California
California vs. Trump: What it’s like to be the attorneys on the front lines
Michael Newman, head of the civil rights enforcement section in California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta’s office, was exhausted.
Newman and his legal team had just worked all weekend, straight through that Monday and overnight into Tuesday on a growing pile of legal challenges to the Trump administration, and were overdue for some sleep.
But on his drive home, he was alerted that the administration “cut half the Department of Education’s workforce,” Newman said. “And it’s like, ‘OK, well … That’s not happening.’”
Senior Assistant Atty. Gen. Michael Newman, center, along with members of his Civil Rights Enforcement Section on litigation challenging the Trump administration.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
The team went back to work, along with others in Bonta’s office, and by Thursday joined with other Democrat-led states to file a new lawsuit to block the firings.
“That’s kind of an idea of what life is like for the litigators,” Newman said. “Just when you think it’s safe to log off from your laptop, you get the text that [says], ‘Did you see this newest order that just came out?’”
For months now, President Trump’s pace of pronouncements, executive orders and dramatic policy shifts has been so swift, their reach so sweeping, that many Trump critics have felt overwhelmed and alarmed. They have also bemoaned the Democratic response as inept, haphazard and ineffective, particularly in Congress.
But since Trump’s January inauguration, attorneys in Bonta’s office — and in the offices of Democratic attorneys general nationwide — have been in an all-out sprint to keep up and push back. They’ve been carefully planning for even longer, including by reviewing litigation from Trump’s first term; listening to Trump’s promises on the campaign trail; assessing lawsuits against the Biden administration by conservative states; and culling through Project 2025, the controversial game plan for the president’s second term.
The result has been a rapid-fire slate of lawsuits challenging Trump’s policies, including his order purporting to end birthright citizenship for the American-born children of immigrants, his attempt to cut off trillions of dollars in federal funding already appropriated by Congress for programs in California and across the country, and his firing of federal probationary employees in veterans programs, national parks and other agencies.
They also have sued to block cuts to National Institutes of Health funding for universities and other research institutions, the termination of K-12 teacher training and preparation grants, billionaire Elon Musk’s informal but prominent role in federal government and access to sensitive data by his Department of Government Efficiency, which is not a real government agency.
In addition to their own lawsuits, Bonta and other Democratic attorneys general have supported challenges to Trump administration attacks on transgender service members, refugees, immigrants, a National Labor Relations Board official, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and law firms that have angered Trump with their legal work.
Trump administration officials have defended all of the policies as fulfilling the president’s promises to voters. They have dismissed California’s legal objections as misguided attempts to interfere with Trump’s presidential authority, and denounced court rulings halting or limiting their policies as the work of liberal “activist” judges.
California sued the first Trump administration about 120 times over four years, often with success. In the first eight weeks of the current administration, Bonta’s office joined other states in filing eight legal actions, a pace that if maintained would lead to more than 100 lawsuits against the new administration in its first two years. And that’s not counting filings in support of other lawsuits, of which there have been at least a half-dozen.
In February, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation authorizing an additional $25 million to finance the state’s court battles with the Trump administration, plus another $25 million to support legal services for immigrants.
Bonta said his office is not working to assert a liberal agenda, but to uphold the Constitution and other federal law — and that it is the Trump administration setting the pace for lawsuits.
“If they decide they’re going to stop breaking the law, then we’ll stop filing lawsuits,” he said. “It’s that simple.”
‘We’re ready, we’re doing this’
After Trump won the election, Newman — a 46-year-old Los Angeles native and Pepperdine Law grad — gathered his team of civil rights attorneys, paralegals and others for a pep talk. There was sadness and some fear in the room, but also confidence, “like, we’re ready, we’re doing this, we’re getting on it,” he said.
“If we’re going to be in this world, in this country, at this time,” he told them, “I think it’s actually very empowering for us to be able to be the tip of the spear in the fight to prevent the worst-case scenarios.”
The team got to work refreshing its arguments from the last Trump administration and zeroing in on new policies it expected Trump to roll out, Newman said.
Still, there was a lot it didn’t know.
Every new policy requires a different legal analysis, not just of its substance and detail but of the administration’s legal justification for it, Newman said. “It’s not just what they do, it’s how they do it,” he said. “And so a lot of that stuff does require fine-tuning at the end.”
The state also needs to be able to clearly articulate how a federal policy it intends to challenge would harm California, a process Newman said Bonta has been particularly and personally engaged in — “making those decisions and determinations himself.”
By Inauguration Day — which fell on the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday — attorneys throughout Bonta’s office stood ready to launch. They were all watching Trump’s speeches that day and “in real time sorting out what the priorities were,” Newman said.
Bonta, left, is briefed by Newman.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Bonta said Trump’s “blitz of executive orders” was clearly intended to create “shock and awe,” to “flood the zone” and create “confusion and chaos” — enough to overwhelm the administration’s opponents.
But his team was ready, he said.
Their first target was Trump’s order purporting to end birthright citizenship. It was something Trump had telegraphed he would do, and something they — and other blue states — were confident was illegal and could be overturned in court. They sued the very next day, calling the order unconstitutional. Judges quickly agreed, blocking the order from taking effect.
Another early target — the Office of Management and Budget memo purporting to halt trillions of dollars in federal funding — was not something they anticipated, Bonta said, and so they tackled it on the fly.
Bonta learned of the memo, issued a week after Trump’s inauguration, on his way home from an event with law students in San Francisco, and was caught off guard, he said. “That wasn’t necessarily on our bingo card that you might want to, overnight, try to pause $3 trillion in critical essential federal funding,” he said.
Texts and emails began flying between his leadership team and those of other Democratic attorneys general, he said, and they quickly agreed that “we had to file something immediately, the next day,” Bonta said — and “that meant some folks are not getting any sleep.”
That night stands out vividly for Christina Bull Arndt, who as chief counsel for special litigation in Bonta’s office helped coordinate the response among the states.
The night began with emails asking attorneys across the country if they were up for an all-nighter.
Attorneys on the East Coast worked feverishly until about 2 a.m. — 11 p.m. in California — and then handed their work off to their West Coast counterparts, who continued working deep into the morning until the East Coast attorneys woke up, took back over and filed the case that day in federal court in Rhode Island, Arndt said.
Arndt — a 57-year-old UCLA Law grad who grew up in San Diego — said she will never forget sitting in her home office that night “looking at that screen with all these people from across the country saying, ‘OK, who’s doing what? We gotta get this done.’”
It was inspiring, she said.
“This is gonna sound sappy, and I don’t care: I work with a bunch of people who care tremendously about what they’re doing, who really want the best for Californians, who want to do the right thing by the people of this country,” she said. “I am grateful all the time that I get to work with these people — who just want to get after it.”
A federal judge has since blocked the funding freeze, though Bonta’s office is still asking the court to better enforce its order, citing failures by the administration to release Federal Emergency Management Agency funding for wildfire recovery.
A legal war
With Congress firmly in Republican control, resistance to Trump’s many novel and legally dubious actions has fallen almost entirely to those willing to challenge the administration in court — an endeavor more perilous than expected.
Trump and his allies have not only criticized legal rulings against their policies, but called for individual judges to be impeached for issuing such decisions. Those calls, an astonishing affront to the rule of law from a presidential administration, drew a rare rebuke from Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., but that hasn’t stopped them.
Trump also has gone after law firms that have helped clients challenge him or his agenda in the past, targeting them for punishment unless they fall in line with his demands. And he recently stunned the legal world by issuing a presidential memorandum threatening all law firms with sanctions, revoked security clearances and other punishments if his administration determines that they have improperly sued the federal government.
The administration also has sought to rein in the power of states to sue the federal government, including in arguments to the Supreme Court in the birthright citizenship litigation. Legal experts say such state lawsuits have expanded exponentially under recent administrations of both parties, and that there is legitimate legal disagreement over their validity, particularly in cases where state powers are not at stake.
California’s attorney general is the state’s top law enforcement official, and is charged with defending the civil rights and legal and consumer interests of California residents and serving as legal counsel to state officials and agencies, among other things.
According to legal experts, state attorneys general have always been empowered to sue the federal government, particularly in order to challenge federal statutes or regulations that they believe overreach or undermine state law. Their legal authority to challenge federal policies for other reasons, such as when they harm or infringe on the rights of state residents, is more muddled, the experts said.
Bonta, center, as well as Arndt, left of Bonta, and Newman, right of Bonta, is briefed by members of his Civil Rights Enforcement Section.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Tara Leigh Grove, a University of Texas School of Law professor who has written about state standing in such cases, said state attorneys general have been building out their litigation capabilities for the last 40 years, but have increasingly sued the federal government since a 2007 Supreme Court decision was interpreted within the legal community as bolstering their standing to do so.
Bonta said he is not surprised the Trump administration is challenging the power of states to sue now, given their stack of wins against the administration.
“We’re active, we’re organized, we’re making a difference. We’re stopping their unlawfulness. We’re standing up for the rule of law and the Constitution, and they don’t like it, so they want to reduce our power and influence,” he said.
Newman said the attorneys on his civil rights team are certainly up for the fight. They are “clear-eyed” about the Trump administration’s retaliation efforts — “We know that they’re obsessed with enemies and people who stand in their way,” he said — but undaunted.
That work is “exhausting and frustrating,” he said, but also incredibly rewarding.
“There’s no better feeling in the world,” he said, “than stopping an abuse of power based on the legal principles and strategy that you have developed.”
California
GOP California governor candidates to face off at Clovis forum ahead of primary
With California’s June 2nd primary election nearing, Republican candidates for governor, Steve Hilton and Sheriff Chad Bianco, are set to appear at a forum in Clovis.
The Fresno County & City Republican Women Federated is hosting its “Celebrating 250 Years of America Dinner” and a gubernatorial forum on Friday, May 22nd, at The Regency Event Center, 1600 Willow Ave., in Clovis.
The forum will be moderated by State Senator Shannon Grove.
The discussion is expected to focus on major issues facing Californians, with questions presented via video by a panel of state and local figures, including Fresno County District Attorney Lisa Smittcamp on public safety and crime; former Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims on border control and citizenship; William Bourdeau of Bourdeau Farms LLC on water rights and agricultural issues; California state Assemblymember David Tangipa on taxation and fiscal responsibility; Jonathan Keller of the California Family Council on parental rights and education; and Matthew Dildine, CEO of Fresno Mission, on homelessness and mental health.
Clovis Mayor Pro Tem Diane Pearce and Fresno County Supervisor Nathan Magsig are listed as masters of ceremonies.
Doors are scheduled to open at 4:30 p.m., followed by a social hour at 5 p.m. Dinner and the program are set for 6 p.m.
Attire is listed as cocktail or business formal. Organizers said a portion of the proceeds will benefit the Veterans Home of California – Fresno.
GOP California governor candidates to face off at Clovis forum ahead of primary (Courtesy: Fresno County & City Republican Women Federated)
[RELATED] Top-two primary could pit same-party rivals as crowded Democratic field fractures votes
“This forum comes at a pivotal moment for our state,” FCCRWF event organizers said. “Bringing the top Republican gubernatorial candidates to Clovis allows Valley families, farmers, and business owners to get real answers on the issues that affect their daily lives, from water infrastructure to public safety and the skyrocketing cost of living.”
Individual tickets are $150, with discounts offered to FCCRWF members.
Table sponsorships are available at the $1,500, $2,500 and $5,000 levels.
Tickets and sponsorships are available online at FresnoRepublicanWomen.org.
California
Amazon halts high-speed e-bike sales in California following fatal crashes
Orange County’s top prosecutor said Amazon has agreed to stop California sales of certain e-bikes that can go faster than state speed limits following a series of fatal collisions.
The announcement, first reported by KCRA, comes on the heels of an April consumer alert by California Attorney General Rob Bonta that highlighted a rise in deaths related to e-bike and motorcycle crashes.
“We are seeing a surge of safety incidents on our sidewalks, parks, and streets,” Bonta said in a statement. “To ride a motorcycle or moped, you need to have the appropriate driver’s license and comply with rules of the road.”
Bonta’s alert stated that pedal-assisted e-bikes cannot exceed 28 mph. Throttle-assisted e-bikes are limited to 20 mph.
Amazon had continued to sell e-bikes with speeds over 40 mph. Amazon did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Electric bikes and motorcycles have become increasingly popular in the last few years, particularly among teens. But the surge has been shadowed by a spate of deadly crashes.
Orange County Dist. Atty. Todd Spitzer has charged at least three parents with allowing their children to ride electric motorcycles illegally, calling the vehicles a “loaded weapon.”
Spitzer noted in a post on X that Amazon said it removed e-bikes advertised with speeds over 40 miles per hour after KCRA contacted the company.
“The company said it has removed the examples provided and is investigating compliance for similar products,” Spitzer wrote.
That includes an Orange County mother, who faces an involuntary manslaughter charge after her son allegedly struck an 81-year-old man with an electric motorcycle. The 14-year-old boy had been doing wheelies on an e-motorcycle
A 13-year-old boy on an e-bike in Garden Grove died earlier this week after veering into the center median and hurtling onto the roadway. The boy was traveling at around 35 mph on a black E Ride Pro electric motorcycle, authorities said.
Amazon’s new sales limits come as the Los Angeles City Council pushes to keep electric bikes of off most city recreational trails, arguing they are a threat to hikers. E-bikes would still be allowed on designated bikeways, such as along the L.A. River.
California
After exile, California tribes could help run their ancestral redwoods again
Daniel Felix, 10, looks out from atop a gargantuan stump of an old-growth redwood on his tribe’s ancestral land. Once, this forest on California’s North Coast was replete with the ancient behemoths that can live beyond 2,000 years.
Only a fraction are left now, depleted by a logging company before the state acquired the forest in the 1940s.
This is unique public land, Jackson Demonstration State Forest, spanning 50,000 acres. Trees are plentiful here, but they might not live a millennium. California’s 14 demonstration forests are required to produce and sell timber to show — or “demonstrate” — sustainable practices. Money from logging — roughly $8.5 million a year — pays for management of the forests by the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, or Cal Fire.
Daniel’s tribe, the Coyote Valley Band of Pomo Indians, has pushed to rein in the cutting — spearheaded by his late great-grandmother, Priscilla Hunter. They’re part of a diverse coalition that includes environmental activists, local politicians and other tribes.
Now they may finally get their wish. Assemblymember Chris Rogers (D-Santa Rosa) has introduced a bill that would nix the forests’ logging mandate, instead prioritizing values such as carbon storage, wildfire resilience and biodiversity.
The bill represents the latest chapter in a region legendary for fierce battles over logging, and it marks an uncommon alliance between tribes and the environmental movement.
Under Assembly Bill 2494, there could still be logging, but it would have to support those new principles, and the forests would be funded differently.
And it proposes another significant change. It would pave the way for giving tribes a say in managing the lands for the first time since they were forcibly evicted more than a century ago, and for integrating Indigenous knowledge — like cultural burning — into the forests.
“It’s what we dreamed of,” said Polly Girvin, Hunter’s former partner and a retired lawyer focused on Native American issues. “And to have it come true? I’m used to movements that sometimes take 30 years in Indian Country to get to the justice you’re seeking.”
Kids play in the stump of an ancient redwood during a potluck held after the spirit run in Jackson Demonstration State Forest last month.
(Paul Kuroda / For The Times)
Some backers say the bill offers a new economic path forward for communities behind the so-called redwood curtain. With the decline of logging and cannabis, they see tourism driven by ultramarathons, mushroom foraging and other outdoor activities as a financial savior.
“If we had an increase of 10% of visitors coming to our county because of recreational opportunities, that would more than surpass all of the timber tax in our county,” Mendocino County Supervisor Ted Williams said, projecting an increase in money from a lodging tax.
But the push to reshape forest management is fiercely opposed by loggers and mill owners, who say their work is sustainable and provides blue-collar jobs in a region where they’ve dwindled. Already California imports most of its wood from Oregon, Washington and Canada.
“California has the most rules and regulations of anywhere in the world so all they’re doing is exporting the environmental impact to somewhere else, still using the product,” said Myles Anderson, owner of a logging company in Fort Bragg founded by his grandfather. “It’s pretty disgusting, really.”
Anderson believes the bill will greatly reduce logging, even stop it altogether. In his office, with photos of him and his father at a logging site decades ago, he points out it’s sponsored by the Environmental Protection Information Center. Why else would they and other environmental groups “support it if they didn’t see the same thing that I’m seeing?”
Last month, activists who have sought to rein in logging at Jackson held their first major gathering in about four years, galvanized by the bill that they see as a significant step in the right direction.
(Paul Kuroda / For The Times)
A new but old fight
About five years ago, community members caught wind of plans to chop down towering redwoods within Jackson, near the coastal town of Caspar. Priscilla Hunter would come out to the forest “and could hear them crying — it was our ancestors,” said her daughter Melinda Hunter, the tribe’s vice chairwoman. “Then she had to protect [the trees].”
Environmental activists and Native Americans, not historically allies in the region, joined forces to fight it. “Forest defenders” camped out high in the canopy and blocked logging equipment with their bodies. Some were arrested.
The uprising harked back to the 1980s and 1990s, when iconic environmentalist Judi Bari led Earth First! campaigns against logging in the region. Many of the old tree sitters — white-haired and brimming with stories of Bari — have come out of the woodwork for the latest battle.
For them, it was a win. Cal Fire paused new timber sales and, citing public safety, halted some that were underway — including one expected to generate millions of dollars for Myles Anderson’s logging company.
“We were left with nothing,” Anderson said.
Then, last year, Cal Fire approved the first harvest plan since that hiatus. It riled up the sizable, ecologically minded community.
Jessica Curl, 47, remembers growing up nearby “in a terrain of trunks” as trucks carried out logs. Now the redwoods are regrowing, “gorgeous” and gobbling carbon, she said.
“We’re so lucky to live in an area where we have this amazing climate-change mitigation tool, that if we would just leave it alone would do this amazing work that we’re trying to think of all these cool, inventive things to do.”
Isidro Chavez receives burning sage, or smudging, after a run in Jackson Demonstration State Forest. Smudging is a ritual used to cleanse spaces and individuals of negative energy, promote calm and improve mood.
(Paul Kuroda / For The Times)
Tears of grief, resolve
A group of “spirit runners” — a Native American tradition of bringing prayer — sprinted through the heart of Jackson forest as rain poured through the canopy. The mid-April event marked activists’ first major gathering since protests wound down in 2022.
Attendees gathered in a circle to wait for them. Misty Cook, of the Sherwood Valley Band of Pomo Indians, read a statement as eyes misted all around:
“All the living things around us, they miss us. They miss the language. They miss our touch, our hands, touching all of the things — the water, the plants. They miss the songs. They miss the beat of our footsteps and our voices, and they miss the children’s laughter and play, which was so important. They want us to gather them, to use them and to share them. Otherwise they will get sick and possibly die.”
Cal Fire launched a tribal advisory council to bring Indigenous perspective into Jackson. But some local tribes say it’s not enough because they lack decision-making power.
When the runners arrived, the circle absorbed them. Then they continued on to the site of a controversial proposed harvest, Camp Eight. They wrapped a bandana that belonged to Priscilla Hunter around a small tree — a quiet, somber act where she took her last stand. Runners took turns embracing the trunk.
Redwoods at the Capitol
In March, Rogers’ bill cleared a committee and is now in the Assembly Appropriations Committee’s suspense file. A hearing is set for Thursday.
Funding is a major point of contention. Environmentalists say funding these forests with timber operations incentivizes cutting bigger trees. Cal Fire maintains decisions are driven by forest health, not industry demand.
AB 2494 would fund the forests through a tax on lumber and engineered wood products. The shift could create “[o]ngoing state costs and cost pressures of an unknown but potentially significant amount, possibly in the low millions of dollars annually,” according to a legislative analysis.
The California Forestry Assn., a timber industry trade group, says the idea is a nonstarter.
Cal Fire declined to comment on pending legislation but Kevin Conway, the agency’s staff chief for resource protection and improvement, said its nearly 80-year history managing Jackson reflects “care and attention.” Since the state acquired the forest, “we have more trees on the landscape, more habitat and those trees are trending larger,” he said.
For the tribes who have rallied and prayed, a burning question is whether the land will again reflect their vision, or remain shaped by decisions made by others.
Buffie Campbell, executive director of the InterTribal Sinkyone Wilderness Council — co-founded by Priscilla Hunter and one of the groups supporting the bill — said young people wouldn’t be able to fathom the significance of the legislation passing. Maybe that’s a good thing.
“Maybe they don’t need to know about all the fighting that we have to do before they get to go out and enjoy and be tribal guardians stewarding their land.”
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