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10 primaries to watch in Maryland, Nebraska and West Virginia

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10 primaries to watch in Maryland, Nebraska and West Virginia


Will the Barefoot Moscato be drunk in celebration, or to drown some sorrows? Tuesday brings what is arguably the most interesting non-presidential primary of 2024: the high-rolling, racially charged, on-a-knife’s-edge Democratic primary for Maryland Senate. But there are plenty of appetizers to go with that main course: Will the MAGA movement take down a famously moderate Republican congressman, potentially handing a swing seat to Democrats? Will a man who served jail time for storming the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, return there as a U.S. representative?

These are just three of the 10 elections we’re watching in the Maryland, Nebraska and West Virginia primaries on Tuesday. Here’s what you need to know about all of them.

West Virginia

Races to watch: Senate; 1st and 2nd congressional districts; governor
Polls close: 7:30 p.m. Eastern

When Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin announced he was retiring in November, West Virginia’s U.S. Senate seat became an almost automatic Republican pickup — and the GOP primary became the only game in town. But what was once expected to be a firecracker of a fight between Gov. Jim Justice and Rep. Alex Mooney has fizzled. Former President Donald Trump endorsed Justice in October, and the anti-establishment Club for Growth has not come through with the $10 million it originally planned to spend for Mooney, who is aligned with the far-right obstructionist wing of the GOP. As a result, Justice leads Mooney 60 percent to 26 percent in 538’s average of primary polls of the race.

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But in the wake of their Senate candidacies, Justice and Mooney have made space for packed primaries for their old seats. Three old West Virginia political families are jockeying to be heir to the governor‘s throne. The Republican primary features former state Del. Moore Capito, the son of Sen. Shelley Moore Capito; car dealer Chris Miller, the son of Rep. Carol Miller; and Secretary of State Mac Warner, whose father and brother were both state legislators. However, the front-runner is a relative newcomer to the state: Attorney General Patrick Morrisey (whose first campaign was for New Jersey’s 7th Congressional District in 2000).

Trump has not endorsed in this race, but (so?) the candidates have been tripping over each other to prove they are the most pro-Trump — and, in a state that recently banned gender-affirming care, the most anti-transgender. For example, a pro-Morrisey PAC has hammered Miller for “pro-transgender events” (its language for drag shows and a free clothing closet for transgender students) at Marshall University, where Miller served on the board of governors until last year. Meanwhile, supporters of Miller have hit back at Morrisey for being a lobbyist for a “drug company that helps turn boys into girls” in an ad that also unsubtly pokes fun at Morrisey’s height and weight.

In a file photo, Patrick Morrisey, then attorney general of West Virginia, arrives before an event with President Donald Trump at the White House in Washington, D.C., Feb. 6, 2020.

Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images/FILE

Thanks to his ability to self-fund, Miller has spent twice as much money as Morrisey, $6.2 million to $3.1 million. However, polls indicate it hasn’t done that much to boost his support. Instead, it is Capito who looks like he poses the biggest threat to Morrisey: Since April 1, he has risen from 16 percent to 26 percent in 538’s polling average of the race, within striking distance of Morrisey at 33 percent (Miller is at 20 percent, and Warner is at 12 percent). Capito recently received the endorsement of Justice himself and, if he wins, would likely govern in the incumbent’s back-slapping, deal-making style; the Club for Growth- and Americans for Prosperity-endorsed Morrisey, though, is more of a hardliner.

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Meanwhile, five Republicans are vying to succeed Mooney in West Virginia’s 2nd District, but one has almost all of the institutional support. State Treasurer Riley Moore has been endorsed by both establishment Republicans (former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, the West Virginia Chamber of Commerce) and tea partiers (Mooney, Americans for Prosperity) alike. And yes, he is also one of those Moores — Shelley Moore Capito is his aunt. He’s the leading fundraiser in the race with $883,000 in contributions and is the strong favorite to win the primary, although retired Air Force Brigadier General Chris Walker has raised a competitive $732,000 as well.

We wonder if the Republican primary for West Virginia’s 1st District will actually prove more interesting, though. Incumbent Carol Miller is running here and hasn’t done anything to upset the GOP base, but she is facing a robust challenge from former state Del. Derrick Evans. Evans is no ordinary former state legislator, though. He served all of 40 days in office, from Dec. 1, 2020, to Jan. 9, 2021, when he resigned three days after entering the U.S. Capitol as part of the pro-Trump mob attempting to stop certification of the 2020 election. He pleaded guilty to a felony civil disorder charge and served three months in jail, but he is now singing a different tune for his GOP primary campaign, defending the Jan. 6 insurrection and condemning his prosecution.

And Evans may have a serious shot. Bolstered by the endorsements of far-right Rep. Bob Good and Trump allies like pillow salesman Mike Lindell and former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, he has raised almost as much money as Miller: $982,000 to $783,000. There’s no public polling in this race, but Miller appears to be looking over her shoulder. She recently started airing negative ads against Evans, attacking him for being, of all things, too liberal.

Maryland

Races to watch: Senate; 2nd, 3rd and 6th congressional districts
Polls close: 8 p.m. Eastern

Unlike West Virginia, the key matchups in Maryland are mostly Democratic primaries. The highest-profile race is for Senate, which sits open after the retirement of Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin. The lure of that prize in the solidly blue state has produced an expensive and increasingly negative Democratic primary between Prince George’s County Executive Angela Alsobooks and Rep. David Trone. But the candidacy of Republican Larry Hogan, the popular former governor who has only minor opposition for the GOP nomination, has made the prospect of a competitive general election a big focus of the Trone-Alsobrooks clash.

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The two Democrats’ backgrounds and financial positions are a study in contrasts. Trone, who is white, represents western Maryland, including part of the Washington, D.C., suburbs. Before entering politics, he made millions as co-founder of Total Wine & More, which has enabled him to spend nearly $62 million out of his pocket in his Senate bid, as of May 6. Alsobrooks, who is Black, is a former prosecutor who now leads the most populous majority-Black county in the country, which sits to the east of the nation’s capital. Her campaign had raised $7.8 million as of April 24 with no self-funding, which would be a decent amount for most Senate races but pales in comparison to Trone’s total.

This huge financial gap has given Trone a major leg up in appealing to voters. Last week, AdImpact reported that Trone had spent $45.7 million on ads to Alsobrooks’s $3.9 million. While Trone has argued that he’s a better bet to win against Hogan than Alsobrooks, she has played up her strong backing from most of Maryland’s high-profile Democrats — including the state’s other senator, Chris Van Hollen — and her support for abortion rights.

However, race has been an unavoidable subject in this contest. Trone has emphasized his support from Black officeholders who hail from Alsobrooks’s base in Prince George’s County, including an ad in which one local official said the Senate is “not a place for training wheels.” That line drew a rebuke from a group of Black women for being “disparaging and dismissive” and tinged with “misogyny and racism.” Trone also raised ire in March when he used a racial slur during a hearing, saying later that he meant to say “bugaboo.” But Trone’s ads have also made specific appeals to Black and Latino voters and he has endorsements from some notable Black leaders, including state Attorney General Anthony Brown. Alsobrooks, who’d be Maryland’s first Black senator, has highlighted how her background — unlike Trone’s — differs from the mostly white and male makeup of the Senate.

More broadly, the state’s Democratic electorate will be almost evenly divided between white and Black voters, and past elections like this have produced clear racial fissures. This marks Maryland’s third straight open-seat Senate race with a Democratic primary featuring a major Black and white candidate. In both 2006 and 2016, the white contenders (Cardin and Van Hollen, respectively) won competitive races by carrying every part of the state except its three predominantly-Black localities (Prince George’s County, Baltimore City and Charles County). But while Trone led in primary polls up through early April, an early May survey from Emerson College/The Hill/DC News Now found Alsobrooks with a slight edge — 47 percent to 44 percent when including leaners — a sign that the race is neck-and-neck. Alsobrooks’s name recognition deficit versus Trone appears to have shrunk, likely aided by developments such as The Washington Post’s endorsement.

Trone’s Senate bid has opened up the 6th District, a seat President Joe Biden would’ve carried by about 10 percentage points in 2020, according to Daily Kos Elections. This makes it Maryland’s only remotely competitive House district, a reality that has attracted a huge number of candidates — 16 Democrats are on the ballot (a couple have technically dropped out) and seven Republicans.

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For Democrats, former Commerce Department official April McClain Delaney and state Del. Joe Vogel look like the front-runners. McClain Delaney’s name may sound familiar: Her husband, former Rep. John Delaney, represented the old version of this district for three terms. Running on her Biden connections and work to keep kids safe online, McClain Delaney has self-funded a bit more than half of the $1.9 million she’s raised, and she has some high-profile endorsements, including from The Washington Post. Meanwhile, Vogel is a 27-year-old Latino legislator who is also gay and Jewish. He has raised $687,000 and enjoys endorsements from the powerful state teachers union and the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund. He’s also received nearly $400,000 in outside spending help from the pro-LGBTQ Equality PAC, according to OpenSecrets. Competing surveys show a close race: A late April Public Policy Polling survey conducted for the pro-Vogel Equality PAC found the leading contenders tied at 24 percent, but an early May Garin-Hart-Yang survey for McClain Delaney’s campaign gave her a 37-percent-to- 24-percent lead.

On the Republican side, the two most well-known contenders are former state delegates: Neil Parrott, who lost to Trone in 2020 and 2022, and Dan Cox, who lost as the GOP nominee in Maryland’s 2022 gubernatorial contest. Parrott has raised $271,000, while Cox has only brought in $123,000. But Cox may be buoyed by his indefatigable support for Trump’s unfounded claims that Biden’s 2020 victory was illegitimate — a view that around two-thirds of Republicans still subscribe to nationally. Four other candidates may also have a shot here. Former Naval fighter pilot Tom Royals leads the field in fundraising with $521,000, Air Force veteran Mariela Roca has brought in $274,000 and retired state trooper Chris Hyser has raised $155,000 and has received some outside spending support. Lastly, former state Del. Brenda Thiam is another familiar face for local Republicans, although she’s only raised about $50,000.

Running between Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, the solidly blue 3rd District sits open following the retirement of Democratic Rep. John Sarbanes. A whopping 22 Democratic candidates filed for the primary ballot, including five state legislators. But the money in this race has centered on former Capitol Hill police officer Harry Dunn and state Sen. Sarah Elfreth, making them the two leading contenders, although state Sen. Clarence Lam may have an outside shot.

PHOTO: Harry Dunn, political congressional candidate and former Capitol Police officer, arrives for the White House Correspondents' Association in Washington, DC, April 27, 2024.

Harry Dunn, congressional candidate and former Capitol Police officer, arrives for the White House Correspondents’ Association in Washington, D.C., April 27, 2024.

Drew Angerer/AFP via Getty Images

Dunn became prominent after he testified before Congress in July 2021 about defending the Capitol against insurrectionists on Jan. 6, 2021, later receiving a Presidential Citizens Medal from Biden for his service. Notably, his campaign launch video featured him speaking to camera while walking through a recreation of the events of Jan. 6. His announcement precipitated a money monsoon: Dunn raised more without self-funding in the first quarter of 2024 ($3.8 million) than any other non-incumbent House candidate, including millions from online donors. Overall, he’s raised $4.6 million, which has allowed him to run ads emphasizing his background, an endorsement from Rep. Nancy Pelosi and his goal to protect democracy by pushing back against corruption and greed in Washington. Dunn has loose ties to the 3rd District area, however, as he lives in Montgomery County closer to the nation’s capital, which makes his ad spending even more critical to introduce himself to voters.

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By comparison, Elfreth likely started out better-known, as around 60 percent of her Annapolis-based state Senate seat lies in the 3rd District, according to Daily Kos Elections. She’s raised about $1.5 million, but Elfreth has also received $4.2 million in outside spending support from United Democracy Project, the bipartisan American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s super PAC. Despite AIPAC’s pro-Israel policy focus, UDP’s ads have emphasized Elfreth’s effectiveness as a legislator and work to protect abortion rights. For his part, Lam has raised $736,000, but he sat in third with 8 percent in a late April survey for Dunn’s campaign conducted by Upswing Research, while Dunn narrowly led Elfreth 22 percent to 18 percent.

Lastly, the retirement of Democratic Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger has left the solidly blue 2nd District open, making the seat’s Democratic primary the main event. In that race, Baltimore County Executive John “Johnny O” Olszewski looks favored against state Del. Harry Bhandari, thanks in part to a sizable fundraising edge: Olszewski has brought in $837,000 to Bhandari’s $181,000. And Baltimore County as a whole makes up about three-fourths of the seat’s population, making Olszewski a familiar face to 2nd District voters.

PHOTO: Rep. Don Bacon departs a meeting of the House Republican Conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, May 7, 2024.

Rep. Don Bacon departs a meeting of the House Republican Conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., May 7, 2024.

Kent Nishimura/Getty Images

Nebraska

Races to watch: 2nd Congressional District
Polls close: 9 p.m. Eastern

Nebraska has a busy electoral slate on Tuesday, but only one primary looks potentially intriguing: the GOP contest in the Omaha-based 2nd District. Republican Rep. Don Bacon is seeking reelection, but Biden would have carried the seat by 6 points in 2020 and Bacon only won reelection by about 3 points in 2022 against Democratic state Sen. Tony Vargas. Bacon’s reputation as a relative moderate has helped him hold onto this purple seat, but it’s also made him potentially vulnerable to a more conservative primary challenger. That has made the campaign of Dan Frei, an Omaha businessman running to Bacon’s right, one to monitor on Tuesday. Though it’s unlikely given the incumbent’s fundraising advantage and outside spending support, were Frei to upset Bacon, that would likely make the 2nd District more winnable in November for Vargas, who has raised $2.4 million for an anticipated rematch against Bacon.

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Virginia

Youngkin looks to unify GOP at massive Trump rally: ‘Virginia is in play’ – Washington Examiner

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Youngkin looks to unify GOP at massive Trump rally: ‘Virginia is in play’ – Washington Examiner


Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R-VA) joined former President Donald Trump for a massive rally in Virginia as the vice presidential hopeful makes a bid to flip his state red this November. 

“It is time to elect strength back into the White House,” the Virginia governor proclaimed to thousands of enthusiastic rally attendees as he introduced the president. “Let’s join together and welcome the next president of the United States, Donald J. Trump!”

Trump, freshly victorious from a debate deemed a disaster for his opponent President Joe Biden, beamed as Youngkin doled out glowing words for his former rival. 

“Mr. President, this is the best Trump rally that you’ve ever had, and you’re doing it in Virginia,” Youngkin told the presumptive GOP nominee Friday. “And yes, on behalf of 8.7 million Virginians, Mr. President, we are going to go to work and get you back in the White House!”

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Youngkin shakes hands with Trump at a rally in Chesapeake, Virginia. (AP Photo/Steve Helber)

Massive crowds roared as the two shook hands, cementing a show of goodwill over a past mired in conflict.

“He’s got the policies that made America great,” Trump said of Youngkin, widely rumored to be on the vice presidential short list. “We’re proud of him. He’s done a great job.” 

The joint appearance comes as the GOP convention looms. Trump is expected to announce his running mate before then.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER

In 2020, Biden claimed Virginia by a solid 10%. Recent polls showing the president in a dead heat with Trump has shocked the GOP into action to capitalize on Republican gains. While Trump and Youngkin have had a fractured relationship, with Youngkin toying with mounting a presidential challenge to Trump and declining to speak at multiple rallies, their joint appearance is intended to signal to Virginians that a unified GOP could flip the state red this November. 

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As the Virginia governor told Fox News just hours before the rally, “The president coming to Virginia today … is reflective of the fact that Virginia is in play.”



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Virginia House votes to repeal restrictions on military tuition program

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Virginia House votes to repeal restrictions on military tuition program


RICHMOND — Virginia’s House of Delegates voted unanimously Friday to repeal restrictions recently imposed on a college tuition program for military families, but Senate leaders do not intend to take the bill up when that chamber meets Monday, saying they want to limit any repeal to one year.

The House, Senate and Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) all agreed to a state budget in May that included language to rein in the fast-growing program, which waives tuition and fees at public colleges and universities for the spouses and children of veterans who were disabled or killed in the line of duty.

Created in 1930 to aid the families of World War I veterans, the program has expanded over the years to include out-of-state residents, graduate students and relatives of service members with non-combat-related injuries. The price tag has risen exponentially in recent years, from $12 million in 2019 to more than $65 million last year. Universities have borne the cost or passed it to other students.

Amid warnings that the program was unsustainable, legislators and Youngkin agreed to new restrictions, which require participants to tap federal aid, such as Pell Grants, before accessing the state program, and limit eligibility to Virginia residents pursuing undergraduate degrees.

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They also require military families to fill out the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), which uses a formula to calculate how much families can afford to pay for higher education. The wealthiest participants would pay a portion of the “expected family contribution,” expected to be capped at about $3,750 a year.

Current participants were grandfathered in, as was anyone who applied to college before May 15 under the budget language, which also provides $20 million to colleges and universities to offset waiver costs.

Those changes drew swift and vocal pushback from military families, leading Youngkin and the Democrats who lead the House and Senate to promise fixes. But they have not been on the same page about just what to do.

Youngkin and the House have favored fully repealing the restrictions until the issue can be studied, while Senate leaders have leaned toward more limited tinkering.

The House gathered for about an hour Friday to pass a bill to repeal the changes and provide $20 million a year for the next two fiscal years to cover some of the cost.

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“It’s often been said if you find yourself in a hole you don’t want to be in, stop digging. Mr. Speaker, today I’m glad that we stopped digging,” Del. Mike A. Cherry (R-Colonial Heights) said on the floor ahead of the vote, praising Democratic and Republican leaders who’d pledged to “not weaponize” the issue.

But Senate Majority Leader Scott A. Surovell (D-Fairfax) said that the measure will not move forward in the Senate, which on Monday will meet for a second time to try to advance its own fix.

“It will not be considered,” he said.

Senate leaders are backing a new bill to postpone the restrictions until July 1, 2025, provide $65 million over the next 12 months to cover the cost, and require the state’s Joint Legislative and Audit Review Commission to review the program and make recommendations by Sept. 1.

“We’re willing to repeal the new restrictions for one year … and use the surplus to take the burden off other students who are currently funding the program,” Surovell said.

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House Speaker Don L. Scott Jr. (D-Portsmouth) said he was confident the two sides will eventually work out their differences.

“Regardless of what happens on Monday, we’re very, very close in concept,” Scott said. “I think everybody recognizes that the way the program is designed now, it can’t go on like that. But we want to make sure that we get it right.”

Scott said he would support means-testing and other restrictions once the issue has been fully studied.

“I’m a disabled veteran as well. I can afford to pay for my daughter’s tuition,” he said. “So I think we need to do some means-testing. We need to get some residency requirements. I think we need to take a look at it and see what’s doable.”

The Senate initially met June 18, when Democratic leaders hoped to pass a bill to lift the Pell Grant and FAFSA requirements for relatives of veterans killed in the line of duty or disabled in combat, but not those with non-combat disabilities. They met for more than five hours that day but did not advance the legislation.

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Youngkin praised the House’s action Friday and leaned on the Senate to fall in line with that plan.

“Our veterans, first responders, and their families have spoken, and we have heard them,” he said in a written statement. “Now it is time for the Senate to pass the bill on Monday, so I can sign it immediately. … If the Senate Democrat Leadership does not support a repeal of the language, they are holding our veterans, first responders, and their families, hostage.”



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Data centers transformed Northern Virginia’s economy, but residents are wary of more expansion

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Data centers transformed Northern Virginia’s economy, but residents are wary of more expansion


Julie and Chris Borneman signed petitions, wrote to their local officials, put a sign in front of their house, and joined a campaign against putting the power line through their property.

The recent expansion of data centers and associated power infrastructure is unprecedented, according to Julie Bolthouse, director of land use at the Piedmont Environmental Council, a local environmental nonprofit. She has worked at the nonprofit for 15 years.

“Prior to 2021 I had only worked on two or three transmission line proposals … Within the last three years, I’ve been a participant in stakeholder meetings for at least a dozen transmission line proposals,” Bolthouse said. “We’ve never seen this many transmission lines at once.” 

The Piedmont Environmental Council has been keeping track of all these data centers and associated power infrastructure.

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Bolthouse said the power company and state regulator have been approving many of these projects, but there is not enough public information about how much energy the data centers use, and their impact on air and water quality. 

“We need transparency so that we can proactively plan ahead,” said Bolthouse. “Right now, what we’re doing is basically like our utility is handing out blank checks that we, the rate payers, are on the hook for paying for.” 

To that, Aaron Ruby, spokesperson for Dominion Energy, the largest utility in Virginia, said, “as a public utility we are the most heavily regulated industry in Virginia.” 

He said the state regulator reviews the energy costs to make sure everyone is paying their fair share, and the share of energy costs that households pay for has gone down, whereas the share for data centers has gone up.

He also added that Dominion Energy expects the power demand from data centers to nearly quadruple over the next 15 years.

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The demand for power has never gone up by so much, so quickly. 

Some of the electricity will come from natural gas plants, but Ruby said most of that will be from renewable energy like wind and solar power.

In a statement, Amazon pointed out that their company has been the world’s largest corporate purchaser of renewable energy for four years, and that 90 percent of the energy the company uses comes from renewable sources.

Local officials say data centers saved their economy during the Great Recession of 2007. Buddy Rizer helped bring data centers to Loudoun County in northern Virginia, as the executive director for economic development for the county for the past 17 years.

He said they brought in data centers because during 2007, the local economy took a big hit when the housing bubble burst. The county lost a third of its tax revenue.

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“Data centers have such an inordinate return on investment for a community that there’s nothing else that comes close,” Rizer said. “As an example: for every dollar a data center uses in services in our community. We get $26 back. There’s nothing that comes within $24 of that.” 

He said the revenue from data centers helped transform their local economy, so they could invest in their schools and roads. He added that the tax revenue from data centers is almost a third of the county’s budget, and completely funds their operating budget.

But Rizer has also heard the concerns about how quickly the industry is growing in their area.

“When you’re in any job 17 years, in your community, you become your job … especially a fairly public facing job like mine,” Rizer said. “I have a lot of conversations at the grocery store or when I’m filling my car with gas.” 

He expects the demand for data centers to continue to grow. 

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Rizer said cloud computing led to a big wave of data centers, then it was the demand for online services during COVID-19. Now, the big driver of growth is artificial intelligence. 

He said data centers actually do not have a lot more room to grow in Loudoun County anymore. The more recent proposals for new data centers have been in the surrounding counties, Maryland,  states like Kansas and Mississippi, or other countries, like China, India, Japan, and Malaysia

 



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