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Texas House tentatively approves CROWN Act, which would ban hairstyle discrimination

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Texas House tentatively approves CROWN Act, which would ban hairstyle discrimination


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The Texas Home on Wednesday gave preliminary approval to a invoice that will prohibit race-based hair discrimination at faculties, workplaces and housing. The decrease chamber’s vote took the state one step nearer to adopting a legislation impressed by the experiences of two Black excessive schoolers close to Houston threatened with self-discipline within the 2019-20 college 12 months in the event that they didn’t lower their locks.

Home Invoice 567, filed by state Rep. Rhetta Bowers, D-Garland, was voted out of a Home committee in late March. An an identical Senate invoice from state Sen. Borris Miles, D-Houston, is sitting within the Senate State Affairs Committee however hasn’t but obtained a listening to. Representatives overwhelmingly authorised the invoice on its second studying with a 141-3 vote.

“I consider how the hair naturally grows out of our heads ought to don’t have anything to do with what’s inside,” Bowers informed the Home committee. “And due to this fact with any of the success that we accomplish, the time is now for Texas to take up this civil rights laws and defend the individuals from racial discrimination.”

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HB 567 would add to the state’s schooling, labor and property codes a prohibition on discrimination based mostly on sure hairstyles — together with braids, dreadlocks and twists. Variations of the laws, known as the CROWN Act — an acronym for Create a Respectful and Open World for Pure Hair — have been adopted all through the nation since 2019, when college directors ordered two younger males in Mont Belvieu, about 30 miles east of Houston, to chop their hair.

The invoice thus far has obtained what seems to be broad help on its journey by the legislative course of — at the least within the Home.

Greater than a dozen individuals spoke in favor of the proposal throughout a Home State Affairs Committee listening to final month. Moreover, greater than 70 individuals registered their help for the measure however didn’t testify; two people registered their opposition, based on a witness record.

Dakari Davis, a Black police officer who testified in help of the invoice, stated individuals shouldn’t be reprimanded for sporting types which can be pure for his or her hair or particular to sure cultures.

Davis, who has cornrows, stated he was suspended from responsibility and prevented from partaking with the group he protected for nearly a 12 months earlier than being cleared of violating division coverage along with his hair.

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“The discrimination had already occurred and the harm was carried out,” Davis stated. “I used to be confused as to how my pure hair decided that I used to be not adequate to guard Texans, confused as to why I needed to change my look to slot in with outdated requirements of magnificence created throughout a time the place people who didn’t appear like me or people who did appear like me had been thought-about a non-factor.”

He recounted the July 2016 police shootings in Dallas when a gunman killed 5 legislation enforcement officers, together with one who was Davis’ shut pal.

“I keep in mind that night time seeing police from all around the state reply to guard Texas, operating in the direction of gunfire,” Davis testified. “At the moment as I mirror on that night time, I don’t recall anybody stopping to say, ‘Hey, I don’t consider that officer’s hair is skilled.’”

Anecdotal accounts of discrimination like Davis’ have emerged sporadically for the reason that incident in Mont Belvieu drew worldwide consideration to the difficulty.

Directors at Barbers Hill Unbiased College District informed De’Andre Arnold and his cousin to chop their locks or be disciplined. Each refused and sued the varsity district over its gown code coverage in a matter that’s not but resolved.

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A federal choose in 2020, as soon as Arnold had graduated, discovered the coverage discriminatory and stopped the varsity district from imposing it. The varsity system has maintained it permits college students to put on locks, however that doesn’t preclude hair size restrictions within the gown code.

The scholars’ expertise impressed legal guidelines which have since been adopted in 20 states, together with in Virginia, based on a nationwide group that champions the laws.

The same invoice was unanimously voted out of a Home committee through the 2021 legislative session, however the full chamber by no means voted on it earlier than the session ended.

Harris County, the state’s most populous, and town of Austin have already handed related native laws.


We will’t wait to welcome you Sept. 21-23 to the 2023 Texas Tribune Pageant, our multiday celebration of huge, daring concepts about politics, public coverage and the day’s information — all happening simply steps away from the Texas Capitol. When tickets go on sale in Might, Tribune members will save huge. Donate to affix or renew at the moment.

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Questions surround QB Quinn Ewers as Texas faces must-win game against A&M

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Questions surround QB Quinn Ewers as Texas faces must-win game against A&M


AUSTIN, Texas (KTRK) — The Texas Longhorns clinched a 10-win season over the weekend, thanks to the win over Kentucky.

There’s a constant conversation about QB-1 and whether he has what it takes to lead the Longhorns to a National Championship.

The Houston Chronicle’s Kirk Bohls joined Eyewitness News to analyze Quinn Ewers’ performance under center and preview the Lonestar Showdown.

Bohls said despite an ankle injury Ewers received in the game against Kentucky, he expects Ewers will be healthy enough to start for the Longhorns against Texas A&M on Saturday.

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Despite a shaky performance against Vanderbilt and the loss to Georgia, Bohls argued that Ewers doesn’t get the respect his talent deserves. He has led the Longhorns to back-to-back 10-win seasons and a playoff appearance last season. This season, he’s thrown for over 2,000 yards with 23 touchdowns and six interceptions. Bohls said he’s among the top five quarterbacks the Longhorns have had.

Texas sits at the top in The Houston Chronicle’s SEC Power Rankings, but the upcoming Lonestar Showdown is a must-win.

The SEC Championship is on the line for the Longhorns and the Aggies.

Bohls said it will come down to whether Texas’ offensive weapons can break through a tough Aggie defensive line. He also predicted that Arch Manning could get playing time if Ewers isn’t at the top of his game.

You can watch the Lonestar Showdown on ABC13 on Saturday night. Kickoff is set for 6:30 p.m.

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For updates on this story, follow Briana Conner on Facebook, X and Instagram.

Copyright © 2024 KTRK-TV. All Rights Reserved.





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Texas vs. Texas A&M football picks: What the oddsmakers say

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Texas vs. Texas A&M football picks: What the oddsmakers say


A classic college football rivalry returns after more than a decade and with plenty on the line as Texas visits Texas A&M on Saturday night. Here’s what the oddsmakers are predicting for the game.

Texas improved to 6-1 in SEC play and stayed atop the conference standings after knocking off Kentucky, and needs to win this game in order to earn a place against Georgia in the SEC title bout.

Likewise for the Aggies, but they’re coming off a four-overtime loss against Auburn that dropped the team to 8-3 overall and 5-2 in conference games.

What do the wiseguys expect as the Longhorns and Aggies meet this weekend?

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Let’s check in with the early predictions for Texas vs. Texas A&M in this Week 14 college football game, according to the oddsmakers.

Texas is a 6 point favorite against Texas A&M, according to the updated lines posted to FanDuel Sportsbook.

The book set the total at 48.5 points for the game.

And it lists the moneyline odds for Texas at -230 and for Texas A&M at +195 to win outright.

Texas: -6 (-110)
Texas A&M +6 (-110)

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Over 48.5 points: -110
Under 48.5 points: -110

Texas is 6-5 against the spread (54.6%) overall this season …

Texas A&M is 3-8 (27.3%) ATS in ‘24 …

Texas is 2-2 against the spread in road games …

Texas A&M is 2-5 ATS at home …

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Texas is 1-4 against the spread in its last 5 games …

A&M is 2-6 ATS in its last 8 home games …

Texas is 4-1 against the spread in its last 5 games played in Week 14 …

The total went over in 5 of Texas A&M’s last 6 games …

The total went under in 6 of Texas’ last 7 games and 7 of its last 9 road games …

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A&M is 3-10 ATS in its last 13 games on a Saturday …

A plurality of bettors expect the Longhorns will take care of the Aggies on the road, according to the spread consensus picks for the game.

Texas is getting 63 percent of bets to win the game and cover the narrow point spread.

The other 37 percent of wagers project Texas A&M will either win outright in an upset or keep the game under a touchdown margin in a loss.

The game’s implied score suggests a narrow victory for the Longhorns over the Aggies.

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When taking the point spread and total into consideration, it’s implied that Texas will defeat Texas A&M by a projected score of 28 to 22.

Our early pick: Texas A&M +6 … Strange things can happen at Kyle Field under the lights, especially as this intense rivalry game is resurrected, and with so much on the line, so asking for a greater than touchdown margin might be too much, and this is a game the Aggies can outright win.

When: Sat., Nov. 30
Where: College Station, Tex.

Time: 6:30 p.m. Central
TV: ABC network

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Game odds refresh periodically and are subject to change.

If you or someone you know has a gambling problem and wants help, please call 1-800-GAMBLER.

More college football from SI: Top 25 Rankings | Schedule | Teams

Follow College Football HQ: Bookmark | Rankings | Picks

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Should States Like Texas Be Allowed to Grade Their Own Highway Homework? — Streetsblog USA

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Should States Like Texas Be Allowed to Grade Their Own Highway Homework? — Streetsblog USA


In late October, protestors in Houston watched as officials wheeled a trough out into the middle of St. Emanuel Street and each scooped out a ceremonial shovelful of sand.

The officials were ostensibly there for a symbolic groundbreaking for the North Houston Highway Improvement Project, which will widen or rebuild around 25 miles of Interstate 45 in the heart of Texas’s largest city. For the protesters, though, the bulldozers that loomed in the background of that photo-op were a very real threat of the harm soon to come to St. Emanuel Street, and the estimated 1,079 homes, 344 businesses, five places of worship and two schools that will be razed to make way for the highway.

“Half of that street is going to be gone,” added Erin Eriksen, an organizer with Stop TxDOT I-45. “Half of those businesses are going to be torn down. And TxDOT was basically thumbing its nose at these places that were going to be destroyed because of this project.”

According to official analyses, though, the destruction of St. Emanuel Street and so many like it isn’t enough of an “environmental impact” to justify canceling the I-45 project, even though it will dramatically exacerbate pollution, flooding, and inequality in the disproportionately low income communities of color through which the expansion will largely run.

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And that’s probably because the Texas Department of Transportation wrote those official analyses itself.

‘A fox guarding a hen house”

Thanks to a little-known loophole in federal law known as the “NEPA assignment” program, DOTs from Texas and six other states — Alaska, Arizona, California, Florida, Ohio, and Utah — are temporarily “assigned” the responsibility of conducting what are normally federally overseen environmental assessments (the states must reapply every five years when their authority expires. Texas’s authority expires this year, and members of the Texas Streets Coalition are urging advocates to comment on whether it should be rescinded before Dec. 9.)

In theory, NEPA assignment is supposed to help responsible state DOTs build projects quickly, without having to wait on a single understaffed federal agency to work through a backlog of proposals from across the country before giving the green light on simple repaving or repair. Some argue that it also gives environmentally progressive states an opportunity to conduct an even more thorough analysis than the feds would do on their own.

In car-dominated Texas, though, NEPA assignment is essentially a “fox-guarding-the-henhouse situation” — and its consequences shouldn’t be surprising to anyone, argues Heyden Black Walker of Reconnect Austin.

In Walker’s native Austin, for instance, advocates say that Texas DOT misleadingly “segmented” the expansion of a single intestate known as I-35 into three smaller projects along the exactly same road, hiding the staggering impacts the expansion would have for the region on the whole — and, advocates say, violating federal law. Walker says the “9,000 pages” of official documents about the project also didn’t adequately consider the highway’s impacts on air pollution, and failed to study whether railway investments could address the same problems the expansion was meant to solve.

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That the I-35 expansion received even that degree of scrutiny, though, is something of an outlier.

Texas activists found that between 2015 and 2022, only six TxDOT projects receive a full-blown “environmental impact statement,” an exhaustive process that details exactly how the agency will mitigate the harm it will cause. A staggering 130 projects, by comparison, only received a far-simpler “environmental assessment,” all of which resulted in a “finding of no significant impact,” or FONSI, which is pronounced like the shark-jumping character on “Happy Days.”

Cumulatively, though, those “insignificant” projects displaced a stunning total of 477 homes and 376 businesses, and consumed $24 billion. And advocates say that lack of oversight is particularly damning for a state that would rank eighth in the world for carbon dioxide emissions if it were a country, and that polluted nearly twice as much as second-ranked California in 2019.

“The things that NEPA was intended to protect us from — from inordinate displacement, from worse air quality — Texas is failing on all of those metrics,” said Peter Eccles, director of policy and planning at LINK Houston, a transportation advocacy group. “Since TxDOT entered NEPA assignment in 2014, displacements have skyrocketed across Texas, dwarfing the national average in terms of how many households are displaced for freeway projects, as well as the number of counties that are no longer in attainment for criteria pollutants. … It’s not working as intended.”

Highway-related displacements have skyrocketed in Texas compared to the national average since the state was issued a memorandum of understanding (MOU) granting it authority to conduct its now environmental assessments. Graphic: Texas Transportation Coalition.

If the federal government was conducting the NEPA process, advocates argue that Texas might face stricter parameters for what constitutes a “significant” impact of a highway project, rather than letting the state write off families losing their homes and residents getting sick as unfortunate but necessary evils. And maybe, bad projects might even be stopped before they start.

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“TxDOT is setting up its own environmental reviews, setting its own parameters, and then self-grading its own performance by the parameters that it sets,” said Bobby Levinski, an attorney with the Save Our Springs Alliance. “And we don’t have that federal oversight that used to exist where, if you did have a disagreement over what the current state of the science is, [you might have] a technical expert at the federal level who could say, ‘No, you didn’t quite do a good enough job looking at, say, this air quality aspect.’

“That check no longer exists,” he continued. “And at the end of the day, they’re going to give themselves an ‘A.’”

NEPA Assignment Under Trump

Levinski and the rest of the coalition acknowledge that some might be wary of handing environmental power back to the federal government — especially with Trump returning to the White House.

Project 2025, which many believe will serve as the incoming president’s playbook, promises to restore regulations limiting environmental review that Trump put in place the last time he was in office, as well as “frame the new regulations to limit the scope for judicial review of agency NEPA analysis and judicial remedies.”

Advocates in Texas, though, say they’re already living in a world where NEPA has been badly watered down — and because of their state’s special authority, Washington was powerless to intervene. Restoring federal oversight, they argue, is a critical first step to making things right, followed by voting in a presidential administration that takes NEPA seriously.

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“Here in Texas, we’ve been facing basically a mini-Trump administration, anyway, with our governor,” said Katy Atkiss, facilitator for the Texas Streets Coalition, referring to Gov. Greg Abbott. “He appoints the Texas Transportation Commission, which is basically five old white men — none with transportation experience. So I feel like we’ve been working in a similar environment anyway. We’ve had several conversations with DOT and other federal representatives throughout the course of of the year, and while they are extremely sympathetic, basically, they said, ‘We believe you, but there’s nothing we can do.’”

Until Texas’s NEPA assignment is revoked, all advocates can do is sue to stop bad projects — though with the president picking many of the judges, that’s an increasingly bleak prospect, too.

“With Trump being in office, the courts aren’t getting easier either,” added Levinski. “[And] making the public be the enforcer of NEPA, I think, puts a big onus on the residents of Texas to go up against the giant Goliath that is TxDOT on every single case. … We need some sort of measure of oversight. You can’t just write off the entire state of Texas.”

The members of the Texas Streets coalition acknowledge that getting their state’s NEPA assignment revoked won’t be easy — and if it can’t be done, they hope USDOT will at least make some common-sense changes.

The state might still be allowed do its own environmental assessments, but not on massive highway projects that displace hundreds of residents. The feds also might force the DOT to wait at least 30 days to collect public comment after they make changes to their plans, or submit to “an annual NEPA compliance audit” to ensure they’re not flouting federal laws. At a minimum, they could acknowledge that granting states like Texas the ability to do their own environmental review even as they’re suing to hide their greenhouse gas emissions from the public seems like a pretty obvious flaw in the system.

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At the end of the day, though, advocates say we need to address the shortcomings of NEPA itself, which still doesn’t factor in the power of induced demand — and still offers all states too many opportunities to build destructive highways, even when the federal government is grading their projects.

“I think that NEPA assignment and its abuses by TxDOT are a symptom of the larger failings of NEPA as a whole,” added Eccles. “NEPA was very well intentioned at the time [it was written], but certain states like TxDOT have gotten very good at gaming it to rubber stamp projects that they want to do regardless. Contrast that with the NEPA burden that the Federal Transit Administration puts on transit projects; it’s much more rigorous, and it ends up slowing down those projects significantly. We need to have a clearer picture of what projects benefit the environment and which projects harm it.”



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