Arizona
Inside the pressure campaign to force hand-counting of Arizona ballots
Votebeat is a nonprofit news organization reporting on voting access and election administration across the U.S. Sign up for Votebeat Arizona’s free newsletter here.
Republican lawmakers in Arizona privately pressured county leaders across the state to count ballots by hand instead of using machines, according to previously unreported text messages.
The messages, obtained by Votebeat through public record requests, are a window into how state lawmakers are trying to leverage relationships with Republican county supervisors — who decide how to count ballots in their counties — to promote a practice that state officials have repeatedly said would be illegal.
And it highlights how lawmakers have turned to counties to try to change how ballots are counted, after failing to change state laws.
In Mohave County, for example, messages show that Supervisor Travis Lingenfelter requested a vote on hand-counting ballots during the upcoming presidential election after state Sen. Sonny Borrelli, a fellow Republican who lives in the county, connected him with a lawyer who promised to represent the board free if necessary.
After Lingenfelter spoke to the lawyer, Borrelli checked back in. “When will you put this on the agenda for a vote,” Borrelli texted Lingenfelter. Lingenfelter replied with a screenshot of a meeting agenda for the next week, showing a scheduled vote.
In Pinal County, the day supervisors discussed hand-counting ballots in this year’s election, state Sen. Wendy Rogers, a Republican who represents parts of Pinal County, texted Supervisor Kevin Cavanaugh, also a Republican, to assert that hand-counting all ballots was legal — something the Secretary of State’s Office and state Attorney General’s Office have said is not true.
“Don’t let them lie today,” Rogers wrote.
Supervisors ultimately rejected their pleas. So far, all Arizona counties plan to use machines to count ballots for the upcoming election. The supervisors in Pinal and Mohave, specifically, decided against a hand count after the counties’ lawyers told them they would potentially be violating state law and could be held personally liable if they went ahead with it.
Adding heft to the warnings: Two Republican supervisors in Cochise County, Peggy Judd and Tom Crosby, are facing felony charges for allegedly conspiring to interfere with the county’s midterm election — in part by pushing for a full hand count of ballots.
Other newly obtained text messages from Cochise County, which American Oversight fought for in court and shared with Votebeat, show that a state senator was trying to pressure Judd during the public meeting when the supervisors held the key vote on hand-counting ballots.
State Sen. David Gowan, who lives in Cochise County, texted Judd just as the meeting began, appearing to pass along a message from another Republican, then-Senate President Karen Fann.
“Does the Cochise bos know there is no law prohibiting them from hand count? From President Fann,” he wrote, referring to the board of supervisors.
Votebeat attempted to contact every public official identified in this article, and included comments from those who responded.
Push for hand counts persists despite known drawbacks
The issue with hand-counting ballots is not just the law. Multiple studies, trials, and attempts to hand-count ballots across the country — including in Pinal and Mohave counties — have proven that hand-counting instead of using machines would cost more money, require hundreds to thousands more workers, lead to inaccurate results, and potentially delay or disrupt the certification of results. Yet the conversations about instituting hand counts continue in Arizona, especially as many of the county supervisors run for reelection this year.
Cavanaugh, who is running for sheriff in Pinal County, says he still thinks Pinal should expand its post-election hand-count audit, and he believes the board still might hand-count.
In Mohave County, Supervisor Ron Gould, who is vying to keep his seat on the board, sued Attorney General Kris Mayes, asking the court to rule on whether counties are required to use machines during the initial count of ballots. A hearing date hasn’t been set.
Many election lawyers have said state law is unclear on whether counties must use machines for the initial ballot count, but Secretary of State Adrian Fontes and Mayes, both Democrats, have said machines are legally required. In October, the Arizona Court of Appeals ruled that counties cannot legally hand count all ballots during their statutorily required post-election audit, but that ruling did not appear to directly address whether machines must be used during the initial vote count.
Gould has said he believes Mohave County’s current board would move forward with eliminating machines if a court deems it legal.
Senator texts Cochise supervisor: ‘Watching online right now’
The pressure campaign for hand counts has accelerated this year, but it began after former President Donald Trump began claiming falsely, and without evidence, that someone programmed machines to switch votes to President Joe Biden during the 2020 presidential race.
Multiple courts in Arizona and across the country dismissed the claims. Election officials have procedures and protections to verify machines are working properly.
Voters in most Arizona counties vote by hand-marking paper ballots that are then fed into scanners that tally the votes. The results of the machine count are verified by a manual audit of the paper ballots in a select number of races before the county’s results are finalized. If enough mistakes are found, by law, the county must continue to hand-count the votes on more ballots until the results are confirmed.
Just before the 2022 midterm election, a grassroots group led in part by Corporation Commissioner Jim O’Connor, a Republican, bombarded county supervisors’ email inboxes and filled the seats in county boardrooms with a call to stop using the counting machines.
Only Cochise County listened, and even there, the two Republicans on the three-member board — Judd and Crosby — wanted to keep using the machines for the initial count, but subsequently confirm those results with a full hand count.
On Oct. 12, the day after the supervisors discussed a hand count, Republican state Rep. Lupe Diaz texted Judd to assert that the law allowed supervisors to use the post-election audit to hand-count all ballots.
“There is nothing preventing 100% hand counts,” Diaz texted her.
Judd put the proposal on the agenda for an Oct. 24 special meeting of supervisors.
The meeting began at 2 p.m. At 2:34 p.m., Gowan texted Judd the message about Fann. A minute later, he texted her to say he had just spoken to the office of then-Attorney General Mark Brnovich, a Republican, and there’s “nothing that can stop a hand count in law.”
An hour later, as the meeting continued, Gowan texted Judd again. “There are so many in the Senate, who support you guys on the hand count,” he wrote. “Just want you to know, many of them are watching online right now.”
Judd, who used a flip phone at the time, said she didn’t immediately see the messages. “I had stopped reading any emails during that hectic time,” she said.
She also said it “wouldn’t have mattered anyway” and she was influenced by constituents.
She and Crosby voted that day to expand the county’s hand-count audit to look at more ballots than required by law. The motion they voted on was confusing, and many, including the Secretary of State’s Office, interpreted it as a vote for a full hand count.
In 2023, Mayes replaced Brnovich as attorney general and opened an investigation into that vote, as well as Judd and Crosby’s later efforts to delay the certification of the county’s election results. A grand jury concluded Crosby and Judd’s actions were a conspiracy and interference with an election, both felonies.
Crosby and Judd have pleaded not guilty. They are awaiting trial.
Texts show state lawmakers’ private requests to Mohave supervisors
Last summer, before the Cochise indictments, and as county election officials were starting their initial planning for the presidential election cycle, state Sens. Borrelli and Rogers toured the state to try to convince county supervisors to get rid of voting machines for this year’s election.
That included lobbying in Mohave County, where Borrelli lives and where he is now challenging Supervisor Buster Johnson for his seat in the July 30 Republican primary.
After Votebeat in January requested Mohave supervisors’ text messages related to hand-counting ballots, which the county is required to provide under state public records laws, the county attorney’s office said it asked supervisors to conduct a search of their own phones and provide any responsive records. The county attorney’s office did not independently conduct a search.
Initially, only Johnson provided records. After Votebeat pressed for more, Supervisor Hildy Angius also handed over messages. The law firm Ballard Spahr then sent letters on Votebeat’s behalf, demanding that the other supervisors respond to the request as required by law.
Gould and Lingenfelter then handed over text messages as well. Only Supervisor Jean Bishop, who voted against hand-counting, did not provide any messages in response to the request. She told Votebeat she didn’t have any text message discussions about hand-counting ballots.
The texts provided from Gould’s and Lingenfelter’s phones give a fuller picture of Borelli’s efforts there.
In early June 2023, Borrelli and Rogers went to a supervisors meeting and told the supervisors to vote to get rid of their voting machines on the grounds that they were insecure — though they didn’t offer evidence — and that the state Legislature had passed a nonbinding resolution banning their use. All supervisors except Bishop voted to have the elections director suggest a plan to move forward with hand-counting.
That included Johnson. But in group texts he was included in after the meeting, his own staff members mocked the idea.
“So did they vote to hand count???” one staff member asked.
“No to make a plan to hand count,” someone else replied.
“Oh for crying out loud,” the staff member responded.
On June 23, in a group chat, another member of Johnson’s staff wrote that “statistically hand counting is not possible … there is no logical way we can hand count the primary and general within the 14 day canvas[s] deadline.”
Another replied: “ha ha, well of course it won’t work, like going back to dial up internet.”
Asked why he voted for the plan if he didn’t support the idea, Johnson said he believed the board was going to vote to hand-count ballots. “The only way I could stop it was to suggest we have Allen come back with the cost associated with doing the hand count,” he said, referring to elections director Allen Tempert. “That would give time for the board members to think about what they were doing.”
Johnson said that he has publicly explained his reasons for not supporting hand-counting ballots, including a lack of problems with the current system, trust in the county elections director, cost, and the added time it would take.
If Republican state lawmakers wanted it to happen, he pointed out, they could have changed the law in 2022, when they had a majority in the Legislature and a Republican governor.
“We are an arm of the state,” he said. “We can only do what the state allows us to do.”
In August, Tempert presented his findings to the supervisors. He said a hand count of the 2024 election would cost the county more than $1 million, and require hundreds of workers and many weeks. Supervisors voted against the plan. Lingenfelter cast the deciding vote, saying it would be too costly.
Borrelli kept at it, though. In early November, he texted Lingenfelter and told him lawyer Bryan Blehm would be calling him.
“He’s the Attorney that will defend the County if it’s sued because of the hand count. ‘At no cost’ to the County,” he wrote.
After Lingenfelter and Blehm spoke, on Nov. 17, Lingenfelter texted Borrelli to confirm the vote would be on the Nov. 20 agenda. After Lingenfelter confirmed it, Borrelli sent him a smiley-face emoji with sunglasses.
That day, Votebeat published a story about the upcoming vote. That weekend, Mayes’ office sent a letter to Mohave supervisors warning them it would be illegal.
Lingenfelter sent Borrelli that article, as well as a related article in which Pinal County Attorney Kent Volkmer warned that Mayes could file criminal charges if supervisors moved forward.
“Criminal charges?” Lingenfelter texted Borrelli.
“That’s bullshit,” Borrelli texted back.
That day, Borrelli also texted Gould. “Please make the motion to approve,” he wrote. “And request a roll call vote.”
“I will,” Gould replied.
At the meeting, Lingenfelter again cast the deciding “no” vote against hand-counting.
Less than two weeks later, Mayes announced the indictments against the two Pinal supervisors.
In an interview, Lingenfelter said he had previously promised Borrelli he would put hand-counting back on the agenda if Borrelli found a lawyer who would make sure supervisors wouldn’t have to use taxpayer dollars for any legal costs associated with the effort.
He added that he ultimately voted no only because of Mayes’ threat to bring felony charges against supervisors personally, which he called “shocking.” If a court ultimately rules that hand-counting is legal, Lingenfelter said, he would vote in favor of using the method if that’s what most of his constituents want.
Johnson said he doesn’t know whether the county is done considering hand-counting.
“I guess it all depends on the results of the election,” he said. “When the election didn’t go the way people thought it should have, that’s when the problems came up.”
Pinal supervisors heed county attorney’s warning
Borrelli and Rogers had also tried to convince Pinal County’s supervisors to move forward with hand-counting. But just before the indictments, after the warning from the county attorney, they also rejected it.
At the request of the supervisors, the county’s election director began a hand-count trial in June 2023 using test ballots and found that each batch of 25 ballots was taking a team of workers about 87 minutes to count, or about 3.5 minutes a ballot.
In August, Borrelli and Rogers visited the supervisors and urged them to move forward.
Supervisor Mike Goodman’s office staff texted him before the meeting that they supported the idea. “Be bold boss! Hand count! Hand count! Hand count!” one said. “I say we stand up, stand out & lead on!!” another wrote.
The supervisors didn’t take action at that meeting. But months later they put an item on a Nov. 15 meeting agenda to discuss it again. That was when Rogers texted Cavanaugh and told him “don’t let them lie” about whether it was legal.
“By law, a 100% hand count can be done!” she wrote.
Cavanaugh texted her back. “I could not get any bos member to budge toward hand counts with volkmer talking grand jury indictments and pointing to ruling from appelate court,” he wrote.
Asked if Rogers influenced his thoughts on the topic, Cavanaugh said no. He said that he believes he and Rogers have a similar way of thinking, in that they are concerned about elections, but he also has to follow the law.
“I’m more cautious than a lot of people,” he said. “I try to base everything in law. So while I definitely support hand-counting, we have to do it in a way that is consistent with what the legislature has written and what the governor signed.”
Cavanaugh said that if it turns out to be legal to count votes by hand, and they can figure out a way to hand-count “accurately and speedily,” then he is OK with it.
“I don’t think the issue is dead,” he said.
Jen Fifield is a reporter for Votebeat based in Arizona. Contact Jen at jfifield@votebeat.org.
Arizona
Future of Arizona’s Oak Flat faces pivotal day in Phoenix courtroom
Apache Stronghold leader’s propane lines severed
Apache Stronghold leader Wendsler Nosie’s propane tank lines were severed. Nosie claims it is related to the controversy surrounding Oak Flat mine.
Three lawsuits aiming to keep the U.S. Forest Service from turning over Oak Flat to a mining company for a massive copper mine go in front of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for arguments Jan. 7.
The British-Australian firm Resolution Copper has long sought the exchange to build a mine that bodes to obliterate a site Apaches and other Native peoples hold sacred. It also is one of Arizona’s few functional wetlands.
Two lawsuits filed by the San Carlos Apache Tribe and a coalition of environmentalists and the Inter Tribal Association of Arizona challenged the land exchange, authorized by a last-minute amendment to a “must-pass” defense bill in December 2014. The arguments in the lawsuits are based on the tribe’s religious beliefs and on environmental concerns, including disputes over water usage and possible damage of one of central Arizona’s key aquifers.
In the third suit, the latest to be filed, a group of Apache women who have spiritual and cultural connections to the site argue that the exchange would violate the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, the First Amendment’s religious rights protections and two environmental laws.
Their lawsuit also brought two new factors into play: a recent U.S. Supreme Court decision that affirms parental rights to direct their children’s religious education and references to Justice Neil Gorsuch’s blistering dissent to the Supreme Court’s refusal to hear another case related to the land exchange.
A three-judge panel will hear the cases at the Sandra Day O’Connor U.S. Courthouse in Phoenix.
Religious rights advocates and First Amendment experts have said the ability of Native peoples to exercise their religious rights is at stake.
Oak Flat story: As an Apache girl enters womanhood, lawsuits and tariffs cast shadows
The struggle over Oak Flat nears 30-year mark
For more than two decades, Oak Flat Campground, known to Apaches as Chi’chil Biłdagoteel, “the place where the Emory oak grows,” has been ground zero in a battle over Native religious rights on public lands as well as environmental preservation for a scarce Arizona ecosystem.
The 2,200-acre primitive campground and riparian zone, within the Tonto National Forest about 60 miles east of Phoenix, also lies over one of the nation’s largest remaining bodies of copper ore.
To obtain the copper, Resolution, which is owned by multinational firms Rio Tinto and BHP, plans to use a method known as block cave mining in which tunnels are drilled beneath the ore body, and then collapsed, leaving the ore to be moved to a crushing facility.
Eventually, the ground would subside, leaving behind a crater about 1,000 feet deep and nearly 2 miles across, obliterating Oak Flat.
Resolution Copper, a British-Australian mining firm, sought Congressional approval to exchange other parcels of land it had purchased with the U.S. Forest Service for nearly 10 years when the late Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., and other officials engineered a late-night rider to a must-pass defense bill in December 2014. Then-President Barack Obama signed the bill and ever since, tribes, environmentalists and their allies have fought to stop the exchange.
Resolution has said that the mine would bring much-needed jobs and revenues to the economically challenged Copper Triangle to the tune of about $1 billion a year. The company has provided funding to support recovery from the floods that devastated downtown Globe in October and has supported other community organizations.
In November, Resolution announced it had completed rehabilitation of the historic No. 9 shaft at the Magma minehead, including deepening it to nearly 6,900 feet and connecting it to the No. 10 shaft, which plunges about 6,940 feet below the surface.
Vicky Peacey, president and general manager of Resolution, said the shaft project was a huge milestone, employing homegrown talent from surrounding communities to get the job done.
Despite the ongoing litigation, she said, “We are ready to advance this important copper project, enabling thousands of high-paying jobs, billions in economic development for rural Arizona, and access to a domestic supply of copper essential to American security and modern infrastructure.”
Grassroots group Apache Stronghold, led by former San Carlos Apache Tribal Chairman Wendsler Nosie, filed the first lawsuit to stop the exchange. That litigation was declined twice by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2025, but Apache Stronghold continues to fight the land exchange as the group supports the other three lawsuits.
Debra Krol reports on Indigenous communities at the confluence of climate, culture and commerce in Arizona and the Intermountain West. Reach Krol at debra.krol@azcentral.com. Follow her on X, formerly known as Twitter, @debkrol and on Bluesky at @debkrol.bsky.social.
Arizona
Trump issues rare dual endorsement in Arizona swing district
Are Trump’s signature tariffs even legal?
Rising health care costs, limits on executive power and two ongoing conflicts are all substantive issues Trump faces in the new year as midterms near.
President Donald Trump endorsed not one but two Republicans in a highly watched Arizona congressional primary, boosting a new candidate after his first pick met resistance from some in the GOP.
In a Jan. 6 social media post, Trump said he was backing Jay Feely, a former Cardinals kicker and sports commentator who recently switched his campaign into Arizona’s Scottsdale-area 1st Congressional District, in addition to Gina Swoboda, the state GOP chair whose candidacy has divided Republicans despite her securing Trump’s support in October.
The president praised both Feely and Swoboda as “Highly Respected America First Patriots.”
“JAY OR GINA WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!” he wrote on Truth Social, the social media platform he owns.
The announcement is a blow to Swoboda, a polarizing figure among Arizona Republicans. Her longtime rivalry with Turning Point, the network of conservative advocacy groups founded by the late activist Charlie Kirk, has shadowed her candidacy, prompting attacks and infighting among Arizona Republicans.
The president’s team had not publicly confirmed his endorsement of Swoboda before the Jan. 6 social media post.
In an interview with The Arizona Republic, Feely said he thought the endorsement came back to his “friendship” and shared values with the president.
“I love what he’s doing. I believe in what he’s doing. I’m committed to the same principles that he and his administration have,” Feely said.
“We wish Gilbert resident Jay Feely well in his latest campaign for Congress, but nothing has changed,” Swoboda campaign consultant Chris Baker shot back in a written statement to The Republic. “Gina Swoboda will be the Republican nominee in AZ01.”
The endorsement will also set back two other high-profile GOP candidates in the race, the ultra-conservative state Rep. Joseph Chaplik and businessman John Trobough, who both told The Republic they, too, had been in touch with the White House.
Though Trump’s endorsement will be a boon in the Republican primary, it could become a liability in the general election. The district, which includes wealthy pockets of Paradise Valley, Scottsdale, and north Phoenix, has a hot-and-cold relationship with the president.
National GOP leaders encouraged him to run in Scottsdale, Feely says
Feely initially launched his campaign in Arizona’s 5th Congressional District, which includes much of Chandler, Queen Creek and Gilbert, where he lives with his family. He billed himself as a home-grown candidate with a “heart to serve,” and a MAGA devotee who has a personal relationship with Trump.
His prospects in that district dimmed after the president endorsed one of his opponents, Mark Lamb, the well-known former sheriff of Pinal County. Early polling showed Lamb with a large advantage in the race.
But Trump took a liking to Feely, encouraging the former football player in a November social media post to “run in a different district, or for a different office.”
Feely followed the president’s advice. He switched his campaign into the Scottsdale district on Dec. 19. Trump’s endorsement followed about two weeks later.
In an interview Feely said national Republican leaders in D.C., and “grassroots leadership” in the Valley, encouraged him to pivot to the Scottsdale seat. He said he spoke several times with House Speaker Mike Johnson on the matter.
“I wanted to do what was best for the team,” he told The Arizona Republic.
“If they wanted me to run in CD1, and they felt like I was the best candidate, and the one that could hold that seat, then I was willing to do that.”
It’s rare but not unheard of for the president to endorse multiple candidates in a single race.
Last year Trump endorsed two congressional hopefuls in a West Valley-area Republican primary, including the eventual winner, U.S. Rep. Abe Hamadeh.
And in Missouri’s 2022 U.S. Senate race, Trump left election-watchers scratching their heads when he endorsed “Eric,” a first name shared by the race’s two front-runners. Both campaigns claimed the endorsement as their own.
For years the Scottsdale-area district has been considered one of the most competitive races in the country. Its incumbent, U.S. Rep. David Schweikert, announced last year he would not seek re-election in 2026, winding down his 15-year tenure on Capitol Hill and setting up a bitter contest for the rare open congressional seat.
Across the aisle, about half a dozen high-profile Democrats are fighting for their party’s nomination.
The candidates have already raised millions of dollars between them, with campaign spending only expected to escalate leading up to the Aug. 4, 2026 primaries. The Nov. 3, 2026, general election will bring millions more expensive television advertisements, mailers, and social media ads to the district, much of it financed by national Republican and Democratic groups wrestling for control over the U.S. House.
Feely has raised more than $1 million, about a third of which he has loaned himself, according to a report filed this fall. His personal financial disclosure shows he is worth at least $15 million, giving him a piggy bank that could help finance a campaign.
Swoboda has raised “quite a bit” of money, said campaign consultant Chris Baker, though her fundraising receipts aren’t yet public.
Rivals slam Feely’s out-of-district residence
Feely’s rivals have slammed him for running in a district where he doesn’t live.
“If Jay Feely wants to travel 50 minutes every day to run in Arizona’s 1st Ccongressional District, where he’s never lived, we will pay for his Uber,” Alfredo Rodriguez, a strategist with the Trobough campaign, wrote in a news release. “Tell him to send us the bill.”
“If Gilbert carpetbagger Jay Feely foolishly thinks he can win in AZ01, then more power to him I guess. But the outcome won’t change – Gina Swoboda will win the Republican primary,” Baker wrote in a statement to The Republic.
Feely said in an interview he has connections to the Scottsdale district, even though he doesn’t actually live there. The district is “about economics” and “represents the entrepreneurial spirit,” he said.
“I’ve invested in companies in this district. My friends and family live in this district. And I want to be an asset to all of them,” Feely said.
Arizona
Arizona is still growing, but new migration data shows the trend may be shifting
Arizona remains one of the fastest-growing states in the country, but new migration data suggests that growth is starting to level out.
According to the latest numbers from U-Haul, Arizona ranked number seven nationwide for growth in 2025. While that is down one spot from the year before, it marks the sixth consecutive year the state has remained in the top ten.
The rankings are based on more than 2.5 million one-way moving transactions for the Arizona-based company.
What stands out in the data is how close those numbers are.
In 2025, 50.3% of U-Haul’s one-way moves came into Arizona, while 49.7% moved out. In practical terms, that means for nearly every family moving into the state, there is another one packing up and leaving.
That does not mean Arizona is losing population. However, it does suggest the margin of growth is getting thinner than it has been in recent years.
Even with that shift, the greater Phoenix metro area continues to be a major driver of growth. Phoenix ranked fifth nationwide among U.S. metro areas, fueled by job creation and new housing across the Valley.
U-Haul leaders point to continued development tied to major employers, including chip manufacturing and data centers, as well as ongoing residential construction, as reasons Phoenix remains a top destination.
Experts who study migration trends say when in-migration and out-migration numbers get this close, it can be a sign that affordability pressures are starting to play a role, especially when it comes to housing.
The latest data does not point to a mass exodus, but it does show Arizona entering a period of transition, balancing opportunity and growth with affordability concerns.
-
World1 week agoHamas builds new terror regime in Gaza, recruiting teens amid problematic election
-
News1 week agoFor those who help the poor, 2025 goes down as a year of chaos
-
Science1 week agoWe Asked for Environmental Fixes in Your State. You Sent In Thousands.
-
Business1 week agoA tale of two Ralphs — Lauren and the supermarket — shows the reality of a K-shaped economy
-
Detroit, MI4 days ago2 hospitalized after shooting on Lodge Freeway in Detroit
-
Politics1 week agoCommentary: America tried something new in 2025. It’s not going well
-
Politics1 week agoMarjorie Taylor Greene criticizes Trump’s meetings with Zelenskyy, Netanyahu: ‘Can we just do America?’
-
Health1 week agoRecord-breaking flu numbers reported in New York state, sparking warnings from officials