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Former Foster Youth Are Eligible for Federal Housing Aid. Georgia Isn’t Helping Them Get It.

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Former Foster Youth Are Eligible for Federal Housing Aid. Georgia Isn’t Helping Them Get It.


This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with WABE. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

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Malik Johnson thought he was doing well after he turned 21 and left foster care, working two jobs to afford his apartment south of Atlanta.

But last fall, everything started to fall apart: His car transmission failed, so he couldn’t reach his second job. He fell behind on rent.

He didn’t know about a federal housing program that could have reduced his housing costs. It’s open to foster youth in all states as long as local government agencies put in an application for the funding. But in Georgia, they didn’t make that request for Johnson — or for almost anyone else.

Instead, at 23, he was on his own. As he faced his mounting bills, the stress got to be overwhelming.

“I was to the point where I was so behind on everything, I just almost stopped caring,” Johnson said.

In Georgia’s foster care system, about 500 young people become adults each year and, sometime between age 18 and 21, they’ll have to make it on their own. Without the safety net the foster care system provides, they’re especially vulnerable to becoming homeless.

That risk is why, in 2019, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development created the Foster Youth to Independence program, which offers between three and five years of rental assistance to young adults who have moved on from foster care. The program is the only long-term federal housing assistance targeted at former foster youth as they navigate adulthood, and advocates hoped it would help prevent situations like Johnson’s from ever happening.

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But there’s a catch: The money comes not directly through the federal government, but through the states, which have to apply for and coordinate the funding. WABE and ProPublica found Georgia has barely done that.

Through the program, each local housing authority can request up to 25 FYI vouchers each year. In Georgia, where 20 housing authorities are eligible, that means as many as 500 vouchers could be available, bringing in as much as $5 million in rent money from the federal government each year.

According to HUD’s latest data from last fall, housing authorities in Georgia have received only eight FYI vouchers total since the program began. By contrast, a third of states have each received at least 75 of these vouchers in the program’s first several years. Texas, Florida and Washington have received more than 400 each; California has upwards of 800, helping hundreds of young people afford stable housing. Only five states, all significantly smaller than Georgia, had requested fewer vouchers.

The failure to tap federal vouchers for foster youth in Georgia is a symptom of a child welfare system that has paid little attention to the housing needs of families and children, WABE and ProPublica have found. Previous reporting showed how the state Division of Family and Children Services had put few of its resources toward housing assistance for families in recent years, even as it cited “inadequate housing” among its reasons for removing 20% of children from their parents.

In the case of the FYI vouchers, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services has instructed state welfare agencies to work with local housing authorities to ensure the program is used, and in states that have received the most vouchers, child welfare agencies have actively promoted the program and sometimes hired new staff.

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But in Georgia, staffers at roughly half of the state’s eligible housing authorities said they hadn’t heard from the state agency about the vouchers in the program’s first five years. A couple of housing authorities said they struggled to get in touch with DFCS to complete the application, while others said they were not eligible to apply because the agency had not helped them to use up other housing funds they needed to distribute before they could tap the program.

DFCS spokesperson Ellen Brown said the staff overseeing services for older foster youth had recently changed and she couldn’t speak to what had happened previously. But she said the agency is now working to strengthen partnerships with housing authorities — efforts that have taken place as WABE and ProPublica started reporting on the issue in recent months and after a local volunteer began pushing the state to expand its use of the FYI program.

Brown also said DFCS staff meet regularly with young people before they exit foster care to “discuss their future plans,” which includes figuring out their housing. “Our team works tirelessly to help them plan and prepare for a safe, stable and successful transition out of care and into adulthood,” she said.

Still, Ruth White, who directs the National Center for Housing and Child Welfare and was central to getting the federal program created, questioned why DFCS wasn’t more aggressive in bringing the vouchers to the state.

“Imagine being an entity that goes in and removes a kid from their house,” White said, “and then not being the agency that’s chomping at the bit to make sure you get a housing voucher for that young person.”

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Study after study has shown the high risk of homelessness among young adults who age out of foster care. A 2021 national survey of 21-year-olds who had been in foster care across the country showed that a little more than a quarter of them had been homeless during the previous two years. The same survey also showed similar numbers in Georgia.

For years, child welfare advocates and former foster youth pushed Congress to address this housing crisis.

“We have the numbers, and we have the data,” said Lisa Dickson of the foster youth alumni organization ACTION Ohio in her 2018 testimony to Congress. “What our nation needs is a sense of urgency about this problem.”

HUD already had its Family Unification Program, which provides housing funds to families and youth who’ve been affected by the foster care system. But HUD found that, in the competition for those limited resources, young people were losing out: They received just 5% of those vouchers in 2019, with the rest going to families.

So HUD created the Foster Youth to Independence program, earmarking some vouchers exclusively for young people. As with any Section 8 housing voucher, young people contribute a third of their income toward rent; the federal government covers the rest.

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But unlike other voucher programs, FYI requires significant buy-in from child welfare agencies, which must identify eligible young adults and also offer them other support, like job training and financial counseling. That’s why housing authorities and child welfare agencies have to work together to take advantage of the program.

That didn’t happen in Georgia. In Cobb County, northwest of Atlanta, the chief operations officer of the Marietta Housing Authority tried to pursue vouchers in 2020. Mark Wright reached out to the local DCFS director, but he didn’t get the signed agreement from the agency that the program requires. After that, Wright said, “I kind of felt like we were not going to get the kind of buy-in from other agencies to make it successful.” He gave up.

Housing authorities in Atlanta and neighboring DeKalb County already had partnerships with DFCS because they offered the Family Unification Program. But they still had a hard time accessing the FYI funding. In recent years, they said, DFCS hadn’t identified enough young adults or families for the Family Unification Program, and this prevented them from qualifying for the FYI vouchers under HUD’s rules.

In Texas, by contrast, the child welfare agency took the lead in making sure the vouchers reached young people. The Texas Department of Family and Protective Services hired Jim Currier as housing specialist. He, in turn, designated liaisons in each of the child welfare system’s regions, trained them in the rules of the program and incorporated information about the vouchers in the manuals for foster youth aging out of care. The child welfare agency now has 40 partnerships, and DFPS initiated 38 of them.

Currier said vouchers have transformed the lives of some of the young people they’ve gone to. “They now have a safe, permanent home; they can begin to work on their well-being; they can work on their education,” he said.

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Recently, in Georgia, DFCS and housing authorities began talking about how to serve more of those former foster youth — thanks in part to the work of one persistent volunteer.

Anne Carelli got to know teenagers in foster care when she volunteered at a group home in Atlanta. As they aged out of the system, she saw some of those teenagers end up homeless. So when she learned about the FYI vouchers a few months ago, she couldn’t believe Georgia wasn’t using them.

“To have housing vouchers for youth aging out of care — that is an incredible opportunity for all of us to come together and figure this out,” said Carelli, who has founded a nonprofit called Up3 to help connect young adults with the resources they need.

Carelli said she has sent more than 60 emails to housing authorities, public officials and DFCS to kickstart meetings about getting vouchers to young people she knows who qualify.

“I was to the point where I was so behind on everything, I just almost stopped caring,” Johnson said about his financial problems.
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Credit:
Matthew Pearson/WABE

She’s hoping one of them will be Johnson, who she met through the group home. He’s still spending nearly four hours every day on buses and trains to get to work. The assistance would help him save for another car.

Johnson knows the value of a little outside support. Last fall, Carelli loaned him the money that allowed him to make up his rent until his income was stable again. As much as he’s tried to be responsible for himself — keeping his apartment vacuumed and clear of clutter, earning an employee of the month plaque from his job — he faced a crisis he couldn’t handle on his own.

“But I had help,” Johnson said. “And that was the best part about it too — being able to receive help when you need it.”

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Georgia Senate set to question Fani Willis over Trump prosecution – WTOP News

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Georgia Senate set to question Fani Willis over Trump prosecution – WTOP News


ATLANTA (AP) — After more than a year of legal maneuvering, Fani Willis will face questions Wednesday from a Georgia…

ATLANTA (AP) — After more than a year of legal maneuvering, Fani Willis will face questions Wednesday from a Georgia state Senate committee over her prosecution of Donald Trump.

The question is whether Fulton County’s Democratic district attorney will answer any of them.

The Republican-dominated state Senate in January 2024 created the Special Committee on Investigation to examine allegations of misconduct against Willis concerning her case seeking criminal convictions for efforts to overturn Trump’s 2020 election loss in Georgia. Even before Trump embarked on a retribution campaign against his enemies, Republicans on the Georgia committee were eager to bring Willis in for questioning.

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When Willis announced the indictment against Trump and 18 others in August 2023, she used the state’s anti-racketeering law to allege a conspiracy to try to illegally overturn Trump’s narrow loss to Democrat Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election in Georgia.

Republicans didn’t like that, but the committee has focused on Willis’ hiring of special prosecutor Nathan Wade to lead the election interference case. The resolution creating the committee said a romantic relationship between the two amounted to a “clear conflict of interest and a fraud upon the taxpayers.” But now the case is defunct after Willis was removed and another prosecutor dismissed it. Thus far, the committee has turned up few new facts regarding Willis’ activities. And she may choose to be guarded after Trump called Willis a “criminal” who should be “prosecuted” and “put in jail.”

Democrats have decried the panel as a partisan time-waster driven by political ambition. Four Republicans on the committee are running for statewide office in 2026. Chairman Bill Cowsert of Athens is running for attorney general, while Sens. Greg Dolezal of Cumming, Blake Tillery of Vidalia and Steve Gooch of Dahlonega are each seeking the Republican nomination for lieutenant governor. Another Republican who had been on the committee, John Kennedy of Macon, resigned from the Senate last week to pursue his own bid for lieutenant governor.

Amid a court battle over the committee’s power to order her to appear, Willis didn’t show up last year when subpoenaed. A judge agreed that Willis couldn’t ignore the subpoena, and her lawyers worked out an agreement for Willis to appear when the subpoena was reissued this year.

But Roy Barnes, the former Democratic Georgia governor representing Willis, told state Supreme Court justices last week in a hearing over the validity of an earlier subpoena that there may be limits to what Willis will answer.

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“You can’t just pick somebody out and say, ‘We’re going to embarrass you; we’re going to try you; we’re going to harass you,’” Barnes told justices. “So we’ll make an appropriate objection at the time. I’m not a potted plant.”

Willis’ prosecution began to fall apart in January 2024, when a defense attorney in the case alleged that Willis was involved in an improper romantic relationship with Wade.

In an extraordinary hearing, both Willis and Wade testified about the intimate details of their relationship. They both vehemently denied allegations that it constituted a conflict of interest.

The trial judge chided Willis for a “tremendous lapse in judgment,” ultimately ruling that Willis could remain on the case if Wade resigned, which he did hours later.

But after defense attorneys appealed, the Georgia Court of Appeals cited an “appearance of impropriety” and removed Willis from the case. The state Supreme Court in September declined to hear Willis’ appeal.

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Backup QB Aaron Philo’s future at Georgia Tech in flux

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Backup QB Aaron Philo’s future at Georgia Tech in flux


Georgia Tech

‘Everybody’s gotta make their own decisions, everybody’s gotta do what’s right for them,’ coach Brent Key says.

Aaron Philo, Georgia Tech’s backup quarterback and presumed starter for the 2026 season, played in three games this past season for the Yellow Jackets. (David Zalubowski/AP)

Georgia Tech’s long-term future at the quarterback position is in a state of flux.

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Tech coach Brent Key indicated Tuesday that Aaron Philo, the team’s backup and presumed starter for the 2026 season, might not be with the team for its bowl game against BYU on Dec. 27 in Orlando, Florida.

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Chad Bishop

Chad Bishop is a Georgia Tech sports reporter for The Atlanta Journal-Constitution.



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Execution set for this week in Georgia put on hold for now

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Execution set for this week in Georgia put on hold for now


ATLANTA — Georgia’s parole board on Monday put an execution scheduled for Wednesday on hold, but it was not clear how long that would last.

The order suspending the execution of Stacey Humphreys, signed by State Board of Pardons and Paroles Chair Joyette Holmes, does not provide any reason for the decision. The board also issued a notice saying a clemency hearing for Humphreys scheduled for Tuesday morning is “postponed until further notice.”

Humphreys, 52, was set to receive a lethal injection Wednesday evening at the state prison near Jackson. He was convicted of malice murder and other crimes in the 2003 killings of 33-year-old Cyndi Williams and 21-year-old Lori Brown.

Humphreys’ lawyers last week filed a petition asking a judge to order two members of the parole board to recuse themselves from considering his clemency petition, saying they had conflicts of interest.

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They also asked the judge to order the parole board to halt the clemency proceedings for 90 days to give the governor time to appoint replacement board members and to order the governor to make those appointments. And they asked the judge to keep the parole board from hearing Humphreys’ clemency petition until the two board members have been replaced.

During a hearing Monday afternoon on that petition, a lawyer for the parole board said she did not know how long the suspension would last. The death warrant is valid through noon on Dec. 24, meaning that if the execution doesn’t happen by then the state will have to seek a new warrant.

Kimberly McCoy, one of the board members whose recusal Humphreys’ lawyers is seeking, was a victim advocate with the Cobb County district attorney’s office at the time of Humphreys’ trial and was assigned to work with the victims in the case. The other, Wayne Bennett, was the sheriff in Glynn County, where the trial was moved because of pretrial publicity, and Humphreys’ lawyers argue he oversaw security for the jurors and Humphreys himself during the case.

Guards stand at the front of Georgia Diagnostic Prison, Wednesday, Sept. 21, 2011, in Jackson, Ga. Credit: AP/John Spink

During the court hearing, it was established that McCoy had agreed Sunday night to abstain from voting on the matter of Humphreys’ clemency application. But it was not clear what that means, particularly whether or not she would be present and would participate during the discussion of the case.

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When Fulton County Superior Court Judge Robert McBurney asked what McCoy understands it to mean if she abstains, McCoy told the judge she would do whatever the court directs her to do. A lawyer for the board said her understanding of abstention is that McCoy could be present during the clemency hearing and could ask questions but would not vote.

Under questioning in court, Bennett testified that he did not believe his connection to Humphreys’ trial would have any bearing on his treatment of the case, that he would consider the evidence and take the appropriate actions. Generally, Bennett said, he was not directly involved in the day to day responsibilities of security for a trial or for the sequestered jurors, and that those duties fell to his staff.

Three members of the parole board must vote for clemency for it to be granted. Lawyers for Humphreys argue that he has a right to have his clemency application heard and voted on by a five-member parole board with no members who have conflicts.

Guards stand at the front of Georgia Diagnostic Prison, Wednesday,...

Guards stand at the front of Georgia Diagnostic Prison, Wednesday, Sept. 21, 2011, in Jackson, Ga. Credit: AP/John Spink

Tina Piper, a lawyer for the state, argued that Humphreys has the right to have his application voted on by a quorum of three, not by five members. She also argued that the state Constitution says the parole board shall be made up of five members, so the governor can’t appoint a temporary member because then there would be six.

Noting that the parole board could lift the suspension at any time, Humphreys’ lawyers urged the judge to issue an order keeping the state from executing him until the judge has a chance to make a decision on the recusal of the parole board members and whether a member who isn’t voting should be temporarily replaced.

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Williams and Brown worked as real estate agents in a sales office in a model home for a new subdivision in Powder Springs, a suburb about 20 miles (32 kilometers) northwest of Atlanta. Humphreys entered the sales office around midday on Nov. 3, 2003, and forced them to strip naked and give him their bank PINs before fatally shooting them, according to evidence presented at trial.

Humphreys withdrew more than $3,000 from the women’s bank accounts, according to court filings. He told police after his arrest that he had recently taken out some high-interest payday loans and needed money for a payment on his truck.



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