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This Georgia Election Official Faked Refusing to Certify an Election

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This Georgia Election Official Faked Refusing to Certify an Election


On the day they gathered to certify results of the November municipal election last year, three members of the Spalding County Board of Elections and Registration met in the elections office, an hour south of Atlanta, to look over the results. 

Normally a routine matter, the vote on certification that day became anything but — part of a phenomenon happening across the country in recent years, as local election officials have gone rogue and refused to certify election results, largely based on Donald Trump’s constant lies about widespread election fraud. 

One of the Spalding County election board members, Roy McClain, publicly voted against certification of results — a notable act in itself. Curiously, though, McClain quietly signed an official government document approving the very same results that he publicly refused to certify. 

It’s a bizarre wrinkle in the mounting drama over election certification. While certification has historically been a “ministerial” task — not a discretionary one — states around the country have seen a wave of refusals as Trump’s lies about 2020 have consumed the Republican Party down to the local level. Nearly 70 election deniers in six swing states are now working as local election officials, Rolling Stone and American Doom previously found. 

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The certification issue has come into greater focus in Georgia, after the new MAGA majority on the State Election Board recently passed two rules giving local election officials like McClain more power to arbitrarily deny certification, based on belief in or allegations of election fraud. As the 2024 election approaches, local officials refusing to certify results appears to be a key strategy for the Trump campaign and his allies, and it could help delay the results of the election or buttress the former president’s effort to challenge another loss.  

On Nov. 14, 2023, the day McClain voted against certification, he claimed that he needed more time to hand count results. The board had implemented automatic hand recounts of all elections but McClain wanted more time to compare his hand count with results from voting machines.  The board was still able to certify the results, with a Republican and Democrat voting in favor. 

But McClain’s “no” vote was merely for show: At some point that same day, McClain signed a document called a “Certification of Returns,” officially approving the results of the election even though he had publicly voted against it. While votes at public meetings like McClain’s are the acts that get reported in the press, in Georgia, the Certification of Results is what officially approves those results. Election board members sign the document, and it’s then sent to the secretary of state.

“We, the undersigned Board of Elections/Registrars, Superintendent/Supervisor of Elections and designees, do jointly and severally certify that the attached Election Results Summary is a true and correct count of the votes cast in this County for the candidates in the General Election,” the Certification of Returns document states.

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Underneath the statement — Roy McClain’s signature.

McClain’s “no” vote on certification was reported by multiple media outlets, and became one of dozens of examples of rogue local election officials refusing to do what Democrats and election experts contend is a purely ministerial duty — certifying election results. But McClain nor Spalding County appears to have attempted to correct public reporting about his “no” vote and his ensuing approval of election results. 

In response to questions about McClain’s contradictory actions, Spalding County election supervisor Kim Slaughter says that although McClain “voted against certifying the election at the time the vote was taken, the election was certified with a majority of the votes cast and therefore, all board members signed the certification documents.”

In other counties, instances of certification refusal have played out differently. Certification of Returns forms show that election board members in Gwinnett and DeKalb counties who voted against certification did not sign the documents. Their public vote lines up with their official act, in other words.

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So why did McClain publicly vote against certification only to privately approve it that same day? Slaughter says nothing was hidden from the public because the Certification of Returns was physically displayed at the Spalding County elections office in the small town of Griffin. 

Others wonder whether McClain was trying to appease powerful election denier factions of the Georgia Republican Party while simultaneously shielding himself from legal liability. Election officials who fail to certify results by statutory deadlines can face fines and even jail time for their actions.

“It’s performative — they’re playing to their base,” Jim O’Brien, a Democratic member of the Spalding County election board, tells Rolling Stone and American Doom.

Cathy Woolard, a former Democratic member of the Fulton County election board, says McClain may have been concerned about legal action, so he “did something symbolic and then complied with the law.”

While McClain appears to have complied with Georgia law requiring county election officials to certify results, an election board member could theoretically do the opposite: publicly vote for certification and then refuse to sign the Certification of Returns. One expert suggested such a move would come with legal risk. 

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“I suspect there would be a real danger for anyone who votes to certify an election but then refuses to sign off on the official documentation,” says Anthony Michael Kreis, a constitutional law professor at Georgia State University. “To me, that would constitute a potential criminal election interference if a majority of a board refused to sign off.” 

The revelations about McClain’s contradictory actions have not been previously reported, and were discovered in emails obtained by Rolling Stone and American Doom. They’re the latest oddity to come from Spalding County, where the elections office has become a hotbed of denier activity since 2020. Starting with a state law that allowed for a Republican takeover of the board in 2021, the election board has become a proving ground for what elections administration looks like under the authority of election conspiracists. 

The board’s chair is a QAnon adherent and voting machine conspiracy theorist who once attended a screening of the debunked election conspiracy documentary 2,000 Mules with McClain. The county’s election supervisor got sucked into false claims on election night in 2020 that election workers had discarded ballots for Trump in a dumpster. Then, as Joe Biden’s inauguration approached, the election deniers in Spalding County discussed illegally accessing election equipment with an Atlanta IT firm that had helped the Trump campaign break into voting machines elsewhere in Georgia.

Now, there’s McClain’s bizarre certification contradiction. The emails obtained by Rolling Stone and American Doom show McClain privately disputing a recent report from a watchdog group that mentioned his “no” vote on certification. McClain wrote to his colleagues that “lies” are being told, and attached a copy of the Certification of Returns document that he had signed.

If McClain was trying to correct the record about his “no” vote, his actions following the November 2023 election are even more curious.

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Following his public refusal to certify the results of the election, McClain received a letter from a lawyer representing the Democratic Party of Georgia. The letter — which was sent to two other counties whose Republican election board members refused to certify results — admonished McClain for his actions, saying they were “improper regardless of any purported justification given.” The letter was sent on January 3 to Spalding, DeKalb, and Cobb counties. 

A month later, at a meeting of the Spalding County election board, McClain addressed the letter, saying he felt that Democrats were trying to “intimidate” him.

“I think everybody here knows that if you’re going to try to bully or intimidate somebody, I’m probably not the good candidate for that (sic),” McClain said. “So, I’ll take it for information, but I’m not going to put up with it, and if I feel that my oath says I have to do something, that’s what I’ll do, regardless of someone’s interpretation of what they think might’ve been in the law.”

At no point did McClain publicly clarify that he had privately certified the results of the November 2023 election. Further, Democrats and election experts contend that the law is clear: Certification is a mandatory duty, based on 100 years of precedent established by Georgia court cases.

McClain is not the only local election official who complained about the letter from Democrats. The day after the letter was sent to Spalding, DeKalb, and Cobb counties, David Hancock, an election denier who serves on the Gwinnett County elections board — and who coordinated with a pro-Trump member of the State Election Board on its new, controversial certification rules — forwarded the letter to a well-known election denial activist. Hancock apparently received the letter from fellow election officials in Cobb County, according to emails obtained by Rolling Stone and American Doom.

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“When you have a moment, I would really appreciate your opinion on this incredible letter from an attorney for the Democratic Party of Georgia regarding voting to certify an election,” Hancock wrote to Garland Favorito, an “election integrity” activist who is one of the state’s most prominent election deniers, and who has pressured the State Election Board to investigate unfounded claims of widespread voter fraud and implement rules based on his conspiratorial beliefs. “I don’t see how this stands — if the [county board of elections] has no choice but to certify an election, then why require them to vote to certify the election?”

The answer, say Democrats and election experts, is that certification is a ceremonial task — part of what Democratic lawyer Marc Elias calls “the pageantry of democracy.” Other avenues exist for candidates and parties to investigate irregularities and claims of fraud, from lawsuits to recounts and audits, but the act of certification — carried out by political appointees on county election boards like McClain and Hancock — are not the proper venue to investigate those claims, Georgia courts have ruled. 

Still, McClain, Hancock, and a handful of other county election board members throughout Georgia have used certification as an opportunity to make their own claims about fraud. Their actions are part of a broader pattern of pro-Trump local election officials across the country holding up certification based on bogus accusations of widespread voter fraud. 

Since 2020, 35 local election officials have delayed or attempted to deny certification in eight states, according to a report last month from the watchdog Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington.

Since November, when McClain and election board members in DeKalb and Cobb counties voted against certification, county election board members in Georgia have refused to certify election results three times. The first came in March, when Hancock voted against certifying results of the 2024 presidential primary. He was joined by his fellow Gwinnett County election board member, Alice O’Lenick, also a Republican. In May, Fulton County’s Julie Adams abstained from voting to certify results of this year’s primary elections for state and local races. 

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She then sued with the help of lawyers from the Trump-aligned America First Policy Institute, demanding the power to refuse to certify results if Fulton County doesn’t provide a lengthy list of documents and materials for her to review prior to certification. That lawsuit is pending.

Since then, Adams has gone on to join the push for rules that give more  to county election officials to refuse to certify results. Adams and other election denial activists have successfully convinced the State Election Board to pass those rules. In June, Adams again abstained from certifying the results of a local runoff election. 

Certification is shaping up to be one of the most important tactics of a Trump campaign that is hyper-focused on questioning the results of November’s election. Trump has signaled that he’ll refuse to accept any result that doesn’t show him winning, and he has local election officials, state politicians, and, of course, members of Congress to back up these claims.  

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The question is becoming whether the system can hold when Trump challenges the election results this year — and whether local election officials like McClain will continue complying with the law and certifying results, even if they won’t say so publicly.

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This story is being published in partnership with American Doom, a newsletter that focuses on right-wing extremism and other threats to democracy.



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Finding Solutions: Georgia Rehabilitation Institute supporting those with disabilities

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Finding Solutions: Georgia Rehabilitation Institute supporting those with disabilities


AUGUSTA, Ga. (WRDW/WAGT) – Making sure people with disabilities have the same support, resources and opportunities as everyone else – that’s the mission of the Georgia Rehabilitation Institute.

They once provided medical services through the Walton Rehabilitation Hospital which was sold back in 2013.

With the funds from the sale, GRI is finding solutions in supporting local groups with the same mission.

It’s a facility located on 13th Street with a strong message outside, “love where you live Augusta.”

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It’s also a place you’re sure to find something to love on the inside.

The 523 gallery is filled with artwork created by artists with disabilities.

“Each year we add to it, so we continue to populate the gallery with artwork done by various people throughout the state of Georgia as well as local artists,” said Dennis Skelley, president/CEO of the Gerogia Rehabilitation Institute.

Skelley says the gallery is just one of several ways they support people with disabilities.

“The two things that always surface as top priorities are accessible housing and accessible transportation,” said Skelley. “Both of those are expensive endeavors and by partnering with organizations who are in that business or look provide those services we find that we can do more.”

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Skelley says that’s why they’ve partnered with the augusta transit to upgrade bus stops by adding ramps and sidewalks.

“Last year we selected six locations and upgraded those bus stops to be fully accessible and we are in the process of choosing six more this year and we will do the same thing,” he said.

Area 9 Special Olympics

“We really want to make Augusta a community for people with disabilities to live, work and play,” said Skelley

As for accessible housing, GRI is currently working with Augusta Housing and Community Development to renovate six homes as well as build a new duplex that will be fully accessible.

A project we plan to follow once it gets going.

The 523 gallery is open to the public Monday through Friday from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m.

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For more information, you can visit the GRI’s website here.



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Darien, Georgia, loves its history. How this small town sees inauguration.

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Darien, Georgia, loves its history. How this small town sees inauguration.


When Darien, Georgia, was at the southern edge of the British Empire, the battle-hardened Scottish Highlanders who lived here helped hold the line against the Spanish at the Battle of Bloody Marsh in 1742.

That battle, though much exaggerated in local lore, was a British victory that ended any Spanish claims in Georgia. Those soldiers, among the first colonists of what would be a future American state, represent values still held in much esteem today: determination, industriousness, pride in heritage.

These values still infuse ideas about what it means to be an American in a place like Darien, the seat of McIntosh County on the southern Atlantic coast. A few hundred residents trace their bloodlines to those early Georgians, and are known locally as “direct descendants.”

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The people of Darien, Georgia, feel closely tied to their roots, whether their ancestors were Scottish Highlanders or the Gullah Geechee people. A reverence for the past comes up whenever they talk about the future of their community and country.

In 2024, Donald Trump won McIntosh County – with its shrimp boats docked amid vast marshes – earning nearly two-thirds of the vote. Many people believe his tough stances on trade could help a struggling fishing industry.

Some, too, liken his promises of tougher border enforcement and mass deportations to the actions of those early Scots, who stood up to the Spanish assault.

But voters in McIntosh County also elected a new sheriff – a Black Democrat named Thornell “T.K.” King. Mr. King, a retired State Patrol major, made his name giving away turkeys at Thanksgiving and presents for poor children on Christmas. He defeated a white candidate who was closely aligned with Mr. Trump.

“He has the right background, and he takes care of the community rather than just running a jail,” says Becky Owens, a local shopkeeper and ticket-splitter.

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Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor

A sticker-bedecked traffic sign alongside a dirt road in the tiny village of Meridian in McIntosh County, Georgia, provides context for America’s political dynamics, Dec. 15, 2024.

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She voted for both winning candidates. In them, she says she saw a glimpse of a country that relied on its founding values and focused on progress within local communities. That doesn’t mean progress under President-elect Trump will be easy, Ms. Owens says.

“I am very excited” about Mr. Trump’s second inauguration, Ms. Owens says.

“But I also know that to make sure we still have a country, some people will have to leave and some people might be hurt,” she says of the prospect of mass deportations. “Right now, too much of politics is trying to make everybody happy.”

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“And there’s no Middle America where people aren’t hurting right now,” she adds.

Here in Darien, her own role will be working to relieve the many inequities that still exist. It’s a place where white people have long dominated local politics – and its wealth. McIntosh County is 66% white and 31% Black.

So Ms. Owens says she’s stepping up her work at Charlie’s Place, a soup kitchen that helps feed the approximately 150 residents who live below the poverty line. She believes that part of the mission of the United States for the next four years should be also to resolve historical injustices.

She sees this as critical to America’s long-held focus on the pursuit of happiness as a key part of citizenship, if not of life.

Ashley Lewis, however, is not so sure a second Trump administration will focus on everyone’s pursuit of happiness. Ms. Lewis points to President-elect Trump’s past derogatory statements about people of color and Democratic areas of the country.

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Ashley and Iddarion Lewis steam a bushel of wild oysters in the village of Meridian in Georgia’s McIntosh County Dec. 15, 2024.

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She traces her lineage to the Gullah Geechee people, descendants of West and Central Africans enslaved on plantations along the Atlantic coast. To hear the way Mr. Trump “others” people – such as immigrants, protesters, and Black people – not only hurts, Ms. Lewis says, but also threatens to drive America’s historic injustices even deeper.

Still, she says, the health of the economy matters a lot. “Our main focus as a family is on inflation. But prices have gotten better, including gas,” says the mother of grade schoolers.

She and her husband, Iddarion, just bought 50 pounds of local oysters for $75. “That was fair,” she says. They held a party, cooking the oysters on a piece of tin roofing over a fire, covering them with water-soaked burlap sacks to steam.

“I don’t think of it as politics”

Newly elected Sheriff King is heaving steaming baskets of fried shrimp and whiting onto paper plates, cutting a humble profile in a cornmeal-dusted sweater.

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All around him in this small town on the Georgia coast, children and parents are streaming in for his 13th annual Christmas giveaway, where toy trucks and stuffed animals are there to bring the little ones some holiday cheer. For years, Mr. King has spearheaded events during Thanksgiving and Christmas, offering help and a smile to the impoverished residents in one of Georgia’s poorest counties.

“It’s interesting,” Mr. King says. “My opponent tried to make an issue of this. He said, ‘What does giving away turkeys and gifts have to do with public safety?’ I didn’t really know what he meant.”

Mr. King – a former state trooper and shrimp boat captain – says his campaign channeled the values of the Gullah Geechee descendants. He won the office of McIntosh County sheriff by focusing on perseverance, respect, and resourcefulness.

For many, his victory offers hope for building a community with shared values and mutual respect in this era of polarization and vitriol.


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Former state trooper and shrimp boat captain Thornell “T.K.” King (left) serves locally caught fried whiting and shrimp to families attending a Dec. 23, 2024, Christmas party and gift giveaway for lower-income residents in Darien, Georgia. In November, McIntosh County voters elected Mr. King their sheriff.

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But it’s complicated. In some ways, Ms. Lewis’ unease is rooted in the history of how her ancestors survived in McIntosh County. It was not by winning battles to preserve an empire.

Through the past century, Black residents here have quietly demanded their rights and their due – a kind of Southern protest, coated in manners and grace, but at its core, a demand.

“The U.S., as it relates to Trump and identity, is such a big and volatile place, with lots of different regions and different people from different backgrounds, and some people like to think that all of this collective striving leads to harmony,” says Georgia Southern University historian Bennett Parten, author of “Somewhere Toward Freedom.”

“But the reality is that there are winners and losers, and people like Trump have found a way to prey on that competition – pitting one group against another,” says Dr. Parten. “In a sense, history is a seesaw between paying attention to our baser instincts and then, like Lincoln did, calling us to our better angels.”

The office of McIntosh County sheriff, in fact, also has a long, complicated, and very Southern history.

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From the 1950s to 1970s, Tom Poppell, a white-haired charismatic sheriff, basically ruled the county from behind a set of sunglasses.

His father was the sheriff for over a decade before he took over in 1948. And when Mr. Poppell died in 1978, his wife took over as interim sheriff.

For 30 years, Sheriff Poppell was essentially above the law, historians say. He’d oversee looting operations on disabled tractor trailers on Highway 17. He once said that the way to control Black people was to keep them hungry.

But he also hired Black deputies and gave assistance to Black community members as well as white. “If you weren’t careful, he’d be your friend,” one saying went. “He just wrote his own law,” said another, according to local accounts.

Sheriff King’s father was among those early Black deputies hired by Sheriff Poppell.

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“For most of this century, there was a strange racial calm in the county, consisting in part of good manners, in part of intimidation, and in part because the Sheriff cared less about the colors black and white than he did about the color green,” writes Melissa Fay Greene in “Praying for Sheetrock,” her award-winning history of McIntosh County’s civil rights era.

For his part, Mr. King is loath to talk politics. Yes, he ran as a Democrat, but in some ways that is because party affiliation is required for the office he will occupy, he says. “I don’t think of this as politics. I think of this as building a better community.”


Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor

The British flag flies over Fort King George State Historic Park in Darien, Georgia, Dec. 15, 2024. The town of Darien was formed in the 18th century, after the fort failed and Gov. James Oglethorpe asked Scottish families to move to what was then the border of the British Empire.

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A reenactor ponders his role in history

From 1721 to 1736, Fort King George was the southernmost outpost of the British Empire in North America.

Long hidden under a massive sawmill, the fort’s artifacts were unearthed in the mid-20th century by local historians. With a grant from the state, a replica of the original fort was built on McIntosh Road in Darien. The Union Jack flies over the old frontier outpost.

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Resting with his musket on a Sunday afternoon about a month before inauguration, a redcoat reenactor, Michael Bagley, says the fort ultimately failed because of what those back then called the “miasma” – or “bad air.” Depression, loneliness, and drunkenness were other factors, historians say.

Not long after the fort was abandoned, Gen. James Oglethorpe, considered Georgia’s founder, recruited nearly 200 Scottish Highland families to build a town near its ruins. This became Darien.

Mr. Bagley cheerily acknowledges that his presence at Fort King George is full of contradictions and ironies.

He was born in Canada. His passion for historical reenactment helped him meet a woman who became his wife. They moved to Columbus, Ohio, and he became a U.S. citizen. As a reenactor, he specializes in the Queen Anne era and the War of 1812.

He quietly watches as a pirate reenactor claims that politics, not profiteering, drove pirates like him to hide from maritime law in the Georgia marshes. Mr. Bagley quickly pooh-poohs the reenactor’s claims: “They were in it for the money,” he says.

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Despite the red coat, implying loyalty to a crown, the former punk rocker and current information technology security specialist is also a Democrat. And Mr. Bagley says he is still trying to come to terms with Mr. Trump’s victory. What does that mean and what does it say about the American people? he wonders.


Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor

Historical reenactor Michael Bagley, a Democrat, talks Dec. 15, 2024, in Darien, Georgia, about the history of what became McIntosh County. President-elect Donald Trump won the county by nearly two-thirds of the vote.

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In his view, if Americans fall too much in thrall to despotic behavior, “We know what can happen,” he says, “because we’ve seen it before.”

Mr. Bagley believes the best course of action right now is to do what he’s doing: sitting back, period rifle in hand, and waiting it out. He just worries he’ll be like the last two soldiers stationed at Fort King George before the English finally abandoned it: relegated to history’s dustbin.

More optimistically, he says, he will continue as a reenactor, reminding Americans that history provides a sense of distance as well as hope. It informs today’s struggles but doesn’t define them.

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“I think we have gotten stuck with top-down kind of candidates, and what we need are bottom-up candidates,” Mr. Bagley says. “Top-down candidates protect the status quo and basically invite corruption. It results in too much infighting and enabling, and doesn’t really help solve our problems.”

For Ms. Owens, Ms. Lewis, Sheriff King, and Mr. Bagley, the second Trump administration represents, in different ways, a nation that seesaws between advance and retreat, between progress and reversion, and a necessary wrestling with the core question “What does it really mean to be American?”

“Every four years, we get to renew what society looks like, and in that there’s always the promise of what early America was – to start fresh and new,” says Professor Parten at Georgia Southern. “It’s a symbolic regeneration of our politics.”



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Georgia cuts loose more people from probation after a fitful start

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Georgia cuts loose more people from probation after a fitful start


ATLANTA — For three years, Jamariel Hobbs was confined to Georgia, unable to travel freely or move where he wanted to. At the beginning, a probation officer showed up at random times of night to test him for drugs.

The soft-spoken Hobbs, now 29, was among almost 176,000 Georgia residents on probation, the largest per capita population in the United States. Then he got lucky. Because of a new law, the court slashed what was supposed to be nine years of probation to three.

He was free.

“Probation feels like a leash,” he said. “I have my future back.”

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People are often put on probation for low-level crimes such as drug possession or nonviolent theft. Georgia refuses to cap sentences the way many other jurisdictions do.

The practice of long sentences persisted for years despite research suggesting that the likelihood of people reoffending drops after three years on probation. In short, longer probation may do little to improve public safety.

“You’re talking about folks who have often been through a lot of trauma and feel like they are constantly walking around with a weight on their shoulders, a cloud over their head, where the smallest little thing could completely derail all the work they’ve put in,” said Wade Askew of the Georgia Justice Project.

People on probation also have to pay fees to help offset the cost of monitoring them, a particular burden for low-income people.

Previous attempts to free people from probation stalled

Under state law, a lot more people like Hobbs could have been free. In 2017, Georgia lawmakers passed a bipartisan bill designed to reduce the number of people on probation by letting some off early. According to a study by the Urban Institute, the measure could have translated into roughly one-third of the men and women on felony probation being offered sentences with the opportunity for time off their probation after three years at most, providing they stayed out of trouble.

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Instead, just 213 sentences that included the possibility of an early end to probation actually finished ahead of schedule, according to Georgia’s Department of Community Supervision.

The Legislature’s directive fell short for multiple reasons. Judges often failed to include possible early termination dates for probation when they should have and they turned down the Department of Community Supervision’s requests to end probation early.

In 2021, the Legislature passed a second law outlining stricter guidelines to make the process more automatic.

To qualify for their freedom, people who are convicted of a felony for the first time have to pay off any restitution they owe and avoid being arrested for anything more serious than a routine traffic violation. They also have to have avoided their probation being revoked anytime within the previous two years. Judges or prosecutors can request a hearing if they oppose a case.

And people who have been on probation for at least three years can seek an early end if they meet the criteria, even if they were originally sentenced to a longer period.

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Judges and lawyers say they’re seeing progress

Observers – including judges and lawyers – say the new law seems to be more effective than the original.

By last January, Georgia’s probationary population had fallen about 8% from 190,475 in 2021, according to the Department of Community Supervision, echoing nationwide trends.

The department said it could not readily provide the number of people released from probation under the criteria set out in 2021. What is known, is that at least 26,523 sentences have ended early since the bill passed, though many of those terminations could have been granted for other reasons.

“It has been a very successful, very big first step,” Askew said.

Some defense lawyers and advocates across the state say they still see eligible people on probation struggle to get probation officers to act. Others say they encounter judges and prosecutors less friendly to the changes.

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“If you want to get something done, you’ve really got to hound them,” said Devin Rafus, an Atlanta defense lawyer.

Jamariel Hobbs had a friendly judge.

One man finds the exit

The Emory University graduate’s life seemed to be on track after he earned his degree in Japanese in 2019. He landed a sales job peddling auto parts across the South. Then, the pandemic took a toll on Hobbs’ mental health. After intervening in a family argument in 2020, he was charged with aggravated assault, according to Hobbs and the indictment against him.

He spent months couch surfing after his friends bailed him out of jail. He lost his job and his company car. In December 2021, he was sentenced to a year of incarceration and nine on probation, but was able to avoid jail time by enrolling in Georgia’s Accountability Court Program for people with mental health and substance abuse problems. It was there that he was diagnosed with bipolar disorder and prescribed medication for it.

He now works for a biopharmaceutical company and recently began serving as a peer outreach coordinator for people recovering from substance abuse or mental health issues.

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Hobbs said his probation officers didn’t make it clear to him that his sentence included the possibility of early release from probation. So it felt surreal when he got a letter from Judge Layla Zon in December and was off probation days later.

Now he hopes to move to North Carolina, where the cost of living is more affordable and he dreams of starting an organization to help people with health and wellness.

“I’m sitting here probation-free,” Hobbs said, pausing to smile. “It’s a blessing.”

Judge Zon agreed.

“It’s really one of the better things that I get to do as a judge, to reward that person for what they’ve accomplished and for doing what we’ve asked them to do,” she said.

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Kramon is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Follow Kramon on X: @charlottekramon.



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