a digital ID on a smartphone, a technology that several states have begun adopting.

3. Double Documentation Required for Absentee Voting

For voters casting absentee ballots, the bill requires that a copy of the eligible photo identification document be submitted both “with the request for an absentee ballot” and again “with the submission of the absentee ballot.” This double documentation requirement, which most states do not currently impose at any stage, would add substantial friction to the process that millions of Americans, including elderly, disabled, and overseas military voters, rely upon as their primary means of voting.

4. Immediate Effective Date, No Funding, No Phase-In

The bill states plainly that its provisions “shall take effect on the date of the enactment of this section.” There is no phase-in period. There is no federal funding provided to help states implement new documentation systems, train election workers, update voter registration forms and databases, or communicate requirements to the public. The Election Assistance Commission is given just 10 days after enactment to “adopt and transmit to the chief State election official of each State guidance with respect to the implementation of the requirements.” States are given 30 days to “establish a program” for identifying non-citizens on voter rolls. These are the conditions under which states would be expected to overhaul their entire voter registration and election administration infrastructure.

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5. The Risk of Bifurcated Elections

States that cannot comply with the law’s requirements could be forced to maintain two separate voter rolls: one for voters who have provided documentary proof of citizenship and are eligible to vote in federal elections, and one for voters who have not. Arizona has operated under just such a bifurcated system since 2004, resulting in nearly two decades of continuous litigation. The SAVE Act would risk spreading that legal and administrative chaos to all 50 states simultaneously, with no funding and no preparation time.

6. Mandatory Federal Database Cross-Checks and Data Sharing

The bill requires states to establish programs to identify non-citizens on voter rolls using information from the Department of Homeland Security’s SAVE system, the Social Security Administration, and state driver’s license agencies. Federal agencies must respond to state requests within 24 hours and are directed to “share information with each other with respect to an individual who is the subject of a request.”

More Choice for San Diego

The bill goes further: it directs the Secretary of Homeland Security to “conduct an investigation to determine whether to initiate removal proceedings” against any non-citizen found to be registered to vote. This means voter registration data would become a direct input into federal immigration enforcement. The scope of personal voter information flowing between state election systems and federal agencies raises significant privacy concerns that the bill does not address.

7. Criminal Penalties for Election Officials

The bill amends the existing criminal penalties section of the National Voter Registration Act to make it a federal crime for an election official to register “an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” The bill also criminalizes “providing material assistance to a noncitizen in attempting to register to vote or vote in an election for Federal office” for executive branch officers and employees.

Critically, the bill does not limit criminal liability to knowing or willful violations. An election official who makes an honest administrative mistake could face federal criminal prosecution. This provision could have a severe chilling effect on election administration, discouraging qualified people from serving as election officials and causing those who do serve to deny registration to borderline applicants out of fear of personal legal consequences.

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8. A Private Right of Action Against Election Officials

The bill expands private right of action provisions under the National Voter Registration Act to include “the act of an election official who registers an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” This means private individuals may sue election officials directly for compliance failures, compounding the chilling effect of the criminal penalties and creating a hostile legal environment around the routine work of election administration.

Side-by-Side Comparison

Feature

California Initiative

Federal SAVE Act (HR7296)

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Photo ID for in-person voting

IVP Donate

Yes

Yes

Digital IDs accepted

Not specified

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No, tangible only

Mail ballot ID requirement

Last 4 digits only

Full photocopy required twice

Let Us Vote : Sign Now!

Proof of citizenship to register

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No

Yes, documentary proof required

Citizenship indicator required on ID

No

Yes, on the face of the document

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Free ID provided

Yes, guaranteed by the initiative

More Choice for San Diego

Not addressed

Federal or state funding provided

State legislative implementation is required

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No funding provided

Phase-in period

Legislature required to act promptly

No phase-in, effective immediately

Criminal penalties for officials

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IVP Donate

No

Yes, including for non-willful errors

Private right of action against officials

No

Yes

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Risk of bifurcated elections

No

Yes

Let Us Vote : Sign Now!

Federal database surveillance of voters

No

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Yes, extensive, including immigration referrals

Annual audits and public reporting

Yes, required by the initiative

No

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The Bottom Line

Both proposals share a stated goal: ensuring that only eligible U.S. citizens cast ballots in American elections. But they represent fundamentally different visions of how to pursue that goal, and the differences matter enormously for millions of American voters.

The California initiative works within existing systems. It asks voters to confirm who they are, provides free IDs to those who need them, and builds in transparency and accountability through annual audits and public reporting. Its requirements are clearly defined, its burdens are modest, and its protections for voters are explicit.

More Choice for San Diego

The SAVE Act, as written in H.R. 7296, would impose requirements that tens of millions of eligible American citizens cannot currently meet, without providing a dollar in funding, a meaningful period of preparation, or protection for the election officials expected to carry it out. It takes effect the day it is signed. It gives states 30 days to overhaul their voter rolls. It exposes election workers to both criminal prosecution and private lawsuits for honest mistakes. It routes voter registration data into federal immigration enforcement. And it threatens to force all 50 states into the kind of bifurcated election chaos that Arizona has lived with for two decades.

Reasonable people can disagree about whether voter ID requirements are necessary or wise as a matter of policy. But the contrast between these two proposals is instructive. One is a carefully drawn, incremental reform that takes eligible voters’ concerns seriously. The other is a sweeping federal mandate that, as written, would make voting harder for millions of lawful American citizens while creating new legal and administrative burdens that states are given neither the time nor the resources to meet.



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Man who was severely stabbed bled to death after someone stole his ambulance, family says

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Man who was severely stabbed bled to death after someone stole his ambulance, family says


Recent retiree Reinaldo Jesus Lefonts was charging his EV in a Downey library parking lot when he was attacked in a stabbing that severed both carotid arteries and both jugular veins. He was alive when an ambulance arrived at the parking lot — but that emergency vehicle was then stolen.

The driver of the ambulance, according to police, led officers on a pursuit that ended in a crash miles away.

“In that moment, every second mattered,” Lefonts’ family says in a legal claim against the city. “The City’s paramedics and rescue vehicle were Reinaldo’s only realistic chance of survival.

Lefonts died at the scene of the stabbing, authorities say.

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Now his family is seeking $40 million from the city. Their attorneys cite failures in public safety and the emergency response. They say a “surveillance” sign at the lot led Lefonts to believe he was safe, and that the ambulance was missing a required locking device.

The 68-year-old had only recently retired from his job as a lab technician at UCI Medical Center when he was attacked on the morning of Sept. 13, 2025, in the Downey Civic Center parking lot adjacent to the public library at 11121 Brookshire Ave., according to the claim, filed Friday with the Downey city clerk. Suspect Giovanni Navarro, 23, had been arrested for trespassing at the same location less than 24 hours earlier.

Navarro had 28 prior criminal convictions, including brandishing a weapon, attempted burglary and criminal threats, attorneys said.

The Los Angeles County medical examiner determined that Lefonts suffered at least four sharp force injuries to his head, neck and right forearm. The fatal wound was a stab to the neck, and the manner of death was ruled a homicide, according to the autopsy report.

The Downey Fire Department rescue vehicle that responded was not equipped with a Tremco anti-theft locking device required under state law and applicable Fire Department standards, the family’s attorneys argue. While paramedics treated Lefonts, 52-year-old Nicholas DeMarco allegedly got into the ambulance and drove away. The police pursuit followed.

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In the parking lot, Lefonts was pronounced dead at 9:55 a.m., the autopsy report states.

The city logged about 675 calls for service to the Civic Center and library between January 2022 and December 2025, covering assaults, robberies, sex crimes, arson and narcotics violations, according to the claim.

“While both the violent attack and theft were criminal acts, it was entirely foreseeable in light of the known conditions around the Civic Center and the repeated criminal and transient activity in the area,” the claim states. “The City’s failure to equip its own rescue vehicle and secure it properly directly interfered with the provision of emergency care to Reinaldo. As a result, Reinaldo did not receive the timely medical treatment he desperately needed.”

Just weeks before Lefonts was killed, the Downey City Council received a report at its Aug. 26, 2025, meeting on homelessness-related public safety concerns, attorneys said.

The family’s attorneys also argue that the lot’s posted signage, reading “Area Under 24 Hour Surveillance,” led Lefonts to reasonably believe he was in a protected space when he paid the city to use its EV charger, the claim states.

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“The City of Downey knew this parking lot was dangerous,” lead attorney Alexis Galindo said in a statement. “They knew the man who killed Reinaldo had just been arrested there the day before. They knew their rescue vehicle wasn’t properly equipped. And still, they did nothing. Reinaldo died within reach of help that should have been there. His family deserves answers, accountability and justice.”

The claim seeks $35 million in general damages and $5 million in special economic damages. Under California law, the city has up to one year to respond by accepting, rejecting or settling. A rejection would allow the family to file the case in court as a formal lawsuit.



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