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Key Senate race in Arizona could hinge on voters who back Trump and the Democratic candidate

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Key Senate race in Arizona could hinge on voters who back Trump and the Democratic candidate


PHOENIX (AP) — If Ruben Gallego is going to give Democrats their fourth straight U.S. Senate victory in Arizona, he’s probably going to need support from an unlikely group: Donald Trump voters.

Gallego and his GOP rival, former television news anchor Kari Lake, are both targeting undecided Republicans in a contest that will test the strength of Trump’s coattails. Ticket-splitting voters are increasingly rare in an era when partisan loyalty reigns, but they could be central in determining which party controls the Senate.

For Gallego, that means winning over voters like Winfield Morris, a 62-year-old Republican farmer and rancher who plans to vote for Trump for president but can’t get behind his loyal ally in the Senate race.

“I don’t like Kari Lake and I’m not going to vote for her,” said Morris, who lives in southern Arizona and has businesses across the state. “I don’t think she has what it takes.”

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Morris supported former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley over Trump and Pinal County Sheriff Mark Lamb over Lake in the GOP primaries. He said he was furious to see Lake attack the late Arizona Republican Sen. John McCain in her failed 2022 campaign for governor. Trump also has attacked McCain, but Morris said he doesn’t see Democrat Kamala Harris as a viable alternative.

Morris said he likes that Gallego was a Marine and may vote for him but wants to learn more about him. He’s also considering writing in a Republican he respects, such as Lamb, who got 40% of the vote in the Senate primary despite being vastly outspent and overshadowed by Lake.

Democrats have a difficult path to keep the Senate

Democrats’ difficult path to retaining control of the Senate relies on winning over Republicans in states so red, neither presidential candidate is putting much effort into winning them. But some of those races involve established incumbents who already have a record to run on.

An ad supporting Montana Sen. Jon Tester — one of the most endangered Democrats in the Senate, who has declined to endorse Harris — showcases Republicans crossing party lines.

“Jon got over 20 bills signed into law by President Trump,” one man says in the ad.

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Trump is well positioned in Ohio, but the race between incumbent Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown and Republican challenger Bernie Moreno could be more competitive.

The effort to win over ticket-splitters is harder for less established candidates, but some are trying. In North Dakota, longshot Democratic Senate candidate Katrina Christiansen released an ad this week narrated by a rancher who says he’s voting for Trump but not for Republican Sen. Kevin Cramer.

In swing-state North Carolina, where Republican Mark Robinson’s campaign for governor is struggling following a CNN report linking him to disturbing posts on an online porn site, the Trump campaign is counting on ticket-splitting in the opposite direction, hoping GOP voters who bail on Robinson will stick with the former president in a state he badly needs to win.

In Arizona, meanwhile, Gallego is hoping to replicate the model that has propelled Democrats to narrow statewide victories since Trump’s first victory, including Sens. Kyrsten Sinema and Mark Kelly and Gov. Katie Hobbs, who defeated Lake in 2022.

He’s getting plenty of help. Democrats so far have outspent Republicans on advertising by a wide margin on the race, according to AdImpact, which tracks campaign ad spending. As of Thursday, Democrats had spent $60.7 million on the race, compared to $16.4 million spent by Republicans. Democrats also have $35.7 million in spots reserved between now and Election Day, compared to $11.7 million reserved by GOP-affiliated groups.

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What to know about the 2024 Election

Gallego’s strategy relies on Democrats keeping their own supporters united, getting a majority of independents and picking up a small but decisive share of Republicans by appealing to conservatives who dislike Trump.

“Especially in modern times, to have ticket splitters that big is extraordinary. But I think it’s entirely accurate,” said Mike Madrid, a California-based Republican strategist who has worked to defeat Trump. “They’re sticking more to Trump because he’s the top-of-the-ticket nominee, and losing the presidency is a lot different than losing a Senate seat.”

Republicans have had a hard time replicating Trump’s coalition

Celebrity candidates who are close to Trump but lack strong ties to the GOP establishment have had a hard time replicating Trump’s coalition, Madrid said. Television doctor Mehmet Oz and football legend Herschel Walker both lost Senate races two years ago. As a well-known local news personality, Lake fits the mold.

Both Lake’s and Gallego’s messaging reflect the importance of undecided Republicans to the outcome of the race.

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Both are running ads focused on border security, almost exclusively so in Lake’s case. Gallego even gently rebukes the Biden-Harris administration in one ad playing in heavy rotation, saying, “Arizonans know — on the border, there is no plan.” He did not appear with Harris when she visited the Arizona-Mexico border on Friday.

And both Gallego and Lake are showcasing support from Republicans. For Gallego, it’s a businessman who says in ads he’s a Republican and calls the congressman a “man of principles.” For Lake, it’s Trump himself, as she reminds his supporters that he’s backing her. She’s been one of his most steadfast allies, embracing his lie that the 2020 election was stolen from him due to widespread fraud.

The cross-currents of divided loyalties among traditionally Republican groups often surface at campaign events. For example, the Arizona Police Association, which represents thousands of officers in the state, endorsed Gallego, citing his background as a Marine combat veteran. Just three days earlier, Trump called the group’s president, Justin Harris, to the stage to bestow an endorsement on the former president at a rally outside Phoenix.

Gallego hopes there’s more where that came from, and there’s some history to suggest that’s possible.

In 2020, Republican Senate candidate Martha McSally privately fretted that she was running behind with Trump voters, which turned out to be the case. While Trump lost Arizona by 10,457 votes — .03 percentage points — McSally lost by 78,806 to Kelly, indicating tens of thousands of voters split their tickets.

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Some observers say Gallego fits the profile of the kind of candidate who could replicate the path forged by Kelly, a tough-talking former astronaut.

“Ruben is a legitimate tough guy,” said Stacy Pearson, a Phoenix-based Democratic strategist, who ran the successful 2016 campaign to oust Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, which relied on voters who backed Trump at the top of the ticket. “He’s an Iraq War vet. He is a person who sincerely pulled himself up by his bootstraps, and that resonates very much with this Western state.”

___

Associated Press writers Jack Dura in Bismarck, North Dakota, and Amy Beth Hanson in Helena, Montana, contributed to this report.





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11 illegal Indian national truck drivers arrested at Arizona border last month

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11 illegal Indian national truck drivers arrested at Arizona border last month


Eleven illegal Indian national truck drivers were arrested at the Arizona border in the month of February. 

The Yuma Sector Border Patrol arrested 11 total Indian national truck drivers in Yuma, Arizona in February 2026. 

According to a Facebook post by the Yuma Sector Border Patrol, all 11 truck drivers held commercial drivers licenses from the states of Florida, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and California. All were “found to be present in the United States illegally.”

“Border Patrol remains committed to upholding immigration laws and protecting our communities,” the post continued.

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Arizona Independent Party to appeal ruling erasing name

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Arizona Independent Party to appeal ruling erasing name


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The Arizona Independent Party will appeal a court ruling that invalidated its name, guaranteeing more legal limbo and possibly a new chapter of confusion in the effort to give unaffiliated voters a viable third-party option at the ballot box.

Party chair Paul Johnson confirmed he would appeal the ruling from Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Greg Como, which forces the party to revert to its prior name: the No Labels Party. The ruling ordered elections officials in Arizona to follow suit.

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The decision was a high-profile loss for Secretary of State Adrian Fontes, who Como said had permitted a “bait and switch” on voters by allowing the name change.

“We were given due process, the judge did a fair job,” Johnson said. “I don’t agree with his final position, but I like the way our country works in terms of the rule of the law.”

“I don’t feel discouraged at all,” Johnson said, adding that an appeal could proceed in federal court and raise claims of First and Fourteenth Amendment violations.

It is unclear how the judge’s order, if it stands, could impact candidates who submitted signatures to qualify for the ballot under the Arizona Independent Party label.

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“The commission’s position has been that this would cause confusion,” said Tom Collins, executive director of the Clean Elections Commission, which was part of the case. “This is an example of that confusion.”

The number of signatures required to make the ballot is a percentage of registered voters for each party, but unaffiliated candidates had to collect roughly six times as many as Republican or Democratic candidates. Running with the Arizona Independent Party meant only 1,771 signatures were needed.

Como’s order was signed March 19 but made public on March 25, after a March 23 deadline for candidates to file signatures to make the ballot.

“Unfortunately due to the court order, this question is left unaddressed,” said Calli Jones, a spokesperson for Fontes. “This question will be left to the challenge process or other court proceedings.”

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Clarity could come through any lawsuits filed challenging Arizona Independent Party candidates’ signatures. No such challenges had been filed as of March 25, and the deadline is April 6.

What’s preventing ‘Arizona Nazi Party’ or the ‘Arizona Anarchists’?

Last October, Fontes agreed to change the name of the No Labels Party to the Arizona Independent Party, saying to do so was not explicitly prohibited in law. The change was done at the request of Johnson, a former Phoenix mayor and advocate for open primaries. To Johnson, the party is something of a can’t-beat-them-join-them way to put independent candidates on an even playing field with those from the two major parties.

The name change quickly led to a trio of lawsuits filed by the state’s voter education agency, the Arizona Citizens Clean Elections Commission, and the Arizona Republican Party and Arizona Democratic Party. Those cases were merged into one, which ultimately led to the March ruling.

The commission and political parties argued the name change would create confusion for voters and election officials in terms of distinguishing when someone wanted to be part of the new party versus and independent voter in a colloquial sense, which means not registering with any party. Fontes did not dispute there could be confusion.

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State law does not directly address when a political party wants to change its name, but Como said that request should follow the process for creating a new party. That includes gathering signatures from supportive voters. Como has been on the bench since 2015.

Como raised concerns of transparency, noting that voters who registered for the old party may not support the new party name. He said a party could gather support with an “innocuous sounding name,” then change it entirely. Como offered a grave example.

“Would the same 41,000 people who signed petitions to recognize the No Labels Party have signed to support the ‘Arizona Nazi Party’ or the ‘Arizona Anarchists’?” he wrote.

His ruling is guided by and affirms Arizona court precedent that statewide elected officials’ powers are only those that are given explicitly to them in statute or the constitution.

Legal challenges needed to bring clarity

Jones, Fontes’ spokesperson, said the office had no power to address whether signatures were valid, because the office presumes “anyone who met the requirements at the time of filing their signatures are valid candidates.” Fontes, a Democrat seeking reelection this year, said he would not appeal the ruling given the “fast approach of the election and the challenging job election administrators have before them.”

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He also stood by his decision, but said the court ruled with voters. “Both approaches, being reasonable, the Court entered an order with a lean towards the voters, not the party leaders,” Fontes said.

Como did not find Fontes’ approach was reasonable, saying it was beyond Fontes’ authority.

“The judge noted that even Fontes admitted this issue would cause confusion for the voters, but Fontes disregarded that concern and the obvious truth, and proceeded to allow them to continue the charade,” Arizona Republic Party Chair Sergio Arellano said, responding to the ruling.

That Fontes will not appeal was welcome, because “he has already cost taxpayers too much money” and “further eroded trust in our election officials at a time when that trust is already at an all-time low,” Arellano said.

Eleven candidates are running for office with the Arizona Independent Party name, or whatever it turns out to be. That includes candidates for Congress, governor and state Legislature. Hugh Lytle, the party’s preferred candidate for governor, said in a statement the ruling proves “how far the political parties will go to protect their grip on power.”

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Lytle is among the candidates who could face a challenge to his just over 6,000 signatures. Of those, just 132 were gathered via the state’s online system, which requires verification before signing. The remaining could be more vulnerable to objections.

Ultimately, Lytle said, the judge’s ruling wouldn’t change much.

“We are on the ballot,” he said.

Reach reporter Stacey Barchenger at stacey.barchenger@arizonarepublic.com or 480-416-5669.



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Arizona Senate committee passes three bills aimed at reforming the Department of Child Safety

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Arizona Senate committee passes three bills aimed at reforming the Department of Child Safety


A state Senate committee passed three bills Wednesday morning aimed at reforming the Arizona Department of Child Safety.

The bills are part of a search for solutions following the murders of three girls known to Arizona’s child welfare system in 2025.

One of the bills strengthens the rules to place children with relatives or other adults they know. HB2035 would make kinship care presumptive and require a written explanation if a different placement were made.

Another bill, HB4004, encourages DCS to investigate new reports of child abuse, even if caseworkers had designated a “protective parent” who would shield the child from harm.

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The third bill, HB2611, aims to improve the conditions of group homes. This includes improved building security, allowing foster children to participate in enrichment activities and live free from bullying, and randomly drug testing group home workers.

Hayden L’Heureux, who lived in foster group homes, spoke about the conditions youth face.

“For many foster youth group homes are not experienced as places of healing but as places of punishment or setback,” L’Heureux said.

Angelina Trammell also lived in foster group homes and shared her experience.

“I’ve been through things no child should ever have to go through in the hardest part. A lot of it could’ve been prevented,” Trammell said.

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All three bills have already passed the state House and will move forward for consideration by the full Senate.

This story was reported on-air by a journalist and has been converted to this platform with the assistance of AI. Our editorial team verifies all reporting on all platforms for fairness and accuracy.





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