The Tennessee Lottery offers several draw games for those aiming to win big.

Here’s a look at May 24, 2026, results for each game:

Winning Cash 3 numbers from May 24 drawing

Evening: 4-2-7, Wild: 2

Check Cash 3 payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Cash 4 numbers from May 24 drawing

Evening: 2-0-4-1, Wild: 3

Check Cash 4 payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Daily Tennessee Jackpot numbers from May 24 drawing

14-25-26-32-38

Check Daily Tennessee Jackpot payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Millionaire for Life numbers from May 24 drawing

01-30-31-46-55, Bonus: 02

Check Millionaire for Life payouts and previous drawings here.

Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results

Are you a winner? Here’s how to claim your lottery prize

All Tennessee Lottery retailers will redeem prizes up to $599.

For prizes over $599, winners can submit winning tickets through the mail or in person at Tennessee Lottery offices. By mail, send a winner claim form, winning lottery ticket, a copy of a government-issued ID and proof of social security number to P.O. Box 290636, Nashville, TN 37229. Prize claims less than $600 do not require a claim form. Please include contact information on prizes claimed by mail in the event we need to contact you.

To submit in person, sign the back of your ticket, fill out a winner claim form and deliver the form, along with the ticket and government-issued ID and proof of social security number to any of these locations:

Nashville Headquarters & Claim Center: 26 Century Blvd., Nashville, TN 37214, 615-254-4946 in the (615) and (629) area, 901-466-4946 in the (901) area, 865-512-4946 in the (865) area, 423-939-7529 in the (423) area or 1-877-786-7529 (all other areas in Tennessee). Outside Tennessee, dial 615-254-4946. Hours: 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday through Friday. This office can cash prizes of any amount.

Knoxville District Office: Cedar Springs Shopping Center, 9298 Kingston Pike, Knoxville, TN 37922, (865) 251-1900. Hours: 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday through Friday. This office can cash prizes up to $199,999.

Chattanooga District Office: 2020 Gunbarrel Rd., Suite 106, Chattanooga, TN 37421, (423) 308-3610. Hours: 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday through Friday. This office can cash prizes up to $199,999.

Memphis District Office: Chiles Plaza, 7424 U.S. Highway 64, Suite 104, Memphis, TN 38133, (901) 322-8520. Hours: 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday through Friday. This office can cash prizes up to $199,999.

Check previous winning numbers and payouts at https://tnlottery.com/.

When are the Tennessee Lottery drawings held?

• Powerball: 9:59 p.m. CT Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
• Mega Millions: 10:00 p.m. CT Tuesday and Friday.
• Cash 3, 4: Daily at 9:28 a.m. (Morning) and 12:28 p.m. CT (Midday), except for Sunday. Evening game daily, seven days a week, at 6:28 p.m. CT.
• Daily Tennessee Jackpot: 9:00 p.m. CT daily.
• Tennessee Cash: 10:34 p.m. CT Monday, Wednesday, and Friday.
• Powerball Double Play: 10:30 p.m. CT Monday, Wednesday and Saturday.
• Millionaire for Life: 10:15 p.m. CT daily.

This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Tennessean editor. You can send feedback using this form.

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Zayed Al-Hamad’s party of four is ready to order. The table plans to share the rosemary sourdough focaccia, fresh mozzarella, polpette, rigatoni alla n’duja and smoked olive carbonara spaghetti.

The bill for all that food? It doesn’t really matter, because tonight restaurantgoers can pay whatever they want at L’Oca d’Oro in Austin, Texas.

“My family in general, we don’t always have the most money to spend. So we don’t always get to go to somewhere nice when they come over,” Al-Hamad said on a Tuesday evening in February. “But I figured this is an opportunity to actually experience something a little better without having to shell out $150 for the four of us.”

Armand Daniels and Robin Wiley heard about the pay-what-you-will promotion on Instagram.

Robin Wiley (left) and Armand Daniels heard about the pay-what-you-will promotion on social media.

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“We didn’t have a really great Valentine’s Day,” Daniels said. “It was OK, but nothing out of the ordinary, nothing spectacular, so this is our Valentine’s date.”

The couple ate a spinach salad with pickled pineapple oranges and candied almonds — “It was awesome,” Wiley said — and ordered more. Daniels said they would make a decision about what to pay when they saw the final bill, but were considering paying less than full price.

“Things are a little bit tight,” said Daniels, who works as an actor and brand ambassador. “Jobs are harder and harder to find.”

L’Oca d’Oro, an Italian restaurant and bar in Austin’s Mueller neighborhood, introduced the pay-what-you-will night in December. In the fall, co-owners Adam Orman and Fiore Tedesco III were grappling with the effects of disruptive tariffs, rising food costs and a labor shortage — as well as their own increasing menu prices.

Fiore Tedesco III (left) and Adam Orman are co-owners of L’Oca d’Oro.

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Orman said the partners wanted to find a way to respond to the dwindling number of people able to afford dining out at restaurants.

“Getting drive-thru is not going out. Sitting down, being treated with hospitality, being a guest is a thing that everybody should be experiencing regularly, because it feels good,” he said. “This is a way of making sure that that is accessible for everyone.”

Tuesday-night diners at L’Oca d’Oro still pay full price for drinks, but they can order whatever they like off the regular food menu and choose how much to pay for it. Patrons are assessed a 20% service charge on their chosen total. (The restaurant charges the 20% pre-tax fee to all patrons to help fund the living wages, benefits and paid time off of staff members, Orman said.)

The partners understand that offering their products and services for free may not seem like a savvy business strategy. But Tedesco, who attributed the restaurant’s drop in volume over the past two years to political and financial instability, said he prefers pushing back on that conventional wisdom.

“There’s a way in which it seems like we should raise prices right now because everything’s more expensive, [that] we should lean that way,” Tedesco said.

Tedesco chops rosemary in the kitchen. He hopes the pay-what-you-will promotion can be a way to meet the current affordability and social challenges facing Americans.

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“I feel really confident and I feel lighter and more loving and more full and more generous in practicing the spirit of leaning that other way,” he said, “of saying, no, the lesson here is this is for everybody. This really is a time to be less inhibited about going out.”

Restaurant food, hold the restaurant

Americans are increasingly passing up on dining out. A YouGov report from October found that 37% of U.S. diners said they were dining out less often than they had a year earlier, while only 8% said they were going out more.

Rising menu prices and a desire to save money were the top reasons why people were staying home, the research group reported.

When they do dine out, most customers are getting their food to-go. According to data released by the National Restaurant Association last year, nearly three out of every four meals served by U.S. restaurants were takeout orders.

Restaurants of course depend on customers for business, but diners also rely on restaurants for the social stimulation and respite from domestic life they provide, says Princeton University anthropology professor Hanna Garth, who has conducted research on food access in Los Angeles.

Two guests sit at a table at L’Oca d’Oro. More than a third of Americans are dining out less often than they did last year, according to report from YouGov.

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“For a lot of people, it’s just about breaking from the routine and the monotony of eating at home. For a lot of women, it’s about alleviating the burden of the work of cooking a meal and cleaning up after the meal,” she said of the L.A. residents she’s spoken to. “And I think for a lot of people it’s also a social activity.”

Restaurants are also what’s known as a “third space,” an area outside of our home or workplace where we interact with others. When restaurants become inaccessible, those incidental social exchanges they offer also disappear, Garth said. Think chatting with the hostess and wait staff, or asking the people at the next table how their food was.

“Those connections, even though they’re teeny-tiny connections that seem like they don’t matter that much, they’re a really really big deal for making us feel like we belong to a community and we’re connected with others around us,” Garth said.

Orman and Tedesco said they hope L’Oca d’Oro’s pay-what-you-will promotion — a concept that’s been around for a while in the food service world — can be used now to meet the current affordability and social challenges facing Americans.

‘It just doesn’t feel like it should be possible’

Erin Weber and Michelle Valencia were at L’Oca d’Oro for a “girls night,” Valencia said. She works for the city’s public health department, and Weber is an editor who also attends graduate school for clinical social work.

Michelle Valencia (left) and Erin Weber visited the restaurant for a “girls night.”

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They had been to the restaurant once before, Valencia said, “but when we saw this we were like, ‘oh that’s a really cool special.’”

Weber, a native Austinite who said she’s enjoyed watching the city’s food scene evolve, praised the restaurant’s pay-what-you-will experiment. “This is a really great way for people from … all walks of life to just be able to enjoy amazing food,” she said.

When their bill came around 8 p.m., Weber and Valencia decided to pay $100 on their $117 tab, splitting it down the middle. “I guess we’re seeing it as like our happy hour total,” Weber said, “you know, a little bit of a discount.”

That night, the restaurant made $70 less than what it would have had it charged full price for food, Orman said later. He estimates that most Tuesday diners typically pay about two-thirds of their actual food bill, while only a couple of customers pay far less and many people fork over around what they owe.

Chris Ortiz and Rickyann Ramos, who were celebrating two years of marriage, said they intended to cover their whole bill. “I think we would just fully take care of it from our end,” Ortiz said, “because we’re in a position to do so and hopefully that can help others out.”

According to Orman, the restaurant typically ends pay-what-you-will nights earning less than the full menu price of the food they served, but once they made $12 more. He said the partners are happy with the math, and the normally slower weekday is seeing an average increase in traffic and revenue since the promotion began. The restaurant is even considering expanding the pay-what-you-will concept over the summer as they introduce new menu items.

Since the pay-what-you-will promotion began, the normally slower weekday is seeing an average increase in traffic at the restaurant.

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As his table prepared to order, Zayed Al-Hamad marveled at the deal they were getting.

“I’ll be honest, there’s a level of guilt, you know? I go to order, and I have to fight through this feeling of, like, ‘am I allowed to do this?’” he said. “I’m not going to write $10 down, but man it just doesn’t feel like it should be possible.”

Al-Hamad, who works as a menu planner connecting businesses with caterers, said he uses rental assistance to afford his apartment in the building adjacent to the restaurant. Tonight at L’Oca d’Oro he’ll pay what he can, but as Al-Hamad gets on better financial footing in the future, he hopes to chip in even more at places like this.

“As I continue to get to live in this city, I hope I’m able to support these businesses more and more, and hopefully I can be part of the reason why they’re actually able to afford to do these things,” he said.

Zayed Al-Hamad was excited to have an affordable and nice restaurant to take his family out to dinner.

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Exactly one year and six days ago, the Prospect posted a piece I’d just written about Colorado’s Jared Polis, under the headline “The Democrats’ One and Only Union-Busting Governor.”

As of a couple weeks ago, that headline is no longer accurate. Polis is still a union-buster and even more out of sync with Colorado Democrats, who’ve just formally censured him for complying with President Trump’s demand to commute the sentence of Tina Peters, the county clerk who’d been convicted for enabling a Trump acolyte to illegally access and copy the hard drives from her county’s voting machines in an effort to prove that Trump had actually won the 2020 election.

More from Harold Meyerson

But Polis no longer holds that “one and only” status when it comes to Democratic governors who bust unions. Two weeks ago, Virginia’s Abigail Spanberger did just that by vetoing a bill that would have given Virginia’s public-sector workers the right to bargain collectively.

The parallels with Polis are almost uncanny. In Colorado, every Democrat in each house of the legislature had voted for a bill that would have ended the state’s somewhat anomalous “right-to-work” status. (Colorado’s law, dating from 1943, says that once a union wins majority support in a recognition election, it then has to win 75 percent support in a second election to be permitted to collect dues from members.) Every Republican voted against. Siding with the Republicans, Polis vetoed the bill.

In Virginia, state employees have no right to bargain collectively, while municipal employees have had that right since 2021, but only in cities that grant them those rights (which number roughly a dozen). Like Colorado’s “right-to-work” law, Virginia’s ban dates from the 1940s—but unlike Colorado, at that point Virginia was still under the thumb of Jim Crow white supremacist rule. The ban was explicitly racist, motivated by the prospect of a racially integrated union at one public hospital. This spring’s vote on the bill to grant public employees the right to unionize and bargain also split, like Colorado’s, exactly on party lines, with 61 House Democrats voting yes and 35 Republicans voting no, with no crossovers, while in the Senate, the tally was 20 Democrats voting yes and 18 Republicans voting no, again with no crossovers. And like Polis, Spanberger sided with the Republicans and vetoed the bill.

Spanberger insists she’s OK with collective bargaining in theory, just not in practice. To those ends, she sought to have the bill amended. Where the legislature’s bill required government agencies to bargain with their workers’ union once a majority of workers had voted to certify that union as their representative, Spanberger’s amendment merely permitted government agencies to bargain if they so chose, and unlike the legislature’s bill, her amendments also didn’t require even those government agencies that opted to grant workers bargaining rights to bargain over wages and working conditions. Her amendments also specifically denied bargaining rights to workers at the state’s Port Authority and its universities (faculty, staff, teaching and research assistants, as well as university hospital staff) and delayed applying the law to local governments until January 1, 2030—the day that Spanberger will be termed out of office.

In addition to the amendments she formally proposed, sources tell me that she also floated another one that would have required unions to win a majority of the votes of all the workers in the agency they sought to unionize, not just a majority of those who voted. That this is the substance of a new Florida law enacted at the insistence of Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis apparently didn’t keep Spanberger’s people from testing this out with some Democratic legislators, who instantly shot it down. Nor were her people embarrassed by the fact that, like almost all American elected officials, Spanberger had won office with the backing of nowhere near a majority of all voting-age constituents. (The population of voting-age Virginians is roughly 6,930,000; when Spanberger was elected last November—with enough votes to defeat her opponent by a robust 15 percentage points—she won 1,976,857 votes, or just 28.5 percent of the total number of voting-age Virginians.)

Virginia’s Democratic legislators refused to include Spanberger’s amendments in the bill, since they clearly understood those amendments would effectively negate just about everything their bill would do. On May 14, Spanberger vetoed the bill, stunning not just the legislators but the union members who’d campaigned for her just six months before—not least because she promised first responders that she would support such a bill during the campaign.