Alaska
High cost of living, lack of pension strain teachers in Alaska
Students eat breakfast and color in Topaz Stotts’ second-grade classroom before school starts at Klatt Elementary School in Anchorage, Aug. 17, 2021. Debate over school funding is dominating the Alaska Legislature as districts face teacher shortages and in some cases multimillion-dollar deficits. Schools have cut programs, increased class sizes or had teachers and administrators take on extra roles. (Emily Mesner/Anchorage Daily News via AP, File)
JUNEAU, Alaska — Cory Hughes moved to a remote Alaska village to teach and would happily stay and retire there if he could afford to — despite the dark winters and the fact the bathroom for his housing unit in the school’s kindergarten building has a sink that comes to his knees.
But Alaska is the only U.S. state that does not offer teachers a pension, and researchers say teacher pay and benefits have not kept up with other states. Hughes has bought a house in Ohio and he’s wondering how long he can remain in Nunapitchuk, the southwest Alaska village with a population of 525 he has come to love.
“I’ve taught for seven years, and my retirement wouldn’t even last me, like, a few months,” said Hughes, 28. “So I know that my time here is going to have to come to an end at some point, probably sooner than later.”
READ: Filipinos number more than half of an Alaska school district’s teachers
School funding is dominating the Legislature as lawmakers meet nearly 1,000 miles (1,600 kilometers) away in Juneau. Districts are facing teacher shortages and, in some cases, multimillion-dollar deficits. They say unpredictable levels of state support tied in part to Alaska’s fluctuating oil wealth make long-term planning nearly impossible.
Schools have had to cut programs, increase class sizes or have teachers and administrators take on extra roles. Hughes was tapped to help coach basketball, a sport he had not played.
Teacher turnover is nothing new, and Alaska is not alone in struggling to fill positions. But the effects can be acute in high-cost, hard-to-reach communities that rely on barges or planes for supplies, places so remote they sometimes have polar-bear patrols to keep residents safe. Eggs can cost more than $9 a dozen in some areas.
Republican Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy, a former educator, is promoting charter schools and a three-year program that would test whether paying teachers annual bonuses of $5,000 to $15,000 keeps them on the job — with higher amounts going to those in the most remote districts.
Dunleavy questions whether simply bolstering state aid to K-12 schools will turn around Alaska’s dismal performance in reading and math assessments. Alaska led the country in the share of students who missed at least 10% of the 2021-22 school year, and there has been an increase in the number of kids who are homeschooled since the pandemic.
People rally outside the Alaska Capitol, Monday, Jan. 29, 2024, in Juneau, Alaska, in support of increased funding for public schools in the state. The rally was set to take place the night of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s State of the State speech but the speech was delayed until Jan. 30 after high winds disrupted flights carrying speech guests and Cabinet members. AP
School officials aren’t necessarily opposed to the bonus idea but say districts simply don’t have the resources they need. They are seeking a large, permanent increase in the state’s per-student funding formula to counter the toll of inflation and high energy and insurance costs.
“We can’t improve things if we’re always scrambling for crumbs,” said Erica Kludt-Painter, superintendent in the fishing community of Petersburg. Her district’s budget has been augmented by federal and grant funds but is now “at the breaking point,” she said.
Alaska residents get a yearly check from the state’s oil-wealth fund, and there’s no personal state income tax. Those are often billed as perks, but lawmakers over the last decade have struggled with budget deficits tied to the volatility of oil prices. They have had little appetite for considering new taxes as the state has continued drawing down savings and relying on oil-wealth-fund earnings to help pay the bills.
Even some lawmakers sympathetic to school officials’ pleas question whether the roughly $360 million more they are seeking is politically realistic. The state provided about $1.3 billion to K-12 school districts for the current budget year. Lawmakers approved a one-time, $175 million boost, but Dunleavy vetoed half that.
Some districts, including Alaska’s largest in Anchorage, have been recruiting teachers from overseas. A group that’s been involved in past litigation against the state over the adequacy of school funding is weighing another lawsuit.
The state Senate passed a bill to reinstate pensions — nearly 20 years after lawmakers closed the system — but its prospects are unclear. Majority House Republicans proposed legislation that includes Dunleavy’s bonus plan, charter provisions and a roughly $80 million increase in aid to districts through the formula — an amount many lawmakers consider inadequate. It faced early opposition on the House floor Monday, with lawmakers deadlocking in an initial vote on whether to bring it up for debate. Some lawmakers said provisions of the bill weren’t sufficiently vetted.
“It’s not rocket science in the sense that it is a combination of compensation and working conditions that attract and keep teachers in schools,” said Dayna DeFeo, director of the Center for Alaska Education Policy Research. “We can’t just buy our way out of it, but that is definitely going to have to be a part of it.”
Hughes was seeking adventure and a “different view of the world” when he became a social studies teacher at a K-12 school in Nunapitchuk about seven years ago. He saw the central role schools play in such small communities when he was invited to a funeral at the school the day after he arrived.
He immersed himself in the predominantly Alaska Native village’s culture to avoid feeling isolated, especially during what he described as a “make or break” first year in rural Alaska. He enjoys the hunting and fishing lifestyle.
There are challenges: the school is near the top of a state list for major reconstruction needs. The village faces threats from climate change. Thawing permafrost is undermining infrastructure.
READ: Remote Alaska school district hires Filipino teachers to fill shortage
It’s unclear whether the proposed bonuses aimed at full-time teachers would apply to Hughes. While he supervises some online classes, he is currently the dean of students. He doesn’t have the degree to be an administrator and is paid as a teacher, he said.
Independent Rep. Rebecca Himschoot, a retired teacher from Sitka in southeast Alaska, said lawmakers should figure out how to pay for what districts say they need. Otherwise, schools may not be able to offer athletics, art, theater or other aspects of a well-rounded education.
“What is the school system we want to have?” Himschoot said. “Because we’re really quickly headed for the school system that doesn’t offer the opportunities that people in my generation all had.”
Alaska
Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska
Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.
It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.
In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.
SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.
We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”
Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.
Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.
The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.
The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.
Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.
The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.
Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.
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Alaska
Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States
Alaska
Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’
The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.
Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Why It Matters
Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.
Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.
Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.
What To Know
According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.
The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.
Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.
During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.
According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.
The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.
Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying
U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”
The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”
What Happens Next
It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.
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