Why ERCOT’s Power is the Most Expensive in the U.S
In 2023, Texans paid more for wholesale electricity and suffered more calls for conservation than residents served by any other grid across the nation.
And there’s no reason to expect that to change anytime soon.
ERCOT charged Texas consumers the highest electricity prices in the nation for 2023.
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Energy Information Agency
The great irony for the energy capital of the world is that the low price of natural gas drove down electricity prices everywhere but Texas, the nation’s largest natural gas producer. Texas also has more utility scale renewable electricity generation than any other state. The low and zero fuel prices cannot overcome the flawed market design used by ERCOT, the Electric Reliability Council of Texas. The market design handicaps the capital investment required to produce inexpensive and reliable electricity supplies.
We predicted this outcome more than a decade ago.
Let’s review. For eight of the 10 years prior to ERCOT’s failure in 2021, the average wholesale price received by generators was less than the cost of building and operating new generating plants—natural gas turbine units to be specific. Unable to recover their costs, investors refused to build new power plants and, in fact, cut back on maintaining existing coal and natural gas power plants, many of which had already been written off. During 2023, ERCOT frequently reported more unplanned outages for its generator portfolio than PJM, a much larger grid that serves all or part of 13 states and the District of Columbia.
At 1:38 a.m. February 15, 2021, the ERCOT grid suffered a cascading series of failures attributed to a lack of weatherization of key components of the electricity supply chain. Unprotected power plants froze. Natural gas deliveries dropped off. Coal piles froze. A pump for the cooling reservoir of a nuclear power plant froze and tripped off the reactor. ERCOT and the local utilities that distribute electricity failed to manage a process of rolling blackouts that could have preserved grid stability.
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Facing a demand call of more than 70,000 megawatts, ERCOT came up 52,000 megawatts short at the low point of the debacle. Extended blackouts across a customer base of 26 million people caused 246 deaths and cost the state more than $100 billion in property losses and economic losses. Hundreds of lawsuits for wrongful deaths and economic losses are pending.
What Has Texas Done Since The 2021 Freeze?
The first bills out of the Texas Legislature following the storm consolidated governance of the ERCOT grid under the governor and required that the electricity supply chain, including natural gas providers, improve weatherization. In August 2021, the Public Utility Commission of Texas quickly adopted recommendations made 10 years earlier by the North American Electric Reliability Corporation following the 2011 ERCOT grid failure.
In the summer of 2021, the newly appointed PUCT chair stated that the ERCOT market design needed to be totally scrapped. He resigned from the post in 2023 following the Legislature’s rejection of his proposed solution.
Texas continues to embrace its electricity-only market design under which power plants only make revenue when they are generating electricity. Think about paying firefighters only when they at a fire—and they have to buy their own hoses, ladders and firetrucks. And because there are almost 1 million more Texans today than in 2021, demand has grown but ERCOT’s tweaks to the market have only increased prices without increasing reliability or investment in new power plants.
In 2023, the Texas government created the ECRS or ERCOT Contingency Reserve Service. Under this rules regime, existing power plants are paid to step out of the daily market to create “reserve capacity” where none existed before. Texas government missed the fact that because ERCOT was already short capacity for peak demand days the plan did not actually create any new supply. In fact, the ECRS created an artificial shortage, leading to the mirage of more peak demand days for the market during 2023. ERCOT’s Independent Market Monitor has attributed $12.5 billion in overcharges to this new market regime.
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Implementing ECRS transfers wealth from consumers to the power plants—including renewable plants. It is worse than a tax because there is no quid pro quo, no requirement that the power plant operators build new supply capacity.
ERCOT’s portfolio of electricity supplies is not static. The nation’s largest portfolio of utility scale wind and solar farms continues to expand rapidly. This means legacy coal and natural gas power plants will be used less often and will not have any revenues on those days they are not generating electricity into the market. More of these plants will retire and take the electricity they could provide permanently out of the equation.
In 2021, the Texas government refused offers by Warren Buffet’s Berkshire Hathaway
BRK.B Energy and Starwood Energy Capital to build new natural gas power plants across the state. That was then. In the wake of a failed summit with BlackRock
BLK and other investors, Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick said earlier this year that Texas may build its own power plants since the free market cannot provide relief. The governor himself has traveled the state to beg utilities for solutions, but without fixed power purchase agreements or a clear horizon to making money, no new natural gas power plants will be built.
In one potentially positive development, Pattern Energy is attempting to complete its Southern Spirit transmission project, which will bring up to 3,000 megawatts of cheap electricity to Texas from the federally regulated grids in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi via a high voltage DC powerline. Certainly, there is no irony for the Texas Legislature that less regulated power markets can provide less expensive electricity to Texas—or provide a $2.6 billion capital project, hundreds of jobs, and an expanded tax base for those states.
Paying More For Less
Renewables have bolstered the grid, but they will not immediately save Texans money.
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The day when renewable resources can replace all coal and natural gas power plants is in the distant future. Think about it. Assume, for simplicity’s sake, 100% efficiencies and capacities. One 1,000 megawatt natural gas generator can be replaced by two solar farms of the same capacity (12-hour days) and three, 4-hour battery packs. Announced solar farms and utility scale battery projects will cost more than $1 billion per 1,000 megawatts of capacity, but at $1 billion each, it will take more than $5 billion to replace $1 billion.
This renewables growth requires a costly buildout of transmission lines to move the power to urban consumers from the rural areas where wind and solar farms are situated. Transmission companies are guaranteed a rate of return on their assets whether or not they are in use. Because renewables rarely operate at 100% of nameplate capacity, to transition the grid to 100% renewables will require a relative overbuild of transmission line capacity that will also offset the zero cost of fuel enjoyed by renewables. Consumers are already seeing this component of their bills rise.
Counterintuitively, and wrongly, Texas has embraced expanding electricity demand without making sure there is enough supply capacity in ERCOT. Cryptocurrency miners have been the primary beneficiaries. They arbitrage the ERCOT market by purchasing electricity at prices below what any other consumer pays, receiving massive payments or credits from the ERCOT market when they sell that electricity back to the grid in times of tight market conditions. For example, low price purchase contracts at 2.5-cents per kilowatt hour and credits of $5 per kilowatt hour. Texas cryptominers already consume more electricity than the City of Austin on a daily basis. By adding more cryptominers to the grid, ERCOT guarantees that each one will make money playing the electricity arbitrage game—at the expense of the everyday Texas consumer. ERCOT’s Independent Market Monitor has pointed out that increased cost to consumers.
The local utilities that distribute electricity in Texas are increasing their rates to consumers, also. These are the regulated monopolies in each service area that distribute electricity to consumers. In Houston, for example, CenterPoint Energy
CNP has increased rates to recover the cost of the increased weatherization requirements and the adoption of the 2011 NERC recommendations. And, because of the ERCOT market failure, the PUCT and ERCOT ordered CenterPoint to add 500 megawatts of generators and approved the rate increase to recover the costs from consumers. CenterPoint is looking a lot like its regulated and vertically integrated predecessor, Houston Lighting & Power. Shoving generators into a guaranteed rate of return entity proves that the ERCOT market design cannot continue.
The fourth segment of the ERCOT electricity supply chain is the retail electricity provider or REP. These companies are the middlemen between the generators, transmission operators, and local distribution companies. The REPs do not have any skin in the game. In the best of times, they match consumers’ preferences for time of day electricity usage, green or cheap electricity by trading with generators and commodities markets for fixed price contracts or futures contracts. Due to the increasing price volatility in the ERCOT market—again, illustrated by the chart above—these REPs are finding it more expensive to lock in fixed price contracts for their customers. This is a cost they pass along.
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Unscrupulous REPs are often caught short as they take their customers’ monies and can’t back up their fixed rate promises. Why should they? They can walk away without consequence leaving the consumer to be thrust into the Provider of Last Resort power marketer bucket at ERCOT at higher rates. The Texas Legislature mandated bailouts of these REPs following 2021, and consumers will be paying down these billions of dollars for the next many years.
There are major profits to be had in the Texas market, and no one should be surprised. Since Enron first gamed the California electricity market in 2000-2001, we have taught that game to students.
Texas continues to miss opportunities to “fix” the grid. The governor, PUCT, and ERCOT now routinely warn residents that rolling blackouts are in the toolkit for tight market conditions, just as rolling blackouts are used in Turkey, Pakistan, and Venezuela.
Texas electricity consumers are also voters in this single state electricity market. They are enraged by their rising bills. The magical thinking that Texas could get more for less is over and should have been over long ago. The Wall Street Journal pointed out in 2021 that Texans had been overcharged $28 billion due to the ERCOT market design. Add in hundreds of deaths and billions of dollars more in overcharges and economic losses. Without positive action, ERCOT Weather Roulette will continue for years to come with volatile and higher prices, and more frequent calls for conservation. In other words, ERCOT and all its failures are a repudiation of the so-called benefits of deregulation and the Texas model of electricity.
WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump just can’t seem to choose among friends in the Texas Senate Republican primary.
So when he travels to the state on Friday for his first post- State of the Union trip, where he plans to promote his energy and economic policies, Trump will have all three candidates in the competitive race join him — just days before his party casts ballots in the primary race.
Sen. John Cornyn is battling for his fifth term and is being challenged by state Attorney General Ken Paxton and Rep. Wesley Hunt in a primary fight that has become viciously personal. And all three men, missing the coveted endorsement from Trump, have been trying to highlight their ties to him as they ramp up their campaigning ahead of Tuesday’s vote.
For his part, Trump will be seeking to ride the message of his State of the Union address from Tuesday, where he declared a return to economic prosperity and a more secure America — two centerpiece arguments for Republicans as they campaign to keep their congressional majorities this fall.
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Trump’s hesitation to endorse in the Texas Senate primary speaks to the tricky dynamics of the race.
Cornyn is unpopular with a segment of Texas’ GOP base, in part for his early dismissiveness of Trump’s 2024 comeback campaign and for his role in authoring tougher restrictions on guns after the 2022 school shooting in Uvalde, Texas. But Senate GOP leadership and allied groups see Cornyn as the stronger general election candidate, in light of a series of troubles that have shadowed Paxton.
Paxton beat impeachment on fraud charges in 2023, and has faced allegations of marital infidelity by his wife, state Sen. Angela Paxton.
Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, right, is joined by former Texas Gov. Rick Perry, left, during a campaign stop in Austin, Texas, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026. Credit: AP/Eric Gay
Senate Majority Leader John Thune and South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, have urged Trump to endorse Cornyn. They and allied campaign groups argue that the seat would cost the party hundreds of millions more to defend with Paxton as the candidate.
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“It is a strong possibility we cannot hold Texas if John Cornyn is not our nominee,” Scott told Fox News on Wednesday.
Hunt, a second-term Houston-area representative, was a later entry to the race, but claims a kinship with Trump, having endorsed him early in the 2024 race. Hunt campaigned regularly for Trump and earned a prime-time speaking slot at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee.
If no candidate reaches 50% in Tuesday’s primary, the top two finishers will advance to a May 26 runoff.
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton and Rep. Troy Nehls, R-Texas, arrive before President Donald Trump delivers the State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress in the House chamber at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, Tuesday, Feb. 24, 2026. Credit: AP/Allison Robbert
Cornyn’s campaign and a half-dozen allied groups have poured more than $63 million into the race since last fall, chiefly trying to slow Paxton but recently attacking Hunt in an effort to keep him from making it to the runoff.
Earlier this month, Trump feinted toward weighing in on the race when he said he was taking “a serious look” at endorsing in the Texas primary. He has since reaffirmed his neutrality.
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Still, you wouldn’t know it from watching TV in Texas. Cornyn has been airing ads since last year touting his support for Trump’s agenda, even though his relationship with the president has been cool at times. Paxton and Hunt both have ads airing now featuring them standing with Trump.
“I like all three of them, actually. Those are the toughest races. They’ve all supported me. They’re all good. You’re supposed to pick one, so we’ll see what happens. But I support all three,” Trump said earlier this month.
The GOP battle comes as Democrats have a contested primary of their own in Texas between state Rep. James Talarico, a self-described policy wonk who regularly quotes the Bible, and progressive favorite U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett.
Trump hasn’t been shy about wading into other contested Republican primaries in the state. Parts of Corpus Christi fall within Texas’ 34th congressional district, where former Rep. Mayra Flores is fighting to reclaim her seat against the Trump-endorsed Eric Flores. (The two are not related.) The winner of the primary will face off against Democratic Rep. Vicente Gonzalez, long a target of the GOP, whose district was redrawn to make it easier for a Republican to win.
Eric Flores will be at the Trump event at the Port of Corpus Christi, which technically is located in a neighboring district.
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Elsewhere in the state, the president has also endorsed Rep. Tony Gonzales, who is fighting calls from his own party to resign from Congress after reports of an alleged affair with a former staffer who later died after she set herself on fire. Gonzales is refusing to step down and has said that there will be “opportunities for all of the details and facts to come out” and that the stories about the situation do not represent “all the facts.”
Gonzales is facing a primary challenge from Brandon Herrera, a gun manufacturer and gun rights influencer who Gonzales defeated by fewer than 400 votes in their 2024 runoff. The White House did not return a request for comment on Thursday on whether Trump stands by his endorsement of Gonzales.
EL PASO, Texas (AP) — A man has been sentenced to 15 years in prison after admitting his reckless driving caused a head-on collision in rural West Texas that killed Laura Lynch, a founding member of the country music group now known as The Chicks, prosecutors said.
Domenick Chavez, 33, pleaded guilty to manslaughter in connection with Dec. 22, 2023, crash in Hudspeth County, according to a news release Tuesday from El Paso County District James Montoya, who also oversees nearby Hudspeth County.
The news release said Chavez was driving a truck westbound when he tried to pass four vehicles on a two-way undivided highway and collided head-on with Lynch’s eastbound truck. Lynch, 65, of Dell City, was trapped in her vehicle and died. Prosecutors said Chavez was traveling between 106 mph and 114 mph.
Prosecutors said alcohol wasn’t a factor in the crash but that Chavez was driving on a suspended license, which had been revoked due to his failure to comply with DWI-related surcharges and penalties from convictions in 2014 and 2017.
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Lynch, along with Robin Lynn Macy and sisters Martie Maguire and Emily Strayer, formed The Dixie Chicks in the late 1980s. Lynch and Macy eventually left the band and Natalie Maines joined the sisters. The trio hit commercial fame with their breakthrough album “Wide Open Spaces” in 1998 and have won 13 Grammys. In 2020, the band changed its name to The Chicks.
In a social media post after Lynch’s death, The Chicks said Lynch had “infectious energy and humor” and was “instrumental” in the band’s early success.
FAYETTEVILLE, Ark. — Billy Richmond III scored 23 points and No. 20 Arkansas took advantage of Texas A&M’s miscues to beat the Aggies 99-84 on Wednesday night.
Richmond, who shot 8 of 13 from the floor and has scored 20 points or more in the last four games, had 15 points in the first half as the Razorbacks (21-7, 11-4 Southeastern Conference) took a 37-28 lead into halftime.
They carried the advantage in large part because Texas A&M (19-8, 9-6) couldn’t take care of the ball. Thirteen first-half turnovers led to 15 points for Arkansas.
Darius Acuff Jr. scored 22 points for Arkansas, Malique Ewin had 18, Trevon Brazile 14 and Meleek Thomas 13. Acuff, who entered leading the SEC in scoring with 22.2 points per game, had been held to just five points until the final nine minutes as he made his last six of his last seven shots from the floor after a 1-for-12 start.
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Texas A&M forward Rashaun Agee (12) is fouled as he tries to drive past Arkansas defenders D.J. Wagner (21) and Malique Ewin (12) during an NCAA college basketball game, Wednesday, Feb. 25, 2026, in Fayetteville, Ark.
Michael Woods / AP
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Zach Clemence came off the bench to score a career-high 29 points for Texas A&M. Rashaun Agee added 17.
After the teams traded baskets to start the game, Texas A&M went on an 11-0 run as Arkansas went more than 4:30 without a field goal, missing seven straight. The Razorbacks followed with a run of their own, scoring 16 straight points over the next 3:28 to take the lead for good.
Texas A&M pulled within five points with 9:21 left on Agee’s layup. But Arkansas countered with a 9-2 run to stretch its lead back to double-digits.
For the game, the Aggies committed 16 turnovers and were outscored in transition 30-13.
Up next
Arkansas plays at No. 7 Florida on Saturday. The Razorbacks have won at Florida just twice in 18 games since joining the SEC ahead of the 1991-92 season.
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Texas A&M hosts Texas on Saturday.
Fort Worth’s Ranchbot helps agriculture tap water as Texas grapples with scarcity fears
NCAA women’s basketball bracketology: Where are local teams projected in March Madness?
Find more college sports coverage from The Dallas Morning News here.
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