Virginia
NPR fights for access to Virginia execution recordings
Next week, the Virginia Court of Appeals will consider whether to lift the veil of secrecy over execution tapes that give the public a rare glimpse into how the state administered capital punishment before abolishing the practice in 2021.
The tapes, recorded in the execution chamber by prison employees, were hidden for years before NPR journalist Chiara Eisner unearthed four recordings that a former prison employee donated to the Library of Virginia archives. That audio, which NPR published in 2023, revealed new details about oversight by prison employees moments before carrying out the state’s ultimate punishment.
The Virginia Department of Corrections has disclosed that it recorded 32 additional tapes concerning 27 executions over three decades, but it refused to turn them over when NPR and Ian Kalish, a clinical supervising attorney at the Reporters Committee, requested the audio under Virginia’s Freedom of Information Act. Last year, NPR sued for the tapes’ release with free legal support from the First Amendment Clinic at the University of Virginia School of Law, which is administered by attorneys from the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.
A circuit court in Charlottesville sided with the Department of Corrections, finding that the recordings were protected under a Virginia FOIA exemption that protects records of prisoners. Throughout the school year, Reporters Committee attorneys worked with students in the UVA First Amendment Clinic to brief the case in the Court of Appeals.
NPR, Eisner, and Kalish have been represented in the case by clinic co-directors Lin Weeks, an RCFP senior staff attorney, and Gabe Rottman, director of RCFP’s Technology and Press Freedom Project. Ahead of oral argument on July 16, we spoke with Kalish to learn more about why the clinic got involved in the fight for public access to execution records and what implications the case could have on efforts to hold Virginia prisons accountable.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
How did the UVA Law Clinic and Reporters Committee attorneys get involved in this case?
It originally came to the clinic’s radar because Chiara was going to report on the fact that she had submitted the FOIA request and that had been denied, so the clinic offered some commentary about the request and the denial. We continued to work with Chiara and NPR in terms of figuring out if there was a potential way to push back, and then the clinic ended up partnering with them on the litigation.
What makes this such an important case for clinic students to work on?
I think these records are very valuable because this process is largely happening within sort of a black box. It’s important for the public to understand what happens in these situations because these actions are being taken in the name of the public. I think just being able to facilitate that type of oversight is quite important.
More generally, I think public access cases are good for students because they offer discrete legal issues, generally issues of statutory interpretation regarding what an exemption in a statute says and what it means and how it applies to a specific record. It’s a little bit more teed up and focused than other types of cases are at times, so it allows the students a little bit more opportunity to really dig in and shepherd a case from its initiation to its conclusion.
What is it about these execution tapes that make them worth pursuing in court?
I think the four tapes are very rare. The fact that they’re publicly accessible doesn’t happen often, but they are very valuable.
I think it’s important to have information about execution and what it looks like in general because while Virginia is no longer engaged in the practice, other states are. There’s always the potential that things might change. I think that execution remains such a significant political issue that it’s important for people to understand what the procedure looks like, what happens, just for them to make an informed decision about whether they support the practice of capital punishment or not.
What are the key arguments that Reporters Committee attorneys have made about why these records should be public?
The main argument that is being teed up on appeal is this question regarding the interpretation of an exemption that prevents the public from gaining access to records of inmates, which we interpret to mean information that would otherwise be in the possession of inmates or information generated by the inmates, such as correspondence that is being held by the prison. Just because an inmate’s information is held by the agency because of the nature of the jailer-prisoner relationship doesn’t necessarily mean that anyone who puts a FOIA request to the agency should be able to get access to it.
But in contrast, we interpret this exemption to not reach administrative documents or information created by the agency that relates to the conduct of the agency. For example, procedures followed during the execution process are state action. We don’t think that exemption for the records of the individual should be read so broadly as to shield that type of thing from public oversight because in effect, you’re walling off the prison system significantly from all oversight.
By its nature, the actions that agency takes are for the most part directed toward or involving individual inmates. So you really need to preserve the ability to access records and information about those actions.
How do you think the outcome of this case could shape the application of Virginia’s Freedom of Information Act in the future?
I think the nature of Virginia FOIA is sort of interesting in that it has this blanket presumption of access but then exemptions are very particularized, and there are a lot of them. Because of that, there’s not a lot of really binding authority about what each one means. Some exemptions have had the benefit of judicial analysis and guidance, others haven’t.
I think whenever you don’t have this type of clear guidance from a court, people relying on the statute to access records are at a bit of a loss. There’s really no clear case to point to if a FOIA officer denies a request to say, “Hey, this court says that this material is reachable,” or, “This court says that this exemption should be interpreted this way.” I think any opportunity you have to clarify what the statute means is important.
Particularly with this exemption, it can be applied very broadly if it means what the Department of Corrections has argued and what the trial court seems to have endorsed. If it just means that things involving or related to a specific inmate can be withheld, it’s unclear to me what type of meaningful oversight you could have over the Virginia Department of Corrections or the prisons at all. So I think this one in particular is even more important just because of the potential scope of its use moving forward.
The Reporters Committee regularly files friend-of-the-court briefs and its attorneys represent journalists and news organizations pro bono in court cases that involve First Amendment freedoms, the newsgathering rights of journalists and access to public information. Stay up-to-date on our work by signing up for our monthly newsletter and following us on Twitter or Instagram.
Virginia
Whitley’s Peanut Factory Marks 40 Years with an Eye on Virginia’s 250th Celebration | Williamsburg Yorktown Daily
GLOUCESTER — What began as a small kitchen experiment has grown into a staple of Virginia’s peanut industry. This year, Whitley’s Peanut Factory is celebrating its 40th anniversary, marking four decades of family tradition, innovation, and steady growth in Gloucester.
For owner Todd Smith, the milestone is both personal and professional.
“We’re doing something right,” Smith said. “The quality of the product and great customer service, those two things have carried us for 40 years.”
The company officially launched in 1986, though its roots trace back to Smith’s upbringing in the peanut business. His father worked closely with farmers supplying seed peanuts, giving Smith early exposure to an industry that would later define his career.
The idea for the business came from a homemade recipe.
“My dad used to cook these peanuts in our kitchen,” Smith said. “We decided to try it commercially, put them in a can, and see if we could sell them.”
Starting with a small retail store, a single cooker, and just a few employees, the company has since expanded into a multi-location operation. Today, Whitley’s employs dozens of workers, particularly during the busy holiday season when demand peaks.
Despite its growth, the company has remained committed to its original process.
“We’re doing the same thing today that we did 40 years ago, just on a bigger scale,” Smith said.
That consistency has been key to maintaining the brand’s identity and loyal customer base. At the same time, the company has found ways to evolve without compromising quality.
Remaining in southeastern Virginia has been essential to the company’s success. The region is known for producing Virginia peanuts, a variety prized for its size and flavor.
“We’re close to where the peanuts are sourced,” Brett Smith said. “That’s always been important.”
Over the years, Whitley’s has also become a significant employer in Gloucester. During peak seasons, the company employs around 90 people, contributing to the local economy and providing long-term opportunities for many workers.
As Whitley’s celebrates 40 years, the focus is also on what comes next. Todd Smith hopes to eventually pass the business on to his son, who joined the company five years ago.
“The goal is for him to take over and carry on the legacy,” Smith said.
Brett Smith sees both opportunity and challenge ahead.
“The world is changing fast,” he said. “It’s about adapting to that while staying true to what’s made us successful.”
The company’s 40th anniversary comes at a unique time for the Commonwealth, as Virginia prepares to celebrate its 250th anniversary. For Whitley’s, the overlap adds another layer of meaning to the milestone.
To mark both occasions, the company has introduced commemorative packaging and is participating in local events and festivals tied to the anniversary, particularly in historic areas like Williamsburg and Yorktown. From community gatherings to major seasonal celebrations, Whitley’s is using the moment to highlight both its own history and Virginia’s broader story.
“It’s kind of the bigger picture,” Brett Smith said. “We’re proud of 40 years, but 250 years is pretty incredible.”
As Virginia reflects on its past, Whitley’s Peanut Factory is celebrating its own legacy, while positioning itself to remain part of the state’s future for years to come.
Virginia
Lauren Hurst commits to Virginia Tech out of transfer portal, joining Alyssa Latham
Former Lady Vols basketball guard Lauren Hurst committed to Virginia Tech out of the transfer portal on April 11, making her the second Tennessee player to join the Hokies.
Former Tennessee forward Alyssa Latham committed to Virginia Tech as a graduate transfer on April 1.
Latham and Hurst were part of the mass exodus from the Lady Vols that left no returners on the team. All eight players with eligibility left entered the transfer portal, and five-star forward Oliviyah Edwards was released from her signing, leaving four-star wing Gabby Minus as the only incoming freshman.
Both Latham and Hurst were key players in Tennessee’s rotation by the end of the season. Latham spent two years with the Lady Vols after transferring in from Syracuse and was one of a handful of returners from coach Kim Caldwell’s first season.
Latham was one of four forwards on Tennessee’s roster – the other three graduated – and averaged 19.1 minutes this season. The 6-foot-2 junior averaged 4.7 points, 3.4 rebounds and one steal while shooting 53.9% from the field this season.
Hurst broke into the rotation in the second half of the season, and she was Tennessee’s most accurate 3-point shooter. The 6-foot-3 guard led the team in 3-point percentage, hitting 41.4% on 1.2 attempts from 3-point range.
The Cleveland, Tennessee, native averaged 2.3 points, 1.6 rebounds and 10 minutes per game on the season, and she shot 48.8% from the field. Hurst played a season-high 24 minutes at Ole Miss, when she scored a career-high 16 points on 6-for-9 shooting, including 4-for-5 on 3-pointers.
Hurst was part of a five-player 2025 class ranked No. 2 in the nation by ESPN, UT’s highest-ranked class since 2017. She was a four-star prospect ranked No. 45 in the class.
Tennessee has added two transfers out of the portal so far. Liberty guard Avery Mills and Northern Arizona guard Naomi White both committed to the Lady Vols.
Cora Hall is the University of Tennessee women’s athletics reporter for Knox News. Email: cora.hall@knoxnews.com; X: @corahalll; Bluesky: @corahall.bsky.social. Support strong local journalism and unlock premium perks:knoxnews.com/subscribe
Virginia
‘Don’t Fairfax Me’: How Virginia’s largest county became center of antiredistricting campaign – WTOP News
Signs that say, “Don’t Fairfax Me” and “Vote No” are appearing in rural parts of Virginia in opposition to gerrymandered maps being voted on in a special election.
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‘Don’t Fairfax Me’: Northern Virginians fight redistricting plan
As the special election that will determine the fate of a plan to redraw Virginia’s congressional districts approaches, the state’s largest jurisdiction has started being referenced as a verb in messaging opposing the initiative.
Signs that say, “Don’t Fairfax Me” and “Vote No” started appearing in rural parts of Virginia, Cardinal News reported. And on social media, Del. Wren Williams, whose district includes several counties in the southwestern portion of the state, defined “Fairfaxphobia.”
Early voting has been underway for weeks, but on April 21, voters will decide whether to OK a plan that would redraw Virginia’s congressional map. Currently, the state has elected six Democrats and five Republicans across its 11 districts. The proposed map could give Democrats a 10-1 advantage, experts say.
Virginia Democrats argue the step comes in response to President Donald Trump’s push for redistricting in Republican-led states. Republicans have been critical of the effort.
Williams is describing “Fairfaxphobia” as a fear that political power concentrated in Fairfax County will make decisions for the whole state and create policies impacting some communities that they can’t afford.
“We don’t want to be Fairfax County,” Williams told WTOP. “We don’t want skyscrapers. I don’t want to have to go somewhere outside and walk around to find some patches of grass to touch. I am interested in rural life, a little bit easier, a little bit simpler, a little bit more laid back, not as fast paced.”
As part of the proposed map, Williams said, “at least five districts run up and split up Fairfax County, which will eventually lead to five sitting congressional members from the county of Fairfax, and that’s just not representative of the entirety of the commonwealth.”
Jeannette, a longtime Northern Virginia resident, said people who live in the northern part of the state “are seen as an anomaly, maybe to the rest of Virginia, given our, I think, collective more liberal leaning. And I understand why they’re saying that, but I think we should separate that from the goal of the referendum.”
Dave Lincoln, meanwhile, said Friday he hadn’t heard about the signs in rural parts of the state but, “I guess it’s — we are what we are.”
Senate Majority Leader Scott Surovell called the campaign disappointing, because “Fairfax County does a lot for the entire state. If it wasn’t for Fairfax, our state would have the economy of Mississippi.”
The “Don’t Fairfax Me” signs say they’re paid for and authorized by a political action committee called “New Vision VA.” Dominion Energy made a $25,000 donation to the PAC, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.
Yves Fischer, who lives in Alexandria, said the messaging and advertising on the redistricting referendum are confusing.
For Tiffany, “I guess they’re saying ‘Don’t Fairfax’ Virginia, because obviously we are a much more educated, classy, professional, employed area, and we, of course, are going to vote ‘yes’ on this.”
In Springfield on Friday afternoon, Ann said she hadn’t seen or heard about the signs, but, “It should be a big ‘no.’ It’s not right. It’s not fair to most Virginians.”
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