Texas
Wanna bet? Texas Legislature to reconsider legalizing casinos and sports betting
![Wanna bet? Texas Legislature to reconsider legalizing casinos and sports betting](https://thumbnails.texastribune.org/Io7Iq5bukuczyQWlAjbZXn3RQBg=/1200x630/filters:quality(95):focal(0x0:800x530)/static.texastribune.org/media/images/Texas-Ace-Card-Gambling_1.jpg)
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Playing legalization advocates in Texas are going all in once more this legislative session, assured that they’ve constructed extra assist since their efforts got here up far quick in 2021.
The push continues to be an uphill battle, nevertheless, as Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who oversees the Senate, continues to pour chilly water on the concept. However supporters have discovered promising indicators elsewhere, they usually have returned to the Capitol with a military of well-connected lobbyists after doling out hundreds of thousands of {dollars} in marketing campaign contributions throughout the 2022 election.
There are two primary camps pushing for expanded playing in Texas — and proper now, they seem like working on parallel tracks. The primary is a continuation of a lavishly funded and high-profile effort initiated by the late Sheldon Adelson and his gaming empire Las Vegas Sands to legalize casinos, particularly high-quality “vacation spot resorts” within the state’s largest cities. The opposite lane is the Texas Sports activities Betting Alliance, a coalition {of professional} sports activities groups within the state and betting platforms that’s solely targeted on legalizing cellular sports activities betting.
Playing is essentially unlawful in Texas with exceptions together with the lottery, horse and greyhound racing and bingo. Texas has three tribal casinos, that are allowed to function underneath federal legislation.
The Sports activities Betting Alliance already made a splash within the lead-up to this session by hiring former Gov. Rick Perry as a spokesperson.
“What’s modified [since 2021], I believe, is the persevering with training of most people that this isn’t an growth of playing,” Perry stated in an interview, suggesting that Texans already take part on this kind of playing in different states or illegally. “It’s happening, it’s gonna proceed to go on and the state of Texas wants to manage it and guarantee that its residents’ data is protected.”
Sports activities betting is authorized in 36 states and Washington, D.C., in keeping with the American Gaming Affiliation.
Sands, in the meantime, has been touting a “long-term dedication to Texas.” It has not publicly detailed its technique for this session, however a spokesperson for its political motion committee within the state, Matt Hirsch, stated that it “will proceed to actively have interaction state and native leaders over the course of this session and stay dedicated to working with lawmakers to in the end enable voters to resolve on this situation.”
Each proposals didn’t make it far throughout their debut legislative session two years in the past. Their payments acquired committee hearings within the Home however by no means bought voted out, and they didn’t obtain hearings within the Senate.
This time, the Sands workforce is aiming to file its laws sooner and with broader assist, each throughout the gaming business and the Legislature.
In addition they see firmer allies in Gov. Greg Abbott and state Home Speaker Dade Phelan. Each leaders expressed openness to expanded playing in 2021, they usually have gone additional in current statements, suggesting settlement with Sands’ imaginative and prescient for casinos within the state. An Abbott spokesperson stated in a press release final fall that “if there’s a strategy to create a really skilled leisure possibility for Texans, Governor Abbott would check out it.”
“What I don’t wish to see is to stroll into each comfort retailer and see 15 slot machines,” Phelan stated throughout a media briefing earlier this month because the session bought underway. “I wish to see destination-style casinos which can be prime quality and that create jobs and that enhance the approach to life of these communities.”
Phelan’s remark stood out for its use of the phrase “destination-style” — the identical language utilized in Sands’ pitch.
Nonetheless, it stays to be seen if gaming advocates could make any headway with Patrick this session. He has been essentially the most immune to expanded playing out of the “Large Three” leaders — which embody him, Phelan and Abbott. In a December TV interview, he stated that he didn’t see any “motion” on the difficulty.
Different opponents of extra playing are holding agency. If something, they argue, there’s much less traction for expanded playing this session as a result of the Texas financial system is in a greater place than it was two years in the past, brimming with a $33 billion price range surplus. Again then, elevated playing was mentioned as a possible new income stream to cope with an anticipated deficit after the state had been hit by financial losses because of COVID-19 shutdowns.
“I’ve talked with numerous Home and Senate members, and playing appears to be much less enticing throughout a time of document prosperity and surpluses,” state Rep. Matt Shaheen, R-Plano, stated in a press release. “There doesn’t appear to be an urge for food to assist giant firms enhance their income on the expense of numerous Texans.”
Increasing playing continues to be a preferred thought with Texans. A ballot launched Thursday by the College of Houston discovered that 75% of grownup Texans assist laws to let voters resolve on legalizing casinos. The survey additionally recognized 72% assist amongst Republicans and 69% assist amongst “born-again Christians,” which pollsters famous have “lengthy [been] the spine of opposition to legalized playing.”
In November, state Sen. Carol Alvarado, D-Houston, refiled the on line casino invoice she carried final session, although a Home companion has not been filed but. State Rep. John Kuempel, R-Seguin, “will probably be submitting on line casino laws once more this session,” his chief of employees, Brittney Madden, wrote in an e mail.
The sports-betting payments haven’t been filed but, and it’s unclear thus far who will carry the invoice. The Home creator from the 2021 session, state Rep. Dan Huberty, R-Houston, didn’t search reelection.
Rival campaigns?
Given the stiff headwinds to getting any growth in playing handed, sports activities betting and on line casino advocates could also be competing towards one another, fairly than working in tandem.
The Sports activities Betting Alliance is formally impartial on legalizing casinos, however the Sands workforce has welcomed collaboration, noting its proposal would moreover legalize sports activities betting.
Advocates for sports activities betting see their trigger as a standalone situation that’s extra palatable for lawmakers. Perry stated there’s a “clear delineation” between what the Sports activities Betting Alliance is pushing for in contrast with legalized casinos.
“The opposite points which can be on the market, they’ll have to face or fall on their very own,” Perry stated. “I don’t assume these will probably be tied collectively in any time limit.”
It’s unclear if Patrick, the highest-ranking hurdle to expanded playing, sees an analogous distinction between the causes and may very well be extra amenable to sports activities betting. His prime political strategist, Allen Blakemore, just lately signed as much as foyer for the Sports activities Betting Alliance by way of the tip of the yr. And Patrick is shut with Perry, as soon as calling him “one in all my finest buddies in life.”
Neither Patrick’s workplace nor Blakemore responded to requests for remark.
Within the December TV interview, Patrick stated nobody had talked about expanded playing to him and no Republicans had filed payments on it but. However advocates are making the case to Senate Republicans, and at the least one in all them, Sen. Lois Kolkhorst of Brenham, is giving thought to the sports-betting push.
“It’s true that Senator Kolkhorst is finding out laws to manage ongoing app-based sports activities betting in Texas however she doesn’t touch upon pending laws,” Kolkhorst’s chief of employees, Chris Steinbach, stated in a textual content message. “She may have extra to say as soon as a invoice had been to be filed.”
The affect
In the meantime, the gaming business is protecting a excessive profile on the Capitol. As of Thursday, Las Vegas Sands had 69 lobbyists registered with the Texas Ethics Fee, with the worth of the contracts totaling properly into the seven figures. The Sports activities Betting Alliance had 20 lobbyists signed up with the TEC.
The lobbyist steady continues to incorporate heavy hitters on the Capitol, like former prime advisers to governors and chiefs of employees to Home audio system.
Gaming pursuits have additionally ramped up marketing campaign donations because the final session. Sands shaped a political motion committee, Texas Sands PAC, that doled out at the least $2.2 million in contributions to statewide officers and dozens of lawmakers from each events throughout the 2022 election cycle. The PAC has been virtually totally funded by Miriam Adelson, who turned the bulk shareholder in Las Vegas Sands after her husband died in 2021.
Individually, Miriam Adelson was one of many prime donors to Abbott’s 2022 reelection marketing campaign, writing him a $1 million examine.
One of many recipients of the Sands PAC cash was state Rep. Craig Goldman, the brand new chair of the Home Republican Caucus. The Fort Value lawmaker just lately advised an area publication that he has not taken a place on casinos but and that the marketing campaign money wouldn’t affect him.
Dallas Cowboys proprietor Jerry Jones, whose workforce is a part of the Sports activities Betting Alliance, made a spate of six-figure donations late within the election, together with $500,000 to Abbott and $200,000 to Patrick. Jones has lengthy supported legalizing sports activities betting in Texas and he stated in a radio interview earlier this month that “it’s actually a factor that must be addressed right now.”
Gaming pursuits additionally performed a serious function in funding the inauguration of Abbott and Patrick on Jan. 17. This system listed at the least three gaming pursuits as prime company donors: Sands; IGT, the Las Vegas-based slot-machine maker; and Landry’s, the Houston-based hospitality firm whose CEO, Tilman Fertitta, chaired the inaugural committee. (Companies can’t donate to campaigns underneath Texas legislation however can fund inaugurations.)
Along with Fertitta, Miriam Adelson had a front-row seat onstage on the inauguration, watching from a number of seats away as Abbott and Patrick had been sworn in for his or her third phrases. And three days later, she sat entrance row at a pro-Israel convention in Austin as Abbott delivered a speech, twice lauding the Adelsons for his or her advocacy on Israel.
All of the affect peddling is just not fazing opponents of gaming, like Texas Values, the social conservative group.
“The growth of playing is already useless within the Texas Senate; and it could be a mistake for the Texas Home to spend treasured time on a coverage matter that doesn’t have the votes to go,” the group’s coverage director, Jonathan Covey, stated in a press release.
Rob Kohler, a lobbyist for the Texas Baptist Christian Life Fee, stated he “actually [doesn’t] see” any new momentum behind the trigger.
“I’ve been on this situation for 20 years, and it all the time begins with the identical form of try and direct individuals’s consideration to it,” Kohler stated. “Because the session performs on and the difficulty will get vetted, individuals notice it’s not in the most effective curiosity of the state.”
Disclosure: College of Houston has been a monetary supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan information group that’s funded partially by donations from members, foundations and company sponsors. Monetary supporters play no function within the Tribune’s journalism. Discover a full record of them right here.
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Texas
The Growing Financial Strain of Charter School Expansion on Texas Public Schools
![The Growing Financial Strain of Charter School Expansion on Texas Public Schools](https://www.texasaft.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/image-13.png)
Every year, the State Board of Education (SBOE) approves new charter schools following a comprehensive application, review, and public hearing process that culminates in late June. The commissioner of education also approves dozens of new charter schools through the charter expansion amendment process each year, a process which lacks SBOE input and involves minimal accountability and transparency with no public notice or hearings.
To support SBOE members in making informed decisions about approving or vetoing new charter applications, Texas AFT collaborates with a broad coalition of public education advocates to analyze Texas Education Agency (TEA) data on school districts’ finances, enrollment, transfers, and cost of recapture. The rigorous analysis we provide to SBOE members aims to:
- Estimate the current revenue loss experienced by school districts within new charters’ proposed geographic boundaries due to students transferring from their home school districts to charter schools (“charter transfers out” or “charter transfers”).
- Project the additional estimated revenue loss these districts would face if new charters were approved based on their requested maximum enrollment.
- Connect charter expansion with other relevant fiscal impacts, such as districts’ costs of recapture. Every new charter student increases districts’ recapture payments to the state that fund charter schools.
This data-driven approach not only aids SBOE decision-making but also supports local advocacy efforts. School district officials, parents, educators, and community organizations use this information to voice their concerns to the SBOE, especially in districts facing rapid charter school expansion and its negative fiscal impacts. Across Texas, charter expansion is contributing to growing budget deficits, forcing many districts to consider closing neighborhood schools and holding Voter Approval Tax Rate Elections (VATREs) to balance their budgets.
In response to public education stakeholders from across the state voicing their concerns, the SBOE vetoed two of the five Generation 29 charter applications in its preliminary vote on Wednesday, June 26, including two of the three new charters that our union has been most concerned about. One of the proposed charters was to be located within Arlington ISD, the school district with the ninth highest total estimated loss of revenue to charter transfers from the 2019-2020 through the 2023-2024 school year. These results were upheld in the final vote on Friday, June 28.
Texas AFT extends the use of this district-level data to our legislative advocacy. During legislative sessions and the interims between them, we meet with current and prospective Texas Legislature members to discuss public education advocates’ concerns about charter school expansion and share data on how expansion affects the school districts they represent. This data-driven approach is effective to demonstrate the fiscal impact of charter schools even among legislators who were initially unconcerned about charter expansion. These hard facts help counter misleading claims made by charter school marketing campaigns and the many well-funded lobbyists employed by the charter industry.
Detailed analyses of charter expansion’s fiscal impact on affected school districts can be found on our website. The results of our updated analysis on estimated revenue loss due to charter transfers are alarming. School districts statewide are experiencing a large and growing drain on their resources due directly to charter expansion, as charters enrolled about 8 percent of Texas students (ADA) in FY 2023 but received about 20% of Foundation School Program state aid for public education.
Major urban districts like Houston ISD and Dallas ISD continue to experience significant fiscal impacts due to unlimited charter expansion, while smaller school districts have seen a comparatively small number of charter transfers translate into a large impact on their budgets. School districts in the Rio Grande Valley and the Houston, Dallas-Fort Worth, San Antonio, El Paso, and Austin areas have seen the most charter expansion over the past several years. Charter schools are rapidly expanding into rural Texas as well.
These figures represent a significant financial burden, diverting resources that could otherwise enhance educational services and student experiences in public schools. The scope of this issue is expanding, as evidenced by the increasing number of affected districts and the rising total estimated revenue losses:
- 2019-2020: $2.82 billion (at least 297 districts affected)
- 2020-2021: $3.25 billion (at least 309 districts affected)
- 2021-2022: $3.32 billion (at least 312 districts affected)
- 2022-2023: $3.56 billion (at least 322 districts affected)
- 2023-2024: $3.60 billion (at least 325 districts affected)
When considering these figures, it is also important to realize that the number of charter transfers, total estimated revenue loss, and tally of affected districts are undercounts because the number of charter transfers out from a school district are sometimes not available (i.e. masked) to comply with the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA). Masked numbers are typically small although larger numbers may be masked to prevent imputation.
However, the available data reveals a growing financial strain on public education resources:
- The number of districts experiencing revenue loss due to charter transfers increased from at least 297 in 2019-2020 to at least 325 in 2023-2024.
- At least 377 districts have faced some level of revenue loss due to charter transfers over the five-year period.
The implications of these findings extend beyond district finances to the communities they serve. The growing financial pressure could lead to:
- Increased class sizes, layoffs, and cuts to pay and benefits as districts struggle to balance budgets without necessary funding.
- Reductions in extracurricular and academic programs, particularly those serving economically disadvantaged communities where charter expansion has been most prevalent.
- Potential school closures, which have devastating effects on local communities and economies, leading to longer commutes for students and job losses for educators and support staff.
The trends of increasing revenue losses and the broadening impact across more districts are unsustainable and demand immediate attention from policymakers. Action is needed to mitigate further adverse effects on public schools and ensure a more equitable approach to public and charter school funding. The data clearly shows that the financial viability of many districts is at risk, which has severe implications for educational quality and equity across the state.
These stark realities underscore the need for robust, data-driven discussions among policymakers, educators, and community stakeholders. As we advocate for a more equitable approach, we must consider:
- Implementing a more rigorous approval process for new charter schools and expansions, with greater emphasis on their potential impact on existing public schools and taxpayers.
- Developing funding mechanisms that do not disproportionately disadvantage public school districts when students transfer to charter schools or create a funding advantage for charters.
- Increasing transparency in charter school operations and finances to ensure they are held to the same standards of accountability as public schools.
- Investing in public schools to enhance their ability to meet diverse student needs, reducing the perceived need for inefficient, parallel systems such as charter schools or private school vouchers.
- Establishing a moratorium on new charter schools and on the expansion of existing charter school networks through charter expansion amendments.
- Conducting a comprehensive study of charter school impact on public education, including the fiscal impact on public school districts, the state budget, students, school employees, and taxpayers.
Texas AFT remains committed to using data-driven advocacy to protect and strengthen our public education system. We call on all stakeholders – legislators, educators, parents, and community members – to engage in this critical conversation about the future of public education in Texas. By working together and making informed decisions based on comprehensive data, we can ensure that all Texas students have access to high-quality education without compromising the financial stability of our public school districts.
The challenge before us is significant, but with continued advocacy and collaboration, we can work towards a more equitable and sustainable educational landscape for all Texas students to thrive.
Texas
Kinky Friedman, singer and novelist who fronted The Texas Jewboys, dies at 79
Kinky Friedman, the cigar-chomping, mustachioed Texan country singer and mystery novelist whose body of work often seemed like the un-kosher marriage of the Borscht Belt and the Bible Belt, died June 27 from complications of Parkinson’s disease. He was 79.
As frontman for the flamboyant 1970s country group Kinky Friedman and the Texas Jewboys, he was notorious for satirical songs such as “They Don’t Make Jews Like Jesus Anymore,” a raucous sendup of racism, and “Get Your Biscuits in the Oven and Your Buns in Bed,” which poked fun at feminism.
He could also turn serious, with songs dealing with social issues such as abortion and commercialism. His 1973 song “Ride ’em Jewboy” is a haunting elegy on the Holocaust, recorded by Willie Nelson and sung in concert by Bob Dylan. The lyrics transform cowboy cliches into a rumination on Hitler’s victims:
Now the smoke from camps a-rising
See the helpless creatures on their way
Hey, old pal, ain’t it surprising
How far you can go before you stay?
The Jewboys broke up in the mid-1970s and Friedman spent much of the next decade in a haze of drugs. In the mid-1980s he cleaned up and began writing a series of successful, raunchy, comic mystery novels whose main character is himself. He wrote more than 20 books, all on a manual typewriter.
https://youtu.be/uBewkqSdehQ
One reviewer, the actress and author Fannie Flagg, described his writing as “Raymond Chandler on drugs, if Chandler had possessed a tremendous sense of humor.”
In 2006 he ran for governor of Texas, looking to unseat incumbent Republican Rick Perry in a bid that went from joking to serious. His campaign material included a 13-inch talking action figure and bumper stickers that read, “My governor is a Jewish cowboy.” His official campaign slogan was “Why the hell not?” He considered himself tough on immigration, pro-choice, anti-capital punishment and a proponent of alternative fuels.
In time, his campaign gathered force as a serious quest to shake up Texas politics, break down traditional party machines and reach out to a dramatically disaffected electorate.
“In the last election for governor, only 29% of eligible voters went to the polls,” Friedman, known as “the Kinkster,” told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that year. “Seventy-one percent didn’t vote — they didn’t like the choice between paper and plastic.”
In the end, Friedman placed fourth in the six-person race, receiving 12.6% of the vote.
The origins of Kinky Friedman
Born Richard Samet Friedman in Chicago in 1944, he moved with his parents to Texas as a baby and earned his nickname in college from his curly hair. His parents were educators who ran a summer camp for mainly Jewish children at Echo Hill Ranch, the 400-acre spread where Friedman would come to live in a small but rambling lodge.
“We had services every Friday night, and Kinky would play the guitar,” Ellen St. Clair, who spent four summers at Echo Hill, told JTA in 2006.
The property is also home to the Utopia Animal Rescue Ranch, a home and adoption center for abused and abandoned dogs that Friedman helped found.
He attended the University of Texas at Austin, where he majored in psychology. Friedman proudly recalled that during their time as members of the Jewish Tau Delta Phi fraternity he and a friend, Nathan “Chinga” Chavin, tried to admit African-American students, an effort that was ultimately thwarted.
After graduating in 1966, he served in the Peace Corps in Borneo. After returning from the Peace Corps, he formed Kinky Friedman and the Texas Jewboys, at a time when hybrid “country rock” bands — including The Band, the Eagles and Buffalo Springfield — were rising up the charts. The Jewboys drew a cult following — and occasional protests, as when the National Organization for Women awarded Friedman its “Male Chauvinist Pig Award” in 1973.
In early 1976, he joined Dylan on the second leg of the Rolling Thunder Revue tour. Friedman claimed to have been the first “full-blooded” Jew to take the stage at the Grand Ole Opry.
Friedman would cite Mark Twain and the humorist Will Rogers as his heroes, and the inevitable comparisons were not far off.
“These days,” he once said, “there are many people around the world who listen to the songs that made me infamous and read the books that made me respectable.”
Texas
Texas Football Ranked Among the Top Offenses in the New EA CFB 25 Game
![Texas Football Ranked Among the Top Offenses in the New EA CFB 25 Game](https://images2.minutemediacdn.com/image/upload/c_crop,w_1022,h_574,x_0,y_0/c_fill,w_1440,ar_16:9,f_auto,q_auto,g_auto/images/voltaxMediaLibrary/mmsport/longhorns_country/01j1d7qkd5nrq9gq02mb.jpg)
As a part of its rankings week showcase, EA has released its top offenses for the new EA CFB 25 game, with the Texas Longhorns tying for the third-highest-rated squad in this year’s game.
Texas was given a 91-rated offense, tying with Alabama for the third spot. The two teams ahead of the Longhorns and Crimson Tide are Georgia and Oregon, who share the top spot with a 94 overall rating.
Texas looks to feature one of the best offenses in real life in 2024, which will lead to exciting gameplay for the first college football game in over a decade. Just two returning Power Five quarterbacks had more passing yards in 2024 than Texas quarterback Quinn Ewers, and he’ll have the privilege of throwing to the transfer portal’s top receiver Isaiah Bond in the upcoming year.
The offensive line is also one of the best in the nation, ranking inside the top five of rankings from sites like On3, PFF, and 247. Behind that line will be runningbacks CJ Baxter and Jaydon Blue, who combined for 1,057 rushing yards on over five yards per carry in 2023. The Texas offense is filled from top to bottom with playmakers, likely making them one of the deepest offenses to play within the game.
At the quarterback position, Ewers will likely be one of the three highest-rated passers, especially given his status as the cover athlete, and is backed up by Arch Manning, who sadly won’t be in the game due to him opting out. Whether they replace him with an auto-generated player or just leave him out, freshman Trey Owens will be a fine backup in the game.
The running back room not only features Baxter, the No. 1 rusher in the class of 2023, and Blue, but also Tre Wisner, who averaged six yards per carry last year, and the No. 3 running back in the class of 2024, Jerrick Gibson. Baxter will be the highest rated of the group, but the other three rushers will likely be pushing above 95 speed, making them perfect for a simulation football game.
In the receiving core, Bond is joined by two other transfer receivers Matthew Golden and Silas Bolden. Both pass-catchers were rated as four-star or higher transfers, and tight end Amari Niblack was the top tight end transfer in the country. Returning for the Longhorns are sophomore stud wide receivers Johntay Cook, DeAndre Moore, and Ryan Niblett, while five-star freshman Ryan Wingo will bring verticality to the team.
This offense will not only be one of the highest rated but also the most fun teams in the game. With the bountiful playbook of head coach Steve Sarkisian and his love for players with speed, it’ll be hard to slow down an offense like this.
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