This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with WABE. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.
Georgia
Former Foster Youth Are Eligible for Federal Housing Aid. Georgia Isn’t Helping Them Get It.
Malik Johnson thought he was doing well after he turned 21 and left foster care, working two jobs to afford his apartment south of Atlanta.
But last fall, everything started to fall apart: His car transmission failed, so he couldn’t reach his second job. He fell behind on rent.
He didn’t know about a federal housing program that could have reduced his housing costs. It’s open to foster youth in all states as long as local government agencies put in an application for the funding. But in Georgia, they didn’t make that request for Johnson — or for almost anyone else.
Instead, at 23, he was on his own. As he faced his mounting bills, the stress got to be overwhelming.
“I was to the point where I was so behind on everything, I just almost stopped caring,” Johnson said.
In Georgia’s foster care system, about 500 young people become adults each year and, sometime between age 18 and 21, they’ll have to make it on their own. Without the safety net the foster care system provides, they’re especially vulnerable to becoming homeless.
That risk is why, in 2019, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development created the Foster Youth to Independence program, which offers between three and five years of rental assistance to young adults who have moved on from foster care. The program is the only long-term federal housing assistance targeted at former foster youth as they navigate adulthood, and advocates hoped it would help prevent situations like Johnson’s from ever happening.
But there’s a catch: The money comes not directly through the federal government, but through the states, which have to apply for and coordinate the funding. WABE and ProPublica found Georgia has barely done that.
Through the program, each local housing authority can request up to 25 FYI vouchers each year. In Georgia, where 20 housing authorities are eligible, that means as many as 500 vouchers could be available, bringing in as much as $5 million in rent money from the federal government each year.
According to HUD’s latest data from last fall, housing authorities in Georgia have received only eight FYI vouchers total since the program began. By contrast, a third of states have each received at least 75 of these vouchers in the program’s first several years. Texas, Florida and Washington have received more than 400 each; California has upwards of 800, helping hundreds of young people afford stable housing. Only five states, all significantly smaller than Georgia, had requested fewer vouchers.
The failure to tap federal vouchers for foster youth in Georgia is a symptom of a child welfare system that has paid little attention to the housing needs of families and children, WABE and ProPublica have found. Previous reporting showed how the state Division of Family and Children Services had put few of its resources toward housing assistance for families in recent years, even as it cited “inadequate housing” among its reasons for removing 20% of children from their parents.
In the case of the FYI vouchers, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services has instructed state welfare agencies to work with local housing authorities to ensure the program is used, and in states that have received the most vouchers, child welfare agencies have actively promoted the program and sometimes hired new staff.
But in Georgia, staffers at roughly half of the state’s eligible housing authorities said they hadn’t heard from the state agency about the vouchers in the program’s first five years. A couple of housing authorities said they struggled to get in touch with DFCS to complete the application, while others said they were not eligible to apply because the agency had not helped them to use up other housing funds they needed to distribute before they could tap the program.
DFCS spokesperson Ellen Brown said the staff overseeing services for older foster youth had recently changed and she couldn’t speak to what had happened previously. But she said the agency is now working to strengthen partnerships with housing authorities — efforts that have taken place as WABE and ProPublica started reporting on the issue in recent months and after a local volunteer began pushing the state to expand its use of the FYI program.
Brown also said DFCS staff meet regularly with young people before they exit foster care to “discuss their future plans,” which includes figuring out their housing. “Our team works tirelessly to help them plan and prepare for a safe, stable and successful transition out of care and into adulthood,” she said.
Still, Ruth White, who directs the National Center for Housing and Child Welfare and was central to getting the federal program created, questioned why DFCS wasn’t more aggressive in bringing the vouchers to the state.
“Imagine being an entity that goes in and removes a kid from their house,” White said, “and then not being the agency that’s chomping at the bit to make sure you get a housing voucher for that young person.”
Study after study has shown the high risk of homelessness among young adults who age out of foster care. A 2021 national survey of 21-year-olds who had been in foster care across the country showed that a little more than a quarter of them had been homeless during the previous two years. The same survey also showed similar numbers in Georgia.
For years, child welfare advocates and former foster youth pushed Congress to address this housing crisis.
“We have the numbers, and we have the data,” said Lisa Dickson of the foster youth alumni organization ACTION Ohio in her 2018 testimony to Congress. “What our nation needs is a sense of urgency about this problem.”
HUD already had its Family Unification Program, which provides housing funds to families and youth who’ve been affected by the foster care system. But HUD found that, in the competition for those limited resources, young people were losing out: They received just 5% of those vouchers in 2019, with the rest going to families.
So HUD created the Foster Youth to Independence program, earmarking some vouchers exclusively for young people. As with any Section 8 housing voucher, young people contribute a third of their income toward rent; the federal government covers the rest.
But unlike other voucher programs, FYI requires significant buy-in from child welfare agencies, which must identify eligible young adults and also offer them other support, like job training and financial counseling. That’s why housing authorities and child welfare agencies have to work together to take advantage of the program.
That didn’t happen in Georgia. In Cobb County, northwest of Atlanta, the chief operations officer of the Marietta Housing Authority tried to pursue vouchers in 2020. Mark Wright reached out to the local DCFS director, but he didn’t get the signed agreement from the agency that the program requires. After that, Wright said, “I kind of felt like we were not going to get the kind of buy-in from other agencies to make it successful.” He gave up.
Housing authorities in Atlanta and neighboring DeKalb County already had partnerships with DFCS because they offered the Family Unification Program. But they still had a hard time accessing the FYI funding. In recent years, they said, DFCS hadn’t identified enough young adults or families for the Family Unification Program, and this prevented them from qualifying for the FYI vouchers under HUD’s rules.
In Texas, by contrast, the child welfare agency took the lead in making sure the vouchers reached young people. The Texas Department of Family and Protective Services hired Jim Currier as housing specialist. He, in turn, designated liaisons in each of the child welfare system’s regions, trained them in the rules of the program and incorporated information about the vouchers in the manuals for foster youth aging out of care. The child welfare agency now has 40 partnerships, and DFPS initiated 38 of them.
Currier said vouchers have transformed the lives of some of the young people they’ve gone to. “They now have a safe, permanent home; they can begin to work on their well-being; they can work on their education,” he said.
Recently, in Georgia, DFCS and housing authorities began talking about how to serve more of those former foster youth — thanks in part to the work of one persistent volunteer.
Anne Carelli got to know teenagers in foster care when she volunteered at a group home in Atlanta. As they aged out of the system, she saw some of those teenagers end up homeless. So when she learned about the FYI vouchers a few months ago, she couldn’t believe Georgia wasn’t using them.
“To have housing vouchers for youth aging out of care — that is an incredible opportunity for all of us to come together and figure this out,” said Carelli, who has founded a nonprofit called Up3 to help connect young adults with the resources they need.
Carelli said she has sent more than 60 emails to housing authorities, public officials and DFCS to kickstart meetings about getting vouchers to young people she knows who qualify.
Credit:
Matthew Pearson/WABE
She’s hoping one of them will be Johnson, who she met through the group home. He’s still spending nearly four hours every day on buses and trains to get to work. The assistance would help him save for another car.
Johnson knows the value of a little outside support. Last fall, Carelli loaned him the money that allowed him to make up his rent until his income was stable again. As much as he’s tried to be responsible for himself — keeping his apartment vacuumed and clear of clutter, earning an employee of the month plaque from his job — he faced a crisis he couldn’t handle on his own.
“But I had help,” Johnson said. “And that was the best part about it too — being able to receive help when you need it.”
Georgia
As Texas braces for messy Senate runoff, Georgia Republicans fear similar fate unless Trump endorses
ATLANTA — Georgia Republicans are getting antsy. As U.S. Sen. Jon Ossoff dominates the nation in fundraising and makes his case to voters, three Republicans who want his spot are still competing among themselves for their party’s nomination.
This week’s election frenzy in Texas didn’t help. After President Donald Trump declined to help clear the field with an endorsement, Sen. John Cornyn and state Attorney General Ken Paxton are primed for a bitter and expensive runoff that could sap resources needed in more competitive states.
Trump has since promised to choose between the two of them, but he hasn’t said when he’ll make an announcement or whom he’ll support. And there’s no sign that the president is ready to get involved in Georgia’s primary on May 19, meaning Republicans there could be on course for a similar predicament.
“I’d like to have as many days as I can to focus the public’s attention on the choice between our nominee and Sen. Ossoff,” said state party chair Josh McKoon. “Assuming that President Trump does not weigh in, it seems like it is more likely than not that we will have a runoff.”
Each of Georgia’s three main Republican contenders — Rep. Mike Collins, Rep. Buddy Carter and former football coach Derek Dooley — has positioned himself as the best person to help Trump in Washington. Trump could almost certainly anoint a winner if he wanted to use his influence.
“It is the gold standard of the party,” said Faith & Freedom Coalition chairman Ralph Reed. “It’s the strongest endorsement I’ve ever seen in my career.”
Ossoff sees political advantage in the competition for Trump’s support.
Rep. Buddy Carter, R-Ga., speaks before Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump, Sept. 24, 2024, at the Johnny Mercer Theatre Civic Center, in Savannah, Ga. Credit: AP/Evan Vucci
“My opponents have already made clear they will be Donald Trump’s puppets,” Ossoff said in a speech this week at Georgia’s capitol.
The non-endorsement looms over race
Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina, chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, warned in an interview with The Washington Examiner last month that the wide primary field could end in a general election loss in Georgia.
“We need to get it down to one candidate as soon as possible,” Scott said. “And if we are able to do so, we have a chance to be successful there. But as long as we have three candidates, it’s going to be tougher for us.”
Republican strategist and Collins ally Stephen Lawson warned that Ossoff “continues every day going unscathed.”
Derek Dooley, a Republican candidate for Senate in Georgia, attends an Atlanta Young Republicans campaign event, Feb. 12, 2026, in Atlanta. Credit: AP/Alyssa Pointer
“I do think there has to be some sense of urgency on settling on a candidate and clearing the field sooner rather than later,” he said.
Collins has a long list of endorsements in the state, and he’s backed by the Club for Growth, a nationally influential conservative advocacy group. He describes himself as the “America First MAGA candidate.”
However, he also facing an ethics complaint from a congressional watchdog accusing his policy adviser and former chief of staff of improperly hiring his girlfriend as an intern even though she didn’t complete assigned work. Collins has called the complaint “bogus.”
Carter said in an interview this week that “I’m the one without any baggage.”
A political fixture in southeast Georgia, Carter says he’s a “MAGA warrior.” He has called for expanded immigration enforcement in the state despite criticisms of aggressive tactics elsewhere.
As Republicans compete with each other, Ossoff has been boosting his cash advantage. The senator has over $25.5 million on hand. Meanwhile, Collins has $2.3 million, Dooley has $2.1 million, and Carter has $4.2 million, including many of his own dollars.
However, McKoon said he’s confident Republican donors will coalesce around a winner and help them catch up.
Trump ‘wants to win’
Trump has a mixed track record on endorsements, particularly in Georgia. In 2021, David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler lost to Ossoff and Sen. Raphael Warnock. In 2022, Warnock beat football star Herschel Walker.
Carter noted that Republicans have a narrow majority in the House, including Collins and himself, and guessed that Trump doesn’t want to jeopardize that.
“The president really is probably going to sit this one out,” Carter said.
Collins flattered Trump’s endorsement record, saying he has “always had the impeccable ability to put his name on someone at the right time to get the most bang for his buck.”
Candidates aren’t just trying to convince voters they align with Trump — they’re also trying to convince the president that they would come out on top in November. That’s what matters most to Trump, Reed said.
“The only thing that drives Trump more than finding candidates that are loyal both philosophically and personally is identifying and getting behind candidates that can win,” Reed said. “He wants to win.”
Georgia
Amid tariff and trade confusion, Georgia posted record exports in 2025
The value of Georgia products sold overseas surpassed $60 billion last year, state officials said.
Georgia was ninth in the U.S. for exports in 2025, propped up by its logistics infrastructure of the world’s busiest airport, an extensive railroad network and the ports of Brunswick and Savannah (pictured). (Courtesy of Georgia Ports Authority 2024)
Despite a barrage of new tariffs imposed across the globe, Georgia saw another record year for international trade in 2025.
Total trade last year reached nearly $211 billion, up almost 6% from 2024. Imports, subject to many tariffs enacted by the Trump administration, made up most of that activity, growing about 3% to more than $150 billion, according to a state report released Thursday.
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Georgia’s top exported product in 2025 was civilian aircraft and ancillary parts, such as Gulfstream’s G500 and G600 aircraft seen on the assembly line in Savannah in December. (Hyosub Shin/AJC)
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Georgia
Cal Men’s Basketball: Bears Stay Focused and Outlast a Beleaguered Georgia Tech 76-65
Cal entered tonight’s matchup against a destitute Georgia Tech side dusting themselves off from an unexpected loss to a middle of the road Pitt team. The Golden Bears were looking to stay on the bubble of the NCAA tournament, while Tech, who finished last in ACC play, were simply trying to finish out their season with pride. This game marked the beginning of what will prove to be a long road trip for the boys from Berkeley.
Tech came out red hot from 3, thanks to forward Kowacie Reeves, who went 5-8 from behind the arc in the first half, while the entire Cal team was 0-12. His 19 points provided the difference in a first half with long stretches where neither team could put the ball in the basket.
Cal were frustrated early offensively, with Justin Pippen and Dai Dai Ames held scoreless in the first half. Lee Dort proved his offensive value, as the highest scorer for the Bears in the first half, particularly finding success in the paint, and they started the second half off feeding him early inside with some success.
The Bears opened the second half strong, finding ways to run their sets and get more players looks around the basket. Simultaneously, Camden began to find his shot from three, and things began to fall into place for a Cal side that was already having a decent night on the boards.
Georgia Tech could not keep pace once Cal’s offense found a rythm, though they would have to do so without any scoring contributions from Justin Pippen, who went 0-7 from the field, but closed out the night with eight assists and two rebounds.
Ultimately, Tech’s 18 turnovers, and Cal’s persistence gave way to a Bears lead that wouldn’t be overcome. The Yellow Jackets did not have an answer for Lee Dort’s efforts in the paint, and when Dai Dai Ames found his footing on offense, eventually the game was all but finished. Despite a valiant effort, the Yellow Jackets could not maintain an offensive pace or defensive effort to keep up with Cal, who face Wake Forest this Saturday in another must win.
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