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OPINION: Court politics, the regulatory state and Alaska resource development

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OPINION: Court politics, the regulatory state and Alaska resource development


In the days before President Joe Biden stepped aside from the presidential race, he was willing to try anything to revive his political fortunes. In transparent efforts to shore up his progressive bona fides, Biden announced another $1.2 billion worth of student loan forgiveness and is even entertaining proposals to set term limits on Supreme Court justices.

It is no surprise that this coequal branch of the federal government is under Biden’s scrutiny, as they have ruled against him in several high-profile cases like EPA v. West Virginia, which curtailed the Environmental Protection Agency’s scope, the “Chevron Deference” case of Looper v. Raimondo, which returned powers from the executive branch to the Congress, and most notably Trump v. United States, which recognized former president Donald Trump’s immunity from prosecution.

Biden’s latest proposal is not so much a reform as it is a vendetta.

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Progressives have often used the courts to exact an outcome unintended by the law and administrative state. Hence the latest decision by U.S. District Court Judge Sharon Gleason blocking oil and gas lease sales in Cook Inlet. Well-funded activists can always find a reason to introduce legislation, and judges like Gleason, appointed to the bench by former president Barack Obama in 2011, can halt a congressionally mandated process of lease sales highlighting that the power to exact change lies not in the law, but in the courts.

The invocation of the beluga whale is clever, as almost everyone (minus Captain Ahab) loves whales and desires that they be protected. It’s clever because as environmental groups litigate for their protection in Alaska, the Atlantic Coast simultaneously has seen more than 200 whales mysteriously perish in recent years, met with litigation silence from these same groups. One can only speculate if whale protection is the de facto motivation or a mere mirage.

Alaskans must marvel that only six months ago, temperatures reached 60 below zero and snow accumulation broke records. We weathered the storm as we always do, not just because of our resilience but also thanks to increased supply of natural gas that Judge Gleason’s decision is aimed at preventing. During the coldest week of winter, Alaska’s natural gas suppliers increased their output to prevent human suffering and harm.

Elected officials also have a role to play here. It is incumbent on our leaders to determine infrastructure needs: electric grid, heating and other utilities, in preparation for another inevitable harsh winter.

In assessing the risk oil and gas lease sales pose to beluga whales, there was no such concern in Judge Gleason’s ruling on the absence of natural gas and the risk to the people of Alaska. In fact, I see no such litigation on behalf of the people of Alaska to prevent their extinction. That is the tacit role of the executive branch: the president, governors and mayors, heretofore with need for lobbyists and nonprofit groups threatening litigation.

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Progressives have always seen the courts and litigation as the means to advance an ideology without the quite public and often messy part: legislation. Hence the famous quip from Otto Von Bismarck: “Laws are like sausages, it is better not to see them being made.”

Members of Congress, even the most outspoken progressives, are slow to introduce legislation that requires taking a vote. In an election year, such action is unnecessarily risky, agenda be damned.

For all his progressive action, Biden has done little through the legislative process. Environmental measures have come via the administrative state and the agencies. Student loan forgiveness has come through executive action. No members of Congress have proposed amending the lease sales in Cook Inlet or other areas of the U.S., and for good reason. The same goals can be achieved via the courts without having to cast a recorded vote in Congress.

Thus explains Biden’s desire to “reform” the Supreme Court. It has prevented the full execution of his political imperatives, and it was designed to do just that. Not only has it repeatedly corrected actions outside the jurisdiction of the President but it has amended misguided decisions made by lower courts, often at the behest of activist groups.

It’s also ironic that Biden, who has been in elected office since 1972, is considering term limits for others.

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During the last three decades, federal regulations have grown by more than 100,000. This red tape has provided activist groups ample material to find cause of action for incessant litigation, to push an ideology, any ideology, outside of the regular democratic process of lawmaking.

The role of a judge is never easy, and in every verdict a judge issues, one side will always lose. However, in Alaska, and often in most environmental laws, the losing side extends to the health, safety, and well-being of the American people.

Anchorage elected officials must prepare for winter, which will be upon them soon. Let us hope that this and similar decisions that abuse a bloated regulatory state do not make their jobs any more difficult than they already are.

Rick Whitbeck is the Alaska State Director for Power The Future, a national nonprofit organization that advocates for American energy jobs. Contact him at Rick@PowerTheFuture.com and follow him on X (formerly Twitter) @PTFAlaska.

The views expressed here are the writer’s and are not necessarily endorsed by the Anchorage Daily News, which welcomes a broad range of viewpoints. To submit a piece for consideration, email commentary(at)adn.com. Send submissions shorter than 200 words to letters@adn.com or click here to submit via any web browser. Read our full guidelines for letters and commentaries here.

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska


Speaker Bryce Edgmon speaks with members of the Alaska House at the Alaska State Capitol on August 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.

It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.

In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.

SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.

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We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”

Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.

Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.

The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.

The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.

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Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.

The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.

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The Anchorage Daily News welcomes a broad range of viewpoints. To submit a piece for consideration, email commentary(at)adn.com. Send submissions shorter than 200 words to letters@adn.com or click here to submit via any web browser. Read our full guidelines for letters and commentaries here.

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States


President Donald Trump on Thursday signed several congressional measures designed to undo Biden administration land conservation policies restricting energy development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and federal lands in three Western states.



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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’

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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’


The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.

Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Why It Matters

Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.

Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.

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Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.

What To Know

According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.

The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.

Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.

During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.

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According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.

The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.

Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying

U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”

The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”

What Happens Next

It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.

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