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How Maddrey Became the N.Y.P.D.’s Top Officer Despite Years of Scandal

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How Maddrey Became the N.Y.P.D.’s Top Officer Despite Years of Scandal

Over the years, Jeffrey B. Maddrey toiled as a beat cop in half a dozen Brooklyn precincts. He nurtured hundreds of officers he oversaw as an inspector. He quelled violent crime in a dangerous part of Brownsville.

But not until he shepherded officers through the pain and anger of seeing one of their own shot dead in 2011 did he attain the high profile that would later undo him.

After the officer, Peter Figoski, was killed while trying to stop a robbery, Mr. Maddrey became the face of law enforcement in the 75th Precinct. He spoke to reporters about the murder and led a weeklong search for the fatal bullet. At the funeral on Long Island, he handed the Figoski family a folded American flag.

Mr. Maddrey “has certainly been in our sights for a while as someone deserving of recognition,” said then-Commissioner Raymond Kelly at a ceremony in which he posthumously promoted Officer Figoski to detective and elevated Mr. Maddrey to deputy chief.

The base of support Mr. Maddrey built in those years with Brooklyn pastors, rabbis, anti-violence groups and politicians — including, crucially, Eric Adams, a former police captain who would become mayor — vaulted him to the highest uniformed rank of the nation’s largest police department. It insulated him during a string of scandals — until the one that ended his career.

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In December, a lieutenant and former subordinate, Quathisha Epps, accused Mr. Maddrey of demanding sex in exchange for hundreds of thousands of dollars in overtime. Mr. Maddrey, who was chief of department, resigned. Federal agents have searched his home, and the department’s Internal Affairs Bureau has launched its own investigation.

Mr. Adams, who is facing federal corruption charges, has defended how he had pushed Mr. Maddrey to the upper echelons of the Police Department.

In an interview last week with Corey Pegues, a retired deputy inspector and host of a YouTube channel, Mr. Adams said Mr. Maddrey “was beloved in Brooklyn North,” Mr. Adams said, referring to the territory that Mr. Maddrey once oversaw.

Mr. Pegues said Mr. Maddrey had weathered repeated scandals with few repercussions. “You gave him that second or third chance,” Mr. Pegues said. “How many chances do you give him?” Mr. Adams said, “People gave me 10 chances.”

“I needed someone with that police experience and great interaction” with the public, Mr. Adams said. “He went beyond the call of duty.”

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The mayor’s relationship with Mr. Maddrey dates back at least two decades.

In 2006, the year Mr. Maddrey was promoted to deputy inspector, Mr. Adams was elected to represent a Brooklyn district in the New York State Senate. Both Mr. Maddrey and Mr. Adams spoke at community board meetings, and they were invited to talk with students in Bedford-Stuyvesant about policing.

In 2015, a year after Mr. Adams became Brooklyn borough president, Mr. Maddrey was chosen to lead the 10 precincts that compose Patrol Borough Brooklyn North, another major career leap. The two went to an awards banquet for the Mo Better Jaguars youth football team; a school gymnasium where students played double Dutch; and an event in Bushwick to improve police relations.

By then, Mr. Maddrey had long been a large presence in the borough, said the Rev. Robert Waterman, a pastor at Antioch Baptist Church in Brooklyn who has known Mr. Maddrey for more than two decades.

Mr. Waterman said they met when Mr. Maddrey, then an inspector in the 81st Precinct, had invited him to talk with veteran officers and recruits about concerns over neighborhood policing. He said Mr. Maddrey took children to special events and suited up as Santa Claus for Christmas.

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“I had never known him to be anything but an officer who had not only walked the beat, but was part of the beat of the neighborhood,” he said.

Mr. Maddrey first became fodder for the city’s tabloids in 1993. Then a rookie, he was leaving a woman’s apartment building in Staten Island when two men approached him, including the woman’s suitor. The suitor’s friend fired several shots, striking Mr. Maddrey in the left wrist.

But his real troubles began in 2016, a year after he had been promoted to assistant chief and the head of Brooklyn North. They arrived in the form of a lawsuit: A subordinate with whom he was having an affair accused him of beating her, prompting her to pull out a gun, according to court filings. Mr. Maddrey, she said, tore it away. The suits were tossed out, but James O’Neill, then commissioner, docked Mr. Maddrey 45 vacation days.

Nonetheless, in 2020 Mr. Maddrey was made head of the Community Affairs Bureau, which educates New Yorkers about policing and crime prevention. The appointment set the stage for his push to the top after Mr. Adams was elected the next year.

The new mayor, who continued to identify himself closely with the department and took a strong hand in its affairs, supported a quick succession of high-level promotions for Mr. Maddrey. He became chief of housing, then chief of patrol and, by the end of 2022, chief of department — the person who oversees operations, crime-fighting strategies, quality of life initiatives and all of the agency’s 33,500 officers.

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Even after that, problems emerged. Mr. Maddrey faced disciplinary charges from an oversight board in 2023 for voiding the arrest of a retired officer accused of brandishing a gun at three boys in Brooklyn.

Keechant Sewell, then the police commissioner, agreed with the board. But that June, she resigned after months of talk that allies of Mr. Adams had been undermining her.

Her Adams-appointed successor, Edward A. Caban, dismissed the case against Mr. Maddrey. In the interview with Mr. Pegues, Mr. Adams denied exerting pressure on Ms. Sewell or Mr. Caban.

Then there were the lawsuits. Cases filed in the past two years claim that Mr. Maddrey had an officer in the traffic unit transferred after he issued Mr. Maddrey’s female friend a ticket; that he protected a former officer and senior adviser to Mr. Adams who was accused of sexual harassment; and that he defamed an anti-violence activist.

Christopher Mercado, an adjunct assistant professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice and a retired Police Department lieutenant, said none of the disciplinary or legal accusations were enough to hinder Mr. Maddrey’s career.

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“He’s friendly. He shakes everyone’s hand. He comes in the room and fills the room,” said Mr. Mercado, who has attended events with Mr. Maddrey. “He came up at a time when there were few African American executives at the department, and the community adored him.”

And, Mr. Mercado said, even as Mr. Maddrey’s personal problems intensified, he tackled policing problems aggressively, impressing executives.

“They’ll say: ‘Oh, they grinded it out. They handed that shooting well. They were there at that riot. They protected their cops,’” Mr. Mercado said.

“If you’re a guy like Maddrey, and you’re willing to do all of that, even if you have had issues in the past, people at the top might look the other way,” he added.

Looking away became impossible last month.

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Lieutenant Epps, a single mother of three children, told the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission that Mr. Maddrey had humiliated her during unwanted sexual encounters, many at his office at police headquarters in Manhattan. In an interview with the New York Post, she said that, on one occasion, she pleaded with him to stop, crying out, “You’re hurting me.”

During the 2024 fiscal year, Lieutenant Epps had made $204,453.48 in overtime, roughly doubling her salary while working under Mr. Maddrey — the most of any department employee.

She and Mr. Maddrey were both suspended amid the federal investigation.

Mr. Maddrey’s lawyer, Lambros Lambrou, did not respond to requests to interview the former officer. But in an interview last month on NBC New York, Mr. Maddrey denied demanding sex in exchange for overtime pay. He said his relationship with Lieutenant Epps was a consensual “office fling.”

Mr. Maddrey then recited the high points of his career, talking about his relationships with people in Brooklyn and how crime overall fell while he was chief of department.

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“I’ve given so much to the city — so much — and I’ve never asked anyone for anything in return,” he said. “Countless people can never repay me for what I’ve done for them.”

Mr. Adams is no longer in a position to repay him: Mr. Caban, who is being investigated by the F.B.I., resigned in September, and two weeks later, Mr. Adams was federally indicted on corruption charges. Last month, he appointed Jessica Tisch as commissioner. She has already reassigned many officers and several top police officials, including at least one allied with the mayor.

Mr. Adams has distanced himself from Mr. Maddrey. “I’ve never defended any accusation of any inappropriate behavior,” the mayor said in an interview last month with Fox 5 New York.

“He has had an exceptional police record,” he added. “Those are the knowns. I cannot defend or speak on the unknowns.”

In October, Mr. Maddrey spoke at Linwood Street and Sutter Avenue, a corner the city had renamed in honor of the officer who was shot there.

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“What Pete Figoski did for this community should always be recognized,” Mr. Maddrey said, tapping the lectern for emphasis and pointing to a new street sign bearing Detective Figoski’s name.

Mr. Maddrey was met with a round of applause. Two months later, he resigned.

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Video: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey

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Video: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey

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Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey

Protesters and immigration agents clashed outside Delaney Hall detention center in Newark, where activists have gathered for days to denounce conditions inside.

“Get back!” “Get back, get back, get back, get back, get back!” [chanting] “ICE, ICE has got to go. Hey, hey, ho, ho.” “We’ve heard repeatedly about these horror stories of pregnant women not getting access to care, of people with injuries not being treated. People shouldn’t have to starve themselves to make their dignity known.” “Down, down with the degradation.” “Down, down with the degradation.”

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Protesters and immigration agents clashed outside Delaney Hall detention center in Newark, where activists have gathered for days to denounce conditions inside.

By Christina Kelso

May 28, 2026

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How a Family of 4 Lives on $225,000 a Year in Washington Heights

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How a Family of 4 Lives on 5,000 a Year in Washington Heights

How can people possibly afford to live in one of the most expensive cities on the planet? It’s a question New Yorkers hear a lot, often delivered with a mix of awe, pity and confusion.

We surveyed hundreds of New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save. We found that many people — rich, poor or somewhere in between — live life as a series of small calculations that add up to one big question: What makes living in New York worth it?

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Ellen Hagan grew up in a small town in Kentucky, and moved to New York City as quickly as she could after she graduated from college. She arrived a few weeks before Sept. 11, and tried to get her bearings in a city turned upside down.

She found a group of fellow young artists and writers who wanted to take advantage of everything they could in the city, on very limited budgets. They went to poetry readings and dance parties, and rented tiny apartments in the East Village.

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All the while, Ms. Hagan was diligent about saving money, even when she had very little of it.

“I didn’t know what I was saving for, but I knew I wasn’t going to have a job that would give me a pension,” she said. “I wanted to make enough money to live the New York existence I was dreaming of.”

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Ellen Hagan learned to be diligent about saving money after she moved to New York.

Twenty-five years later, Ms. Hagan and her husband, David Flores, whom she started dating in her early years in New York, have much more money than they used to. Still, they feel more anxious about money than they hoped they would at this point in their lives.

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The couple both work at DreamYard, a Bronx arts nonprofit. Last year, they made $178,135 there collectively, with Ms. Hagan, 47, directing the poetry and theater programs, and Mr. Flores, also 47, serving as the head of visual art and design.

They typically bring in another $40,000 to $60,000 a year through their freelance work. Mr. Flores is an adjunct professor, a photographer and a filmmaker, and Ms. Hagan teaches at a graduate writing program and writes books and poetry. They try to set aside about 15 percent of their income each year to grow their savings.

The couple live in Washington Heights in Upper Manhattan with their two daughters, who are 12 and 15.

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Homeownership Doesn’t Solve Everything

As a young couple, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores lived in a 400-square-foot East Village rental. When their rent started to tick up, Ms. Hagan began looking for a place to buy, seeing homeownership as a buoy that would all but guarantee a secure financial life in New York.

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Sixteen years ago, the couple found a perfect apartment in Washington Heights and scrambled to cobble together a down payment. They pooled their savings to put a 15 percent down payment on the $335,000 home. Once they closed, they were left with only a few hundred dollars in savings, but were thrilled and relieved.

“I had this sense that when you buy, you’re set in New York City,” Ms. Hagan said.

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The reality, she has found, is more complicated.

The couple’s mortgage payment is $1,300 a month, and their maintenance fees keep rising, partially as a result of a new local law that requires increased inspections and repairs for buildings. Local Law 11 boosted their maintenance by $462 a month, at least temporarily, to about $1,900 total. And when the building’s management installed a new security system, each unit had to chip in $95 a month for three months.

Ms. Hagan loves the apartment, but she worries that they may eventually be priced out of their neighborhood.

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“This building isn’t going to be for us at some point,” she said. “This feels like, uh oh, they’re imagining people who have much higher incomes than we do.”

Keeping the Kids Busy

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Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores, who each maintain packed calendars, have encouraged their daughters to adopt the same approach to city living.

“I’m definitely a proponent of, let’s fill your schedule and see what you love,” Ms. Hagan said.

The girls’ public school offers free debate and band classes before and after school, and they’ll appear this spring in the school’s productions of “Annie” and “The Addams Family.”

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The girls are also enrolled in a free theater academy at the People’s Theatre and writing workshops at Uptown Stories, which has a pay-what-you-can system. Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically pay the full tuition, which is $800 for each 12-week session, and donate about $2,500 a year to the organizations their daughters are part of.

The couple’s older daughter, Araceli, who wants to be both a writer and a doctor, is enrolled in a medical training program for middle and high school students. She made $2,500 for completing an internship at a cardiothoracic intensive care unit last summer.

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Their younger daughter, Miriam, is going to a Y.M.C.A. camp this summer, which costs $2,600 for two weeks.

Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores spent about $500 total on holiday gifts for both girls, and the couple doles out their daughters’ weekly allowances in two installments: $25 on Mondays and $25 on Fridays.

They shook their heads when Miriam, who is known as the most stylish member of the family, came home one day wearing a Dr Pepper T-shirt she’d bought at Target.

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“We were like, ‘What are you doing with your money?’” Ms. Hagan said.

The Fun Stuff

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The extra income from the couple’s freelance work allows the family to splurge on theater, vacations, books and memberships at the Museum of Modern Art and the Whitney Museum of American Art.

Sometimes, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores work together. A few years ago, they sold a young adult novel called “Tell Me Every Lie” they had co-written for a $35,000 advance, some of which went to their agent.

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Every little bit helps. The family is spending a weekend on Long Beach Island in New Jersey this summer, which will cost about $3,500. That price tag includes a hotel room big enough for four.

The family typically travels twice a year to Kentucky, where both Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores are from, and where the couple co-owns a home in Louisville with Mr. Flores’s parents. They put $40,000 down and spend about $12,000 annually on expenses related to the home.

The family was hoping to travel to the Philippines this year, where Mr. Flores’s father is from, but they realized it could cost as much as $15,000. The trip is now on hold indefinitely.

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They spend about $700 a month on groceries from nearby supermarkets, and occasionally order grocery deliveries from FreshDirect.

Every Wednesday, when the girls come home late from theater class, someone picks up dinner at the nearby halal truck or the Dominican restaurant Malecon, which usually runs about $60.

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Dinner out as a family of four can easily cost $200, so Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically eat at restaurants just once or twice a month. The other night, the whole family was hungry and craved Italian food from a favorite upscale spot nearby.

They balked, and walked around the corner to a diner instead. The meal was $120, all in.

We are talking to New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save.

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Gov. Sherrill Demands Access to ICE Facility as Hunger Strike Widens

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Gov. Sherrill Demands Access to ICE Facility as Hunger Strike Widens

Gov. Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey, a Democrat who has clashed with the Trump administration over immigration policies, joined protests outside a detention center in Newark on Monday in support of detainees participating in a hunger strike.

Ms. Sherrill heard from family members of detainees, who have complained about rotten and spoiled food and inadequate medical care at Delaney Hall. Dozens of protesters waved signs, banged on drums, and chanted “Free Them All!” The governor told the crowd she had requested access but was denied.

“No matter what your immigration status is, you shouldn’t be treated with anything less than dignity in this country,” said Ms. Sherrill, who was dressed in a T-shirt, jeans, and blue-gray jacket on the Memorial Day holiday. At one point, she rested her hand on the shoulder of a crying relative and smoothed the hair of an upset child.

After the governor left, the scene worsened outside the detention facility. A tense standoff erupted between Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and protesters who blocked an entrance; the agents responded by firing pepper balls and spray at the protesters. Senator Andy Kim, who was trying to de-escalate the situation, was among those affected.

On Monday, the governor and other elected officials, including Mayor Ras J. Baraka of Newark, appeared outside Delaney Hall amid growing concerns over the hunger strike, which started on Friday inside the gray, cinder-block building enclosed by a high chain link fence topped with razor wire.

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Immigration advocates have rallied outside Delaney Hall since Friday. Detainees said they would go on a hunger and labor strike while calling for an investigation of the detention center and its operations and for Ms. Sherrill to visit to discuss protections from ICE. Hundreds of detainees were participating, one protester told Ms. Sherrill.

The governor said in a statement on Sunday that she had contacted ICE to gain access to the detention center and was working to monitor the situation and “do what’s necessary to ensure humane conditions.”

At Monday’s protest, some protesters shouted in Ms. Sherrill’s face to criticize her for not showing up earlier in the weekend, like other elected officials had.

Representative Rob Menendez of New Jersey had arrived at 8 p.m. on Sunday and stayed all night until he was allowed into the center on Monday morning. Mr. Menendez said that he had spoken to some of the detainees inside Delaney Hall, including a young woman who just wanted to go to her high school graduation, a pregnant woman who was trying to get medical care, and a man who showed him a carton of milk that had gone rancid.

“I heard just desperation from so many people in there,” Mr. Menendez said afterward.

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Angela Martinez told Ms. Sherrill that her cousin, Bolivar Bueno, 65, has diabetes and that she hasn’t been able to speak to him to make sure he is getting medication. “We don’t know what’s going on,” she told the governor.

Afterward, Ms. Martinez said, “I want for her to help me out.”

Ms. Sherrill left after about an hour, around 11:30 a.m., as some demonstrators jeered at her. Her security had to clear the road of a couple people who tried to stop her S.U.V. from leaving.

A few hours later, a convoy of ICE vehicles approached another entrance on the south side of Delaney Hall. Protesters, who had rallied at the north entrance in the morning, ran over to sit down in front of the vehicles. Many said they feared that the detainees on hunger strike inside would be transferred to other facilities.

ICE agents — most of whom were wearing face masks — pushed and shoved the protesters out of the way, even dragging one young man by a kaffiyeh around his neck. As the protesters chanted “Trump Has To Go,” they linked arms and faced the ICE agents.

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The standoff prevented anyone from leaving through the south entrance. Soon after, a military-style vehicle moved toward that entrance, with a man on top holding a firearm pointed at demonstrators.

Senator Kim, Democrat of New Jersey, who had been allowed inside Delaney Hall, came out during the confrontation and walked over to support the protesters. Soon afterward, the ICE agents and military vehicles backed away from the entrance and slightly retreated toward to the detention center, but the standoff continued.

“They provoked it, they brought that tank over,” Mr. Kim said. “It’s getting worse and worse here.”

The senator said he was working to “de-escalate” the standoff through negotiations with federal officials and would push for families to be allowed to visit detainees as early as Tuesday. “I’m going to keep at it,” he said.

Not long after, the standoff escalated with ICE agents using pepper balls and mace on the crowd.

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It’s not the first time Delaney Hall has faced protests. In June 2025, four men escaped from the detention center after days of unrest over meager and sporadic meals and overcrowding that forced some detainees to sleep on the floor. Detainees had smashed windows, doors and security cameras.

And Mr. Baraka, the Newark mayor, was arrested in May 2025 during a clash with federal agents outside its gates last year.

Dakota Santiago contributed reporting.

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