Texas
Texas is set to execute John Ramirez despite the objections of the Nueces County prosecutor, who opposes the death penalty
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John Ramirez, 38, convicted of murdering a Corpus Christi comfort retailer clerk in 2004, is scheduled to be executed Wednesday, regardless of the objection of the Nueces County district lawyer. And regardless that Ramirez’s execution has been delayed three earlier instances, his lawyer stated he has no additional authorized alternatives to cease the state’s newest try and put him to loss of life.
Ramirez’s pastor shall be alongside him within the loss of life chamber, fulfilling a request he made throughout his newest scheduled execution one 12 months in the past. Texas initially denied his request to have a pastor contact and pray over him as he was executed, spurring a spiritual liberties case heard by the U.S. Supreme Courtroom. The excessive court docket discovered Texas had violated Ramirez’s non secular liberties by denying his pastor’s presence at his execution.
Following the Supreme Courtroom determination, an worker in Nueces County District Lawyer Mark Gonzalez’s workplace filed for a brand new execution date, regardless of the prosecutor’s moral opposition to the loss of life penalty. A Texas state district decide denied Gonzalez’s request to cancel the execution date request, once more condemning Ramirez to die by capital punishment.
This week, the ultimate avenues to stop or delay Ramirez’s loss of life sentence have been exhausted, stated his lawyer, Seth Kretzer.
Ramirez’s authorized group, with the help of Gonzalez, filed motions to each the Texas Courtroom of Prison Appeals and the District Courtroom of Nueces County to halt the method. However as of Sunday, each makes an attempt had failed.
And on Monday, the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles unanimously denied Ramirez’ request for clemency, successfully eliminating all attainable choices to delay his execution.
Ramirez was convicted of capital homicide in 2008 and sentenced to die for the 2004 homicide and theft of Pablo Castro, a comfort retailer clerk in Corpus Christi. Courtroom information state Ramirez had stabbed Castro 29 instances throughout a theft spree to get drug cash with two girls. Castro had $1.25 on him.
Gonzalez’s workplace requested dates for Ramirez’s execution thrice since 2016, however he informed The Texas Tribune that he didn’t realize it was attainable to keep away from setting a date. When he realized his workplace didn’t need to set an execution date, he opted not to take action.
Gonzalez stated his moral opposition to capital punishment stems from how the loss of life penalty is imposed in Texas: Although 12% of the state’s residents are black, 45% of loss of life row inmates are black.
“All we will proceed to do is to not proceed looking for the loss of life penalty. That’s what I pledge to do, it’s the one factor in my energy,” Gonzalez informed the Tribune. Gonzalez was elected to a second four-year time period because the Nueces County district lawyer in 2020.
However in late April, one among his staff inadvertently requested a brand new date out of behavior, Gonzalez stated. State District Choose Bobby Galvan acquired the request and set Oct. 5 because the date of Ramirez’s execution.
Two days later, when Gonzalez realized of the error, he tried to cancel the warrant, however Galvan denied the request.
In June, Galvan stated Gonzalez is “the captain of the ship,” and what his workers does is on him. “I’ve actually thought of this lots,” Galvan stated. “I respect y’all’s opinion on this, however I’m not going to withdraw the warrant.”
Each the Texas lawyer normal’s workplace and Castro’s household requested Galvan to maneuver forward with the execution.
As a final effort, Gonzalez and Kretzer, Ramirez’s lawyer, tried to withdraw the warrant of execution within the District Courtroom of Nueces County final week. On Sunday, the native court docket denied the movement.
Someday later, seven members on the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles voted in opposition to commuting Ramirez’s loss of life sentence, exhausting his authorized choices to keep away from capital punishment.
“Whereas maybe D.A. Gonzalez ought to have extra rapidly knowledgeable his workers as to his place that capital punishment is unethical, a brand new day is dawning in America the place elected district attorneys can stand as much as execution errors extrapolated from a previous technology,” stated Kretzer.
Kretzer informed the Tribune that he didn’t anticipate any new appeals or different authorized filings forward of Ramirez’s execution scheduled for Wednesday.
Texas
Questions surround QB Quinn Ewers as Texas faces must-win game against A&M
AUSTIN, Texas (KTRK) — The Texas Longhorns clinched a 10-win season over the weekend, thanks to the win over Kentucky.
There’s a constant conversation about QB-1 and whether he has what it takes to lead the Longhorns to a National Championship.
The Houston Chronicle’s Kirk Bohls joined Eyewitness News to analyze Quinn Ewers’ performance under center and preview the Lonestar Showdown.
Bohls said despite an ankle injury Ewers received in the game against Kentucky, he expects Ewers will be healthy enough to start for the Longhorns against Texas A&M on Saturday.
Despite a shaky performance against Vanderbilt and the loss to Georgia, Bohls argued that Ewers doesn’t get the respect his talent deserves. He has led the Longhorns to back-to-back 10-win seasons and a playoff appearance last season. This season, he’s thrown for over 2,000 yards with 23 touchdowns and six interceptions. Bohls said he’s among the top five quarterbacks the Longhorns have had.
Texas sits at the top in The Houston Chronicle’s SEC Power Rankings, but the upcoming Lonestar Showdown is a must-win.
The SEC Championship is on the line for the Longhorns and the Aggies.
Bohls said it will come down to whether Texas’ offensive weapons can break through a tough Aggie defensive line. He also predicted that Arch Manning could get playing time if Ewers isn’t at the top of his game.
You can watch the Lonestar Showdown on ABC13 on Saturday night. Kickoff is set for 6:30 p.m.
For updates on this story, follow Briana Conner on Facebook, X and Instagram.
Copyright © 2024 KTRK-TV. All Rights Reserved.
Texas
Texas vs. Texas A&M football picks: What the oddsmakers say
A classic college football rivalry returns after more than a decade and with plenty on the line as Texas visits Texas A&M on Saturday night. Here’s what the oddsmakers are predicting for the game.
Texas improved to 6-1 in SEC play and stayed atop the conference standings after knocking off Kentucky, and needs to win this game in order to earn a place against Georgia in the SEC title bout.
Likewise for the Aggies, but they’re coming off a four-overtime loss against Auburn that dropped the team to 8-3 overall and 5-2 in conference games.
What do the wiseguys expect as the Longhorns and Aggies meet this weekend?
Let’s check in with the early predictions for Texas vs. Texas A&M in this Week 14 college football game, according to the oddsmakers.
Texas is a 6 point favorite against Texas A&M, according to the updated lines posted to FanDuel Sportsbook.
The book set the total at 48.5 points for the game.
And it lists the moneyline odds for Texas at -230 and for Texas A&M at +195 to win outright.
Texas: -6 (-110)
Texas A&M +6 (-110)
Over 48.5 points: -110
Under 48.5 points: -110
Texas is 6-5 against the spread (54.6%) overall this season …
Texas A&M is 3-8 (27.3%) ATS in ‘24 …
Texas is 2-2 against the spread in road games …
Texas A&M is 2-5 ATS at home …
Texas is 1-4 against the spread in its last 5 games …
A&M is 2-6 ATS in its last 8 home games …
Texas is 4-1 against the spread in its last 5 games played in Week 14 …
The total went over in 5 of Texas A&M’s last 6 games …
The total went under in 6 of Texas’ last 7 games and 7 of its last 9 road games …
A&M is 3-10 ATS in its last 13 games on a Saturday …
A plurality of bettors expect the Longhorns will take care of the Aggies on the road, according to the spread consensus picks for the game.
Texas is getting 63 percent of bets to win the game and cover the narrow point spread.
The other 37 percent of wagers project Texas A&M will either win outright in an upset or keep the game under a touchdown margin in a loss.
The game’s implied score suggests a narrow victory for the Longhorns over the Aggies.
When taking the point spread and total into consideration, it’s implied that Texas will defeat Texas A&M by a projected score of 28 to 22.
Our early pick: Texas A&M +6 … Strange things can happen at Kyle Field under the lights, especially as this intense rivalry game is resurrected, and with so much on the line, so asking for a greater than touchdown margin might be too much, and this is a game the Aggies can outright win.
When: Sat., Nov. 30
Where: College Station, Tex.
Time: 6:30 p.m. Central
TV: ABC network
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Game odds refresh periodically and are subject to change.
If you or someone you know has a gambling problem and wants help, please call 1-800-GAMBLER.
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More college football from SI: Top 25 Rankings | Schedule | Teams
Follow College Football HQ: Bookmark | Rankings | Picks
Texas
Should States Like Texas Be Allowed to Grade Their Own Highway Homework? — Streetsblog USA
In late October, protestors in Houston watched as officials wheeled a trough out into the middle of St. Emanuel Street and each scooped out a ceremonial shovelful of sand.
The officials were ostensibly there for a symbolic groundbreaking for the North Houston Highway Improvement Project, which will widen or rebuild around 25 miles of Interstate 45 in the heart of Texas’s largest city. For the protesters, though, the bulldozers that loomed in the background of that photo-op were a very real threat of the harm soon to come to St. Emanuel Street, and the estimated 1,079 homes, 344 businesses, five places of worship and two schools that will be razed to make way for the highway.
“Half of that street is going to be gone,” added Erin Eriksen, an organizer with Stop TxDOT I-45. “Half of those businesses are going to be torn down. And TxDOT was basically thumbing its nose at these places that were going to be destroyed because of this project.”
According to official analyses, though, the destruction of St. Emanuel Street and so many like it isn’t enough of an “environmental impact” to justify canceling the I-45 project, even though it will dramatically exacerbate pollution, flooding, and inequality in the disproportionately low income communities of color through which the expansion will largely run.
And that’s probably because the Texas Department of Transportation wrote those official analyses itself.
‘A fox guarding a hen house”
Thanks to a little-known loophole in federal law known as the “NEPA assignment” program, DOTs from Texas and six other states — Alaska, Arizona, California, Florida, Ohio, and Utah — are temporarily “assigned” the responsibility of conducting what are normally federally overseen environmental assessments (the states must reapply every five years when their authority expires. Texas’s authority expires this year, and members of the Texas Streets Coalition are urging advocates to comment on whether it should be rescinded before Dec. 9.)
In theory, NEPA assignment is supposed to help responsible state DOTs build projects quickly, without having to wait on a single understaffed federal agency to work through a backlog of proposals from across the country before giving the green light on simple repaving or repair. Some argue that it also gives environmentally progressive states an opportunity to conduct an even more thorough analysis than the feds would do on their own.
In car-dominated Texas, though, NEPA assignment is essentially a “fox-guarding-the-henhouse situation” — and its consequences shouldn’t be surprising to anyone, argues Heyden Black Walker of Reconnect Austin.
In Walker’s native Austin, for instance, advocates say that Texas DOT misleadingly “segmented” the expansion of a single intestate known as I-35 into three smaller projects along the exactly same road, hiding the staggering impacts the expansion would have for the region on the whole — and, advocates say, violating federal law. Walker says the “9,000 pages” of official documents about the project also didn’t adequately consider the highway’s impacts on air pollution, and failed to study whether railway investments could address the same problems the expansion was meant to solve.
That the I-35 expansion received even that degree of scrutiny, though, is something of an outlier.
Texas activists found that between 2015 and 2022, only six TxDOT projects receive a full-blown “environmental impact statement,” an exhaustive process that details exactly how the agency will mitigate the harm it will cause. A staggering 130 projects, by comparison, only received a far-simpler “environmental assessment,” all of which resulted in a “finding of no significant impact,” or FONSI, which is pronounced like the shark-jumping character on “Happy Days.”
Cumulatively, though, those “insignificant” projects displaced a stunning total of 477 homes and 376 businesses, and consumed $24 billion. And advocates say that lack of oversight is particularly damning for a state that would rank eighth in the world for carbon dioxide emissions if it were a country, and that polluted nearly twice as much as second-ranked California in 2019.
“The things that NEPA was intended to protect us from — from inordinate displacement, from worse air quality — Texas is failing on all of those metrics,” said Peter Eccles, director of policy and planning at LINK Houston, a transportation advocacy group. “Since TxDOT entered NEPA assignment in 2014, displacements have skyrocketed across Texas, dwarfing the national average in terms of how many households are displaced for freeway projects, as well as the number of counties that are no longer in attainment for criteria pollutants. … It’s not working as intended.”
If the federal government was conducting the NEPA process, advocates argue that Texas might face stricter parameters for what constitutes a “significant” impact of a highway project, rather than letting the state write off families losing their homes and residents getting sick as unfortunate but necessary evils. And maybe, bad projects might even be stopped before they start.
“TxDOT is setting up its own environmental reviews, setting its own parameters, and then self-grading its own performance by the parameters that it sets,” said Bobby Levinski, an attorney with the Save Our Springs Alliance. “And we don’t have that federal oversight that used to exist where, if you did have a disagreement over what the current state of the science is, [you might have] a technical expert at the federal level who could say, ‘No, you didn’t quite do a good enough job looking at, say, this air quality aspect.’
“That check no longer exists,” he continued. “And at the end of the day, they’re going to give themselves an ‘A.’”
NEPA Assignment Under Trump
Levinski and the rest of the coalition acknowledge that some might be wary of handing environmental power back to the federal government — especially with Trump returning to the White House.
Project 2025, which many believe will serve as the incoming president’s playbook, promises to restore regulations limiting environmental review that Trump put in place the last time he was in office, as well as “frame the new regulations to limit the scope for judicial review of agency NEPA analysis and judicial remedies.”
Advocates in Texas, though, say they’re already living in a world where NEPA has been badly watered down — and because of their state’s special authority, Washington was powerless to intervene. Restoring federal oversight, they argue, is a critical first step to making things right, followed by voting in a presidential administration that takes NEPA seriously.
“Here in Texas, we’ve been facing basically a mini-Trump administration, anyway, with our governor,” said Katy Atkiss, facilitator for the Texas Streets Coalition, referring to Gov. Greg Abbott. “He appoints the Texas Transportation Commission, which is basically five old white men — none with transportation experience. So I feel like we’ve been working in a similar environment anyway. We’ve had several conversations with DOT and other federal representatives throughout the course of of the year, and while they are extremely sympathetic, basically, they said, ‘We believe you, but there’s nothing we can do.’”
Until Texas’s NEPA assignment is revoked, all advocates can do is sue to stop bad projects — though with the president picking many of the judges, that’s an increasingly bleak prospect, too.
“With Trump being in office, the courts aren’t getting easier either,” added Levinski. “[And] making the public be the enforcer of NEPA, I think, puts a big onus on the residents of Texas to go up against the giant Goliath that is TxDOT on every single case. … We need some sort of measure of oversight. You can’t just write off the entire state of Texas.”
The members of the Texas Streets coalition acknowledge that getting their state’s NEPA assignment revoked won’t be easy — and if it can’t be done, they hope USDOT will at least make some common-sense changes.
The state might still be allowed do its own environmental assessments, but not on massive highway projects that displace hundreds of residents. The feds also might force the DOT to wait at least 30 days to collect public comment after they make changes to their plans, or submit to “an annual NEPA compliance audit” to ensure they’re not flouting federal laws. At a minimum, they could acknowledge that granting states like Texas the ability to do their own environmental review even as they’re suing to hide their greenhouse gas emissions from the public seems like a pretty obvious flaw in the system.
At the end of the day, though, advocates say we need to address the shortcomings of NEPA itself, which still doesn’t factor in the power of induced demand — and still offers all states too many opportunities to build destructive highways, even when the federal government is grading their projects.
“I think that NEPA assignment and its abuses by TxDOT are a symptom of the larger failings of NEPA as a whole,” added Eccles. “NEPA was very well intentioned at the time [it was written], but certain states like TxDOT have gotten very good at gaming it to rubber stamp projects that they want to do regardless. Contrast that with the NEPA burden that the Federal Transit Administration puts on transit projects; it’s much more rigorous, and it ends up slowing down those projects significantly. We need to have a clearer picture of what projects benefit the environment and which projects harm it.”
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