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Arctic Alaska House race focuses on issues that candidates say unite the remote region • Alaska Beacon

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Arctic Alaska House race focuses on issues that candidates say unite the remote region • Alaska Beacon


The person who represents the nation’s northernmost legislative district in the Alaska House of Representatives is tasked with achieving a special balance.

Sprawling and remote House District 40 encompasses both the oil-rich North Slope and the less-wealthy Northwest Arctic Borough. That means it has two separate hub communities – Utqiagvik and Kotzebue. While both regions are majority Inupiat, they have significant differences in their economies, histories and cultures.

The incumbent House member, who is from Kotzebue, and the two candidates challenging him, one from Kotzebue as well and the other from Utqiagvik, acknowledge that the district’s makeup creates a special challenge. But all three – all of them Inupiat — say there are ways to bridge those differences.

Properly representing the district, with all its diversity and remoteness, requires working with cities, tribes and any organizations that represent residents, said Thomas Baker, the incumbent.

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“You’ve got to work with each community individually, see what their wants and needs are, and then you work bigger and then you see what the overreaching, overarching needs are,” said Baker, whom Gov. Mike Dunleavy appointed to the seat in November to fill the vacancy left when then-Rep. Josiah Patkotak,I-Utqiagvik, was elected mayor of the North Slope Borough.

Despite the differences, there are common interests, said Baker, who was a Republican when appointed but is now unaffiliated. “We are the isolated north. We are the northern end of everything,” he said.

Democrat Robyn Niayuq Burke of Utqiagvik said a key difference is the wealth gap. Communities in the North Slope have the advantage of decades of oil money.

Burke, who is president of the North Slope Borough School District Board of Education, said she is keenly aware of how oil money has allowed her home borough to provide services that are unavailable in parts of the Northwest Arctic Borough. “It’s not lost on me, especially when I go to the Northwest Arctic and see that there are so many communities that don’t have water or have problems with their water,” she said.

Some of her understanding of needs outside the North Slope comes from her service as an officer with the Association of Alaska School Boards, she said.

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Democrat Saima Ikrik Chase, currently Kotzebue’s mayor, also pointed to those wealth differences. That gives the North Slope communities more focus on policies, while the Northwest Arctic communities are more dependent on state-provided services, she said. Still, there are common concerns, like housing, education funding and teacher retention, she said. “They have the same issues. It’s just that they have more resources to depend on to get to where they need to get to,” said Chase, whose professional experience is in health care and emergency services.

Rep. Thomas Baker of Kotzebue is seen in this undated photo. Baker was a Republican when appointed to represent House District 40 but is running for reelection as an independent. He is being challenged by two Democrats, one from Utqiagvik and one from Kotzebue. (Photo provided by Thomas Baker)

Resource money is the obvious difference between the North Slope and the Northwest Arctic. The North Slope, site of Alaska’s big oil fields, has a vast borough infrastructure and service network built on oil money. The Northwest Arctic does not have nearly the same deep pockets, though it benefits economically from the Red Dog mine, one of the world’s largest zinc producers.

Some other differences stretch back further in history. Subsistence food gathering on the North Slope, which has shaped the culture, is largely about hunting bowhead whales and other marine mammals, while terrestrial mammals like caribou and fish, including salmon, make up the bulk of the subsistence harvests in the Northwest Arctic region, according to the Alaska Department of Fish and Game. Even though the Inupiaq language is spoken in both parts of the district, there are different regional dialects.

In the past, the North Slope and Northwest Arctic have been represented by some legendary and powerful lawmakers, like Al Adams and Frank Ferguson, both of Kotzebue.

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Decades ago, each borough had its own representative in the state House. Now, they share one.

Effective advocacy for the district requires looking past whatever splits might exist between localities, corporations, nonprofits or other entities, said another of those powerful lawmakers who represented the district in the past, former state Sen. Willie Hensley.

“We need to not confine ourselves to our individual cells,” said Hensley, who is also from the Kotzebue region. Doing so in that Arctic region requires special skills. “You really need to put your best people in there,” he said.

Primary results suggest Chase-Burke contest

Results from the primary suggest that Baker faces an uphill climb. Chase and Burke finished in a near-tie at about 35% each, with Chase eking out a three-vote margin over Burke. Baker lagged with 29% of the vote. Since Burke and Chase have similar positions on the issues, ranked choice voting in this three-way contest is expected to be important to the outcome.

All three candidates noted that turnout in August was low, and that results could change considerably in November, when voters will also consider the presidential candidates. Additionally, the two Democrats also noted that during the primary election, there were malfunctions at certain outlying communities that either interfered with people’s ability to vote or impeded the vote count.

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Burke pointed to three North Slope precincts that failed to open. “I had people who reached out to me and said, ‘I tried to vote for you, but I just couldn’t,’” she said. Chase pointed to delays in counting votes in some outlying Northwest Arctic precincts.

While they come from different regions in the district, Burke and Chase have similar positions — and similar complaints about Baker’s record.

Possibly topping that list is Baker’s vote in March that upheld Dunleavy’s veto of a permanent increase in the base student allocation, core of the formula that decides the per-student funding provided by the state. The override failed by a single vote.

Democratic candidate for Alaska House District 40. (Photo provided by Robyn Niqyuq Burke)
Robyn Niayuq Burke of Utqiagvik, president of the North Slope Borough’s school district, is a Democratic candidate for Alaska House District 40. She has criticized the incumbent for his vote upholding the governor’s veto of a lasting increase in the base student allocation. (Photo provided by Robyn Niqyuq Burke)

For Burke, who had traveled to Juneau to lobby for the increase, Baker’s action on that issue was a tipping point in her decision to run for the seat.

She blasted the action in an op-ed published days after the veto override failed.

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“Baker’s vote virtually assured deep education cuts that make it improbable to adequately staff our schools or provide basic materials. As damaging as his vote is for the North Slope, it is even more devastating for the Northwest Arctic Borough, which does not have our property tax base from oil infrastructure,” she said in the op-ed, published in the Arctic Sounder and Anchorage Daily News.

Chase, too, said she was upset with Baker’s position, as were many of her neighbors.

“A lot of our residents here in the north were like, ‘What?’ Because, Number 1, he comes from a family of teachers and it’s like, ‘Come on, man, your sibling is a teacher, and your grandmother was a teacher.’ So I guess his actions speak louder than his words on that,” she said.

Baker, defending his decision on that vote, said it would have been pointless to override the veto because Dunleavy would have simply vetoed the money for the next year needed to pay the increase in the formula.

It isn’t clear whether that hypothetical would have come to pass. Dunleavy ultimately signed a budget containing a one-time funding bonus equivalent to the permanent boost envisioned by the Legislature. But the failure of the bill means that there is no long-term change.

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His vote on the veto override notwithstanding, Baker said he supports an increase in the BSA, which is why he voted for the final budget and its one-time $680 boost. But addressing education challenges in the far-north district will require more adjustments, he said. “The BSA does need to be higher, but at the same time, the cost of fuel needs to be lower, the cost of energy needs to be lower,” he said. “We deal with a lot of issues in rural Alaska that other parts of the state and the country don’t deal with.”

Splits with Native leaders

Another point of criticism is Baker’s attempt to rejigger the state’s subsistence policies, a subject on which he clashed with Native organizations.

Saima Ikrik Chase, mayor of Kotzebue, is a Democratic candidate running for Alaska House District 40. (Photo provided by Saima Ikrik Chase)
Saima Ikrik Chase, mayor of Kotzebue, is a Democratic candidate running for Alaska House District 40. She has also criticized the incumbent for his education-funding vote. (Photo provided by Saima Ikrik Chase)

Baker introduced a bill to amend the state constitution, House Joint Resolution 22, that was aimed at unifying state and federal subsistence management — but his version omitted the word “rural,” in contrast with federal law’s requirement for a rural Alaska subsistence priority. Baker’s effort got pushback from the Alaska Federation of Natives, creating an unusual situation in which Alaska’s largest Native organization, along with other prominent Native organizations within his district, opposed legislation sponsored by a Native lawmaker.

“Rep. Baker’s bill came out of the blue,” Julie Kitka, then AFN’s president, said in a March 20 hearing at the House Resources Committee.

AFN and other Indigenous organizations, though they advocated in past decades for a state constitutional amendment, have come to prefer federal management as more dependable and more supportive of Indigenous rights.

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Baker, who is on the council that advises the federal government on subsistence management in the Northwest Arctic, defended his constitutional amendment idea, adding that he, too, favors a rural priority.

“The main goal with that piece of legislation was to get the conversation started because it is an ongoing issue that no one was really addressing in the legislature,” he said.

Both Burke and Chase criticized Baker’s effort as ill-conceived and lacking proper consultation with affected people and organizations.

The proposed constitutional amendment lacked support from any other Native lawmaker, and it died in committee.

Election legislation is another area where Baker split from Alaska’s other Native legislators.

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Those members staunchly supported a legal change that would have removed the requirement that absentee voters secure witness signatures from designated officials. That witness-signature requirement has proved to be impractical and burdensome in rural Alaska and effectively discriminates against Native voters, said lawmakers who favored the change.

In floor debate on May 15, Sen. Lyman Hoffman, D-Bethel, defended the elimination of the witness-signature requirement. Hoffman referred to the high rate of rural mail-in votes that were invalidated during the 2022 special election to fill the vacant U.S. House seat. “Because of the witness verification provision, I’ve had 15 percent of my voters – 15 percent of my voters — their votes were thrown out. Imagine how you would feel if that happened in your district,” he said.

But when the Senate-passed bill came to the House floor, Baker voted against taking it up, splitting from the other Native House members. The tally was 20-20, so Baker’s vote on the matter was criticized as the decision that killed a bill with a provision important to his own rural constituents.

The city of Kotzebue is seen on July 17, 2013, from a U.S. Coast Guard MH-60 Jayhawk helicopter forward deployed to Kotzebue from Air Station Kodiak. (Photo by Petty Officer 1st Class Shawn Eggert/U.S. Coast Guard)
The city of Kotzebue is seen on July 17, 2013, from a U.S. Coast Guard MH-60 Jayhawk helicopter deployed that summer from Air Station Kodiak. Kotzebue is the hub community for the Northwest Arctic Borough. (Photo by Petty Officer 1st Class Shawn Eggert/U.S. Coast Guard)

Months later, Baker said the amended version of the bill was rushed, and he remains unsure of his position on it. “I can’t say that I would have supported that bill because there was no time to review it,” he said.

He also noted that it reached the floor after the midnight adjournment deadline, making it possibly invalid even if it has passed. Dunleavy vetoed several other bills that passed the Legislature after midnight, saying they were unconstitutional.

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Burke, in contrast, has been adamant in seeking changes to help rural voters. The current system is plagued with problems, like the lack of polling place access experienced in the primary, she said. And Alaska Natives pay the price, she said in another op-ed essay published in the Anchorage Daily News.

“Barriers to voting in rural Alaska are persistent and glaring, including limited access to early voting tablets, the inability to translate official election information into Alaska Native languages, and the failure to receive absentee election materials before the voting window opens,” she said in the op-ed.

Party affiliations and trends

Baker has another distinction from other legislators representing predominantly Native districts.

He was the first Republican in more than six decades to represent his district or any part of it. The only other Republican representing the Northwest Arctic region was John Curtis, who served one term in the first legislative session after statehood.

After the legislative session, Baker switched his registration to nonpartisan, something that he said was spurred by his experience in the House representing the district.  Party allegiances can get in the way of serving the district, he said. “Sometimes there’s going to be a more conservative way to tackle a District 40 problem. Sometimes there will be a more liberal way to do it,” he said. Seeing how much work goes into the job “that was the reason — becoming someone that could work in the middle of the road.”

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Chase said she too sometimes feels like she doesn’t belong to a political party, though she generally sides with Alaska Democrats.

“I feel like I’m always teeter-tottering, with kind of being a Democrat or going, kind of, towards independent,” she said. That is especially true this year, “when the presidential election is happening, and people are so extreme on both sides.”

By extreme, she said, she is referring to policies on mining or other resource development. Extreme Democrats, she said, are “very against any mining or any resource development that could possibly, you know, tarnish the land,” she said. Republicans are extreme in the other way when it comes to mining and other resource development, she said. “That’s all they want to do,” she said.

Burke, who has served on the board of the pro-oil organization Voice of the Arctic Inupiaq, said she remains a loyal Democrat, but of the Arctic Alaska variety. 

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Kayakers paddle across Isatkoak Lagoon in Utqiagvik, the nation's northernmost community, on Aug. 6, 2022. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)
Kayakers paddle across Isatkoak Lagoon in Utqiagvik, the nation’s northernmost community, on Aug. 6, 2022. Utqiagvik is the hub community for the North Slope Borough. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)

“You can’t be a Democrat from the North Slope without being pro-resource development,” she said. “So I would probably consider myself a little more moderate.”

Hensley said the region used to be overwhelmingly Democratic, and the meaningful contests were the primary elections.“If you got through the primary, basically, you were in,” he said.

However, the Republican Party label may not be as much of a detriment as it used to be, at least in half of the House district.

While most of rural Alaska remains solidly Democratic, there has been a shift within the North Slope Borough over the last few presidential cycles, according to results from the Alaska Division of Elections.

That is evident in results from the North Slope’s major population center, Utqiagivik, even as voters in the Northwest Arctic’s major community, Kotzebue, remain heavily in favor of Democrats.

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In the 2012 election, voters in Utqiagvik’s two precincts preferred President Barack Obama to GOP challenger Mitt Romney by a 2-to-1 margin. Four years later, the majority of the presidential votes in those precincts went to Democrat Hillary Clinton over Trump, but the margin was narrower, under 12 percentage points.

In the 2020 election, Trump received 52.6% of the vote in the two Utqiagvik districts.

Hensley attributed that trend to the North Slope’s increasing dissatisfaction over national Democrats’ oil development positions and policies.

“Without oil production, they’re toast,” Hensley said. “That is what fuels their entire economy.”

Burke said it would not surprise her if the North Slope Borough tilted to Trump in this election. However, she would not be part of that trend, she said. “I can’t vote for Trump,” she said.

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Baker, as of early September, said he had not made up his mind about how he would vote in the presidential election.

“The concern for me is who is going to do what they can to support the Alaskan economy, who is going to support our Alaskan way of life and who is going to make sure that their administration listens when a community says, ’This is what we need, please work with us this way,’” he said.

In another example of the diversity within District 40, Kotzebue, the other hub community, remains a Democratic stronghold in presidential elections, similar to the patterns in most parts of rural Alaska.



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Alaska

Climate change destroyed a Southwest Alaska village. Its residents are starting over in a new town.

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Climate change destroyed a Southwest Alaska village. Its residents are starting over in a new town.


MERTARVIK — Growing up along the banks of the Ninglick River in Southwest Alaska, Ashley Tom would look out of her window after strong storms from the Bering Sea hit her village and notice something unsettling: the riverbank was creeping ever closer.

It was in that home, in the village of Newtok, where Tom’s great-grandmother had taught her to sew and crochet on the sofa, skills she used at school when students crafted headdresses, mittens and baby booties using seal or otter fur. It’s also where her grandmother taught her the intricate art of grass basket weaving and how to speak the Yupik language.

Today, erosion and melting permafrost have just about destroyed Newtok, eating about 70 feet of land every year. All that’s left are some dilapidated and largely abandoned gray homes scraped bare of paint by salt darting in on the winds of storms.

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“Living with my great-grandmother was all I could remember from Newtok, and it was one of the first houses to be demolished,” said Tom.

In the next few weeks, the last 71 residents will load their possessions onto boats to move to Mertarvik, rejoining 230 residents who began moving away in 2019. They will become one of the first Alaska Native villages to complete a large-scale relocation because of climate change.

Newtok village leaders began searching for a new townsite more than two decades ago, ultimately swapping land with the federal government for a place 9 miles away on the stable volcanic underpinnings of Nelson Island in the Bering Strait.

But the move has been slow, leaving Newtok a split village. Even after most residents shifted to Mertarvik, the grocery store and school remained in Newtok, leaving some teachers and students separated from their families for the school year.

Calvin Tom, the tribal administrator and Ashley’s uncle, called Newtok “not a place to live anymore.” Erosion has tilted power poles precariously, and a single good storm this fall will knock out power for good, he said.

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For now, the rush is on to get 18 temporary homes that arrived in Mertarvik on a barge set up before winter sets in.

Alaska is warming two to three times faster than the global average. Some villages dotting the usually frigid North Slope, Alaska’s prodigious oil field, had their warmest temperatures on record in August, prompting some of Ashley Tom’s friends living there to don bikinis and head to Arctic Ocean beaches.

It’s the same story across the Arctic, with permafrost degradation damaging roads, railroad tracks, pipes and buildings for 4 million people across the top of the world, according to the Washington, D.C.-based Arctic Institute. In the Russian Arctic, Indigenous people are being moved to cities instead of having their eroding villages relocated and across Scandinavia, reindeer herders are finding the land constantly shifting and new bodies of water appearing, the institute said.

About 85% of Alaska’s land lies atop permafrost, so named because it’s supposed to be permanently frozen ground. It holds a lot of water, and when it thaws or when warmer coastal water hits it, its melting causes further erosion. Another issue with warming: less sea ice to act as natural barriers that protect coastal communities from the dangerous waves of ocean storms.

The Yupik have a word for the catastrophic threats of erosion, flooding and thawing permafrost: “usteq,” which means “surface caves in.” The changes are usually slow — until all of a sudden they aren’t, as when a riverbank sloughs off or a huge hole opens up, said Rick Thoman, a climate specialist with the International Arctic Research Center at the University of Alaska Fairbanks.

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There are 114 Alaska Native communities that face some degree of infrastructure damage from erosion, flooding or permafrost melt, according to a report in January from the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium. Six of them — Kivalina, Koyukuk, Newtok, Shaktoolik, Shishmaref and Unalakleet — were deemed imminently threatened in a Government Accountability Office report more than two decades ago.

Communities have three options based on the severity of their situations: Securing protection to stay where they are; staging a managed retreat, moving back from erosion threats; or a complete relocation.

Moving is hard, starting with finding a place to go. Communities typically need to swap with the federal government, which owns about 60% of Alaska’s land. But Congress has to approve swaps, and that’s only after negotiations that can drag on: Newtok, for example, began pursuing the Nelson Island land in 1996 and didn’t wrap up until late 2003.

“That’s way too long,” said Jackie Qatalina Schaeffer, the director of planning initiatives at the Alaska Native Travel Health Consortium.

“If we look back a decade at what’s happened as far as climate change in Alaska, we’re out of time,” she said. “We need to find a better way to help communities secure land for relocation.”

Kivalina last year completed a master plan for relocation and is negotiating with an Alaska Native regional corporation for the land, a process that could take three to five years, Schaeffer said.

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Another big hurdle is cost. Newtok has spent decades and about $160 million in today’s dollars on its move. Estimates to relocate Kivalina vary from $100 million to $400 million and rising, and there’s currently no federal funding for relocation. The Federal Emergency Management Agency has disaster funding and programs, Schaeffer said, but that comes only after a disaster declaration.

In 2018, a resource for Alaska communities identified 60 federal funding sources for relocation, but according to the Unmet Needs report, only a few have been successfully used to address environmental threats. But an infusion of funding into these existing programs by the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act could provide benefits to threatened Alaska communities, the report said.

About $4.3 billion in 2020 dollars will be needed to mitigate infrastructure damage over the next 50 years, the health consortium report says. It called for Congress to close an $80 million annual gap by providing a single committed source to assist communities.

“Alaska Native economic, social, and cultural ways of being, which have served so well for millennia, are now under extreme threat due to accelerated environmental change,” the report said. “In jeopardy are not just buildings, but the sustainability of entire communities and cultures.”

After five years of separation and split lives, the residents of Newtok and Mertarvik will be one again. The school in Newtok closed and classes started in August for the first time in a temporary location in Mertarvik. A new school building should be ready in 2026. The Newtok grocery recently moved to Mertarvik, and there’s plans for a second grocery and a church, Calvin Tom said.

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The new village site has huge benefits, including better health, Tom said. For now, most of the people of Mertarvik are still using a “honey bucket” system rather than toilets. But that method of manually dumping plastic buckets of waste should be replaced by piped water and sewer within the next few years. The new homes in Mertarvik are also free of black mold that crept into some Newtok homes on moisture brought by the remnants of Typhoon Merbok two years ago.

Tom said there’s talk of someday renaming the relocated town Newtok. Whatever the name, the relocation offers assurance that culture and traditions from the old place will continue. An Indigenous drum and dance group is practicing at the temporary school, and subsistence hunting opportunities — moose, musk ox, black bear, brown bear — abound.

A pod of belugas that comes by every fall should arrive soon, and that hunt will help residents fill their freezers for the harsh winter ahead.

Ashley Tom is excited by the arrival of the last Newtok residents in Mertarvik. Although their home will be different from what they’ve known for most of their lives, she’s confident they will come to appreciate it as she has.

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“I really love this this new area, and I just feel whole here,” she said.

___

Thiessen reported from Anchorage.





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US Energy Costs Would ‘Go Down Substantially’ If Alaska’s Resources Were Fully Tapped, State Revenue Chief Says

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US Energy Costs Would ‘Go Down Substantially’ If Alaska’s Resources Were Fully Tapped, State Revenue Chief Says


Energy costs across the U.S. “would probably go down substantially” if the U.S. sharply increased mining and production of Alaska’s natural resources, according to Adam Crum, commissioner for the Alaska Department of Revenue. 

Geographically, Alaska is by far the largest U.S. state at more than 663,000 square miles. It is also among the most natural resource-dense states in the nation. 

Alaska became a state in 1959, and under its Statehood Act, it is “mandated that the mineral resources and the subsurface rights were collectivized by the state so that the state could actually collect the royalties and production taxes off of that to fund the government,” Crum explains on “The Daily Signal Podcast.”

While other states, such as Texas and North Dakota, can have “individual farmers who actually have mineral rights, nobody has that in Alaska,” he said, explaining that his state was “set up to be a resource-development state since inception.” 

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One of the world’s largest zinc and lead mines can be found in northwest Alaska and has now “been producing for over 40 years and has provided very extensive jobs,” according to Crum. 

The mine has allowed the local indigenous population in northern Alaska to “not only have an economy to stay there, but you have this town now, it’s about 4,000, 5,000 people of primarily Inupiat Eskimos living up there. They get to benefit from this, and they can still get to live a subsistence lifestyle,” Crum explains. 

Asked about the environmental effects of mining and drilling in Alaska, the revenue commissioner said life expectancy has increased in native communities where natural resources are being extracted as industry has strengthened local economies and increased the quality of life. 

Crum joins “The Daily Signal Podcast” to discuss the vast natural resources Alaska has to offer. 

Alaska House of Representatives Speaker Cathy Tilton joins the show after the conversation with Crum to discuss the greatest challenges facing America’s most northern state, and to share some of Alaska’s best-kept secrets. 

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Listen to both conversation on the podcast below: 





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Alaska authors join fight against banned books with local chapter of fledgling national group

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Alaska authors join fight against banned books with local chapter of fledgling national group


This is part of Alaska Authors, an occasional series about authors and other literary figures with ties to the 49th state.

For some time, Anchorage author Lynn Lovegreen watched the growing movement across the country to remove books from library shelves, especially in schools, with a growing sense of alarm.

“As a retired secondary teacher, I have seen how important books are to teens,” Lovegreen said. “And as an author, I have been aware of what’s happening with book challenges and book bans throughout the country, including here in Alaska. I want to stand up for the freedom to read.”

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Lovegreen, who pens young adult historical romance books, said she had been looking to add her voice to those resisting this trend. Then one day early this year, she saw a social media post from Authors Against Book Bans and was intrigued. “I clicked on the link and looked at their website and wanted to support their cause. So I joined and I’m in the process of helping the Alaska chapter get involved in different activities.”

Before she knew it, Lovegreen had become the Alaska chapter leader of an organization that has quickly built a nationwide presence.

Authors Against Book Bans, or AABB, was established in January of this year to join the growing pushback by parents, educators, librarians and various organizations seeking to prevent what members feel is a dangerous drift toward reducing the number and diversity of books available on library shelves.

Sarah MacLean, a nationally known author who also writes young adult romance fiction, was present at the organization’s founding and serves on its board of directors. She said that while the group’s name singles out authors, members come from a wide range of those involved in creating and publishing books for both children and adults.

“It’s authors and illustrators and audiobook narrators and translators, anthology editors. It’s just too long for the URL to put them all in,” MacLean said. “I think most authors understand the importance of standing against book bans.”

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So far, MacLean said, much of the resistance to book banning has been a case of what she called “whack-a-mole,” opposing individual bans when they happen instead of being proactive. With an increasing number of organizations getting involved, however, Authors Against Book Bans seeks to work in tandem with such allies as the ACLU, PEN America and the American Library Association, as well as regional and state-level library associations, local and school libraries, and more.

The group was founded on the idea that all of these entities, from national organizations to schools on the front lines, have unique roles to play, and that by coming together as a united front, they can be more effective in their efforts than each would be by acting alone. Authors Against Book Bans, MacLean said, offers an important perspective. “We were built as the author wing of the fight against book bans.”

To that end, Lovegreen said, Authors Against Book Bans works on requests from schools and other institutions. “Rather than spend a lot of time doing things that may not be helpful, we ask what is helpful, and we try to act accordingly.”

Cordova author Cathy Pegau said that when she learned of the group, she immediately wanted to be part of it. While her science fiction romance, paranormal romance, and cozy historical mystery books are aimed at adults, she feels it’s only a matter of time until attention is shifted to work like hers.

“I have queer characters. That seems to be a thing that folks who are banning books are looking at. Not even the fact that they’re having any kind of physical sexual relationship, just the fact that there are queer characters in a book is getting folks all up in arms,” she said. “I’m looking at the writing on the wall.”

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When Lovegreen launched the Alaska chapter of Authors Against Book Bans, she sent emails to authors throughout the state urging them to join. Receiving one of those emails brought Pegau on board. “I know that it’s not a matter of if something is going to go on here in the state, it’s when,” she said, noting it’s already happening with the ongoing library books dispute in the Matanuska-Susitna Borough School District.

[It’s Banned Books Week. LGBTQ+ content tops the most-challenged list.]

Lovegreen pointed out that many of the book challenges target specific minorities in America whose voices have long been underrepresented in both children’s and adult literature.

“Nowadays we live in a very diverse world with more books written by LGBTQ+ and BIPOC authors who write stories they wish they had had when they were younger,” she said. “And kids want to see themselves reflected in books. So when we ban a book based on a particular identity, then we’re telling those people that their life and their stories are not worthy of discussions. And that’s not fair.”

Pegau echoed this statement, emphasizing that efforts to remove books from shelves are too frequently directed at works by Americans from minority communities, and that just because certain books make some people uncomfortable doesn’t mean they should be banned.

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“I cannot see how this is a good thing,” she said. “You don’t want your grandchildren or children to read those books? Fine. But my kid or other kids, if they get a chance to see that there are books about and for them, let them have that moment of, ‘Hey, it’s not just me. I can be seen.’”

Lovegreen, who shares this belief, said that “kids should have the right to see themselves reflected in books and read books that are interesting to them.”

Authors Against Book Bans focuses on supporting the rights of young people to read, and others who are impacted by book bans, including teachers and librarians, Lovegreen said. The work the Alaska chapter plans on doing includes speaking at public meetings, writing opinion pieces and supporting children caught in the middle.

Reflecting on recent actions taken in Mat-Su, and the likelihood that such activity will soon spread to other districts, Pegau said that the Alaska chapter will be speaking up. “When challenges are put out there, I’d like to see us put out some kind of statement, put up some kind of pushback about why this is wrong. Whatever the book is that’s being banned and wherever it’s being challenged,” she said. She added that the group might also engage by “showing up at a library or wherever somebody is being harassed about books.”

MacLean suggests that even non-writers can join the resistance to book bans by calling federal representatives, state legislators, local assembly persons and school board members. Attend school board meetings, she said, or consider running for a school board seat. And most importantly, talk with and support librarians and educators. “Saying thank you goes a long way,” she said.

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Discussing the Alaska chapter’s objectives, Lovegreen concluded, “My vision is for people to know about Authors Against Book Bans in Alaska, and for us to partner with people who would like extra support or would like to hear what authors feel about the issue. And hopefully, while we’re doing that, we’ll be able to provide a framework for organizing and supporting freedom to read around the state. The right to read is an important part of American democracy, and books should be accessible to people who want to read them.”





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