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Early in-person voting locations in rural Alaska turn away primary voters amid delays in the delivery of election materials

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Early in-person voting locations in rural Alaska turn away primary voters amid delays in the delivery of election materials


More than a dozen communities in rural Alaska were unable on Wednesday to offer early in-person polling ahead of the state primary as required by law because of delays in the delivery of election materials.

State law requires absentee in-person voting locations to open two weeks prior to Election Day. Polling locations across the state opened Monday ahead of the Aug. 20 primary, when voters will choose between candidates for Alaska’s lone U.S. House seat and 50 legislative seats.

But in at least 14 communities, absentee in-person voting locations were not open as of Wednesday morning, two days after early in-person voting had begun. And in 17 other locations, in-person polling was delayed by at least a day, according to the Division of Elections.

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The communities where in-person polling had not begun as of Wednesday include Kokhanok, Nikolski, Akutan, Pedro Bay, Atka, Sand Point, St. George, Stony River, Napaskiak, Deering, Kivalina, Shaktoolik, Koyuk and St. Michael, according to the Division of Elections. The division provided the list in response to questions from a reporter but has not provided any specific details to the public.

[Early voting starts for Alaska’s Aug. 20 primary election]

Division of Elections Director Carol Beecher attributed the delay to the short window between when ballots are printed and delivered to regional offices. In rural Alaska, she said voting materials must be delivered by mail to Nome and then distributed across a vast area “through a variety of mail carriers.”

“Weather and other considerations factor into delivery of the materials,” said Beecher, who was appointed to the role last year and is overseeing a statewide election for the first time this month.

Beecher was appointed by Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom, a Republican running for Alaska’s lone U.S. House seat. As a candidate, she had used her social media channels to encourage voters to cast their ballots early. In her current role, Dahlstrom oversees Alaska’s elections. She had not publicly acknowledged the delay in the start of in-person early voting in some communities.

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The area where the arrival of election materials was delayed falls within the Division of Election’s Region 4, which covers northern and western parts of the state. The area includes four state House districts comprising rural Alaska, where voters are predominantly Alaska Native.

Alaska Natives have faced unequal access to voting in the state, prompting a years-long federal investigation.

Ballots and accompanying materials, including the envelope in which the ballots are delivered to the Division of Elections staff, were mailed from Nome to voting locations in rural Alaska on July 30. Getting election materials to the polling locations within a week “has proven to be ongoing challenging, and this year is nothing new,” Beecher said.

Alaska law requires the director of the Division of Elections to distribute all election materials to election supervisors “not less than 25 days before the date of the election,” which would be July 26 at the latest. Beecher said the division is “fully compliant” with the statute.

Eight polling locations did not receive voting materials until Monday, the day voting was set to begin. Nine other locations did not receive materials until Tuesday, Beecher said in her email. She did not provide the names of those 17 polling locations but said all of those locations had allowed voting to begin as of Wednesday.

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“Each bag mailed has a USPS tracking number that allows the division to see where and when it arrived,” Beecher said.

According to information that Beecher said the postal service provided Wednesday afternoon, several of the affected communities had received their election materials on Wednesday. Postal service workers were unable to contact workers in Nikolski or Atka to determine the status of their deliveries, Beecher said.

Robyn Burke, an Utqiagvik Democrat running to represent state House District 40, said she tried to vote absentee in person at the North Slope Borough building on Tuesday, but was told that the envelopes meant for ballot delivery had not yet arrived in Utqiagvik, so voting was not yet possible. On Wednesday, Burke said she again called the Utqiagvik polling location and was told that in-person absentee voting was still not available.

Burke said that after she was turned away from voting in Utqiagvik, she called the Northwest Arctic Borough Building in Kotzebue as well. There too, election materials had not arrived as of Tuesday evening, forcing election workers to turn away voters, Burke said.

Burke said she wondered why the Division of Elections staff did not spread the word on its social media platforms about the delay in the arrival of the election materials, so that voters did not have to find out by going to the polling locations.

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“It’s just frustrating,” she said. “With all of the other issues that have to do with voting in rural Alaska — for our polling sites to not even be open and accepting voters — I think that’s just uncalled for.”

“When you’re sending folks away from the poll, what if that discourages them from coming back?” she asked.

This is not the first time the Division of Elections has blamed election problems in rural Alaska on the postal service. In 2022, the division certified election results without fully counting the ballots from several predominantly Alaska Native communities, because mail delivery to the Division of Elections was delayed.

Beecher said that voters seeking to cast their ballots early in communities that still have not opened polling locations can apply for a mail ballot — as long as they do so by Saturday.

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska


Speaker Bryce Edgmon speaks with members of the Alaska House at the Alaska State Capitol on August 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.

It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.

In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.

SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.

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We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”

Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.

Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.

The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.

The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.

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Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.

The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.

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The Anchorage Daily News welcomes a broad range of viewpoints. To submit a piece for consideration, email commentary(at)adn.com. Send submissions shorter than 200 words to letters@adn.com or click here to submit via any web browser. Read our full guidelines for letters and commentaries here.

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States


President Donald Trump on Thursday signed several congressional measures designed to undo Biden administration land conservation policies restricting energy development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and federal lands in three Western states.



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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’

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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’


The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.

Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Why It Matters

Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.

Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.

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Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.

What To Know

According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.

The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.

Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.

During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.

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According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.

The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.

Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying

U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”

The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”

What Happens Next

It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.

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