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Crucial decisions made in 1980 in South Florida cast a shadow on Jimmy Carter’s presidency

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Crucial decisions made in 1980 in South Florida cast a shadow on Jimmy Carter’s presidency



Many thought the president was fooled by Fidel Castro as the Mariel boat lift taxed South Florida. His indecision after the Liberty City riots angered many.

Jimmy Carter’s favorite moment in Palm Beach County might have been the time 2,500 people turned out for a book signing in 1995 at a Boca Raton bookstore.

His low point, at least in South Florida, likely was the day 15 years earlier, when he came to Miami’s riot-scarred Liberty City in 1980 and angry protesters tossed rocks at the presidential limousine.

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Carter, who died Sunday at 100, was an unassuming but charismatic Georgia peanut farmer who rode post-Watergate anger to oust Gerald Ford from the White House in 1976 and become America’s 39th president. He was himself voted out four years later by Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America” conservative wave.

He then spent the rest of his life becoming perhaps the most beloved former president, by becoming a respected elder statesman on numerous domestic and world topics and setting a standard for community service worldwide through numerous organizations, all while fighting advancing age and several health issues, including a bout with brain cancer.

Mariel boat lift, Iran hostage standoff, energy crisis tested Carter’s presidency

Carter’s struggles with Miami’s boiling summer of 1980 — a one-two punch of the Mariel boatlift from Cuba and the May race riots — might not have been on the same level as the humiliating 14½-month Iran hostage standoff, an energy crisis, and what Carter infamously called the nation’s “crisis of confidence.” But the image of people booing him at a Liberty City town hall meeting fed criticism that he was a nice guy who was in way over his head as president. And it helped cost him re-election that fall.

Carter had been the original anti-Washington outsider presidential candidate.

In February 1975, Carter, then 50 and fresh off wrapping up his term as Georgia governor, visited The Breakers in Palm Beach to speak at a money-raising dinner for a medical school. He drew little attention from passers-by as he told reporters, “Yes, I am a serious candidate” for president.

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Almost exactly a year later, when he came through for a three-day campaign swing through Palm Beach and Broward counties, all that had changed. He had won the Florida primary in March, with 34% in a field of 12 Democratic candidates, and by the summer, he led the pack of 1976 Democratic presidential nominees. And by the end of that year, he was president-elect. He’d beaten Gerald Ford, 55 to 45%. In Florida, his margin was about 52 to 47%.

Over the next four years, Carter would deal with a full plate of issues. Some would become great successes: top among them the Israel-Egypt Camp David peace accords. But 1970s economic “stagflation” — weak job growth coupled with inflation — steadily eroded the nation’s patience and confidence in the man who had won them over by promising never to lie to them.

Early in 1980, his attention again would turn to Florida.

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After six Cubans had crashed the Peruvian embassy on April 1, then-Cuban President Fidel Castro declared that anyone who wanted to boat down to the port at Mariel and pick up a loved one was free to do so. Carter announced the United States would take 3,500, saying on May 5, “We welcome you with an open heart and open arms.”

Castro called his bluff. In the ensuing weeks, South Florida absorbed 125,000. Miami-Dade County’s social services and schools were overwhelmed. Eventually, some refugees would migrate north, taxing Broward and Palm Beach counties and the Treasure Coast.

For Castro, it was a convenient purge of dissidents, the disaffected and troublemakers, whom his propaganda machine branded as unworthy “worms.” And he also took the opportunity to empty his prisons. About 10 percent of the refugees were Cuba’s most hardened criminals or people with mental illnesses. They fed a crime rate that became a national sensation. People suggested the wily Cuban dictator had hoodwinked an American president again.

That would have been more than Florida could handle. But other refugees, especially those who had arrived from Haiti to a far different welcome, complained newly arrived Cubans already were getting preferred treatment.

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And then there was Arthur McDuffie.

From Liberty City race riots to Habitat for Humanity

On Dec. 17, 1979, the insurance salesman — black, 33, and with no criminal record — had been chased by police through Liberty City and ended up dead. District Attorney Janet Reno, who later would be Bill Clinton’s U.S. attorney general, took four white cops to trial, alleging they beat McDuffie to death and then covered it up. Blacks fed up with what they saw as decades of police abuse seethed and waited. In March, a judge, warning the case was “a time bomb,” moved the trial to Tampa.

It didn’t matter. When the officers were acquitted May 17, furious residents of Liberty City broke windows, looted, pulled white motorists from their cars and beat them to death and burned one shop after another. The violence would last three days and leave 18 dead, 400 hurt and $100 million in damage.

In a four-hour visit to South Florida, Carter was noncommittal about what the federal government would do — if anything — to help South Florida recover from a refugee crisis brought about by national policy, and rebuild neighborhoods burned after decades of building Black rage that certainly wasn’t specific to Miami. As Carter left a community center following a tense town hall meeting, people threw rocks, cans and bottles at his limo; one bottle hit it.

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“The people are not easily fooled,” a Miami News editorial said, “and they have long memories, longer even than Mr. Carter may think.”

By July, Carter’s White House would reveal a package of aid. It was too late. Months later, Carter was voted out.

In the ensuing decades, his image would shift as he devoted his life to philanthropy and peacemaking. In 1989, now eight years into his forced retirement, Carter still was a popular figure when he addressed about 2,500 people at a $60-a-head benefit at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton.

And two years later, he was back in South Florida with Habitat for Humanity, which builds affordable housing around the world. In that one week, he and volunteers would build 14 houses and a daycare center. The neighborhood: Liberty City.

Eliot Kleinberg retired from The Palm Beach Post in 2020 after a 36-year journalism career.

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85 Days Until Kickoff: Who is the Best Florida Gator to Wear No. 85?

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85 Days Until Kickoff: Who is the Best Florida Gator to Wear No. 85?


With the 2025 college football season slowly approaching, Florida Gators on SI will be recognizing some of the top players to suit up in the Florida Gators’ orange and blue. 

Since Florida kicks off their season against Long Island University in 85 days, let’s take a look at some of the best players in program history to wear No. 85. 

David Galloway (1978-81)

The University of Florida Athletic Hall of Famer takes the crown for today’s list.

Galloway spent four seasons at Florida, where he earned first team All-American honors and was an All-SEC selection twice. During his final season at Florida, he was part of a Gators team that pulled off the biggest single-season turn-around in NCAA Division One history, returning from a winless season in 1979 to become an 8-4 bowl team in 1980.

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By the time his collegiate career was over, Galloway was tied with teammate Robin Fisher for the most sacks in program history. He was later drafted by the St. Louis Cardinals (now Arizona Cardinals) in the second round (38th overall) of the 1982 NFL Draft. He went on to play nine seasons in the NFL, starting 76 games while recording 38 sacks.

Frankie Hammond (2008-12)

While he might not be considered to be a program legend, Hammond carved out a solid collegiate career for himself.

Throughout this time in Gainesville, Hammond appeared in 48 games, while starting 19. He finished his Gators career with 63 catches for 809 yards and six touchdowns while being an important member in the team’s run to the Sugar Bowl in the 2012 season.

After going undrafted in 2013, Hammond went on to spend three seasons with the Kansas City Chiefs, catching four passes for 45 yards while also contributing in the return game, totaling 389 yards.



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More money, more problems? Florida’s budget battle belies chronic issues

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More money, more problems? Florida’s budget battle belies chronic issues



The shortages are despite Florida being in good fiscal health, with ample reserves and a lean budget compared to other big states.

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  • Florida faces public worker shortages in key sectors like prisons, schools, and law enforcement despite strong fiscal health.
  • Republican leaders prioritize low per capita worker numbers and fiscal restraint, leading to debates over tax cuts rather than addressing critical staffing needs.
  • While recent pay raises have helped alleviate some shortages, issues persist due to competition with private sector wages and inflation.

Florida is flush with cash, but its public workforce is running on empty.

The Florida National Guard has been helping staff state prisons for two and a half years. There’s a teacher shortage and a nursing shortage. There are 1,800 troopers patrolling a state with 7 million vehicles and more than 140 million tourists per year. 

All this in a state in strong fiscal health with ample reserves and a lean budget compared to other large states. Federal stimulus funds from the COVID-19 era, combined with inflation that boosted its sales tax-reliant revenues, padded its coffers. That helped lawmakers set aside massive reserves, about $17 billion in the current year.

For Republicans who have held the reins of the state for nearly three decades, it’s a point of pride to have the lowest number of workers per capita and to have half of New York’s budget with more people.

Such fiscal restraint – Florida’s constitution requires lawmakers to pass a balanced budget each year – helps the state avoid the deficits and woes of Democratic-run states like Illinois and California. Republicans, including Gov. Ron DeSantis, revel in the contrasts to those states and boast of the state’s fiscal picture.

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“We’ve been running major, major budget surpluses, certainly over the last four years,” DeSantis said at a March 10 event in Winter Haven. “We’re spending, this year, less money than we spent last year … we have the lowest footprint of government workers per capita in the entire United States of America.”

But Republican legislative leaders, after deadlocking on budget negotiations that threw the session into overtime, are still trying to reach a deal on a final spending plan. The dispute, though, is over how much to permanently cut taxes to restrain spending growth, not over how to pay for pressing needs that have long languished as the state continues to grow.

House Speaker Daniel Perez, R-Miami, pushed for a sales tax cut to keep spending contained. Florida’s budget has grown from $82.6 billion in 2019 to $118.6 billion for the current year. But Sen. Ben Albritton, R-Wauchula, resisted the move, saying it would hamper lawmakers’ ability to meet the needs of a growing state.

When they first attempted a compromise that included a 0.25% cut to the 6% sales tax, DeSantis nixed it by pledging to veto the plan. He feared cutting the sales tax would crowd out his push for massive property tax reductions.

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Now, Perez and Albritton have a framework to resolve the budget differences, including a deal for $2.25 billion in permanent tax reductions, although the details of those cuts still need to be negotiated.

For Democrats, stuck in superminority status in the Legislature, the fracas over the budget doesn’t address chronic issues facing the state.

“There’s actually investments, real investments that need to be made to ensure our government is functioning properly and I just don’t think that this is the time to discuss cuts when we haven’t adequately funded our schools, our prison system, our unemployment system,” said House Democratic Leader Fentrice Driskell of Tampa.

“It feels sometimes like the governor and legislative leadership don’t really care how people are living; they just want to get what they want so that they can say that they got it. But how does that really help improve the lives of Floridians who are struggling to make ends meet?”

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To be sure, Republicans in recent years have put some money toward addressing the issues, putting more money towards pay for prison guards, troopers, teachers and to educate and train nurses.

But the freeze on worker pay that lasted for years during and after the Great Recession left the state well behind the pay for competing industries in the private sector or other public entities. That led to massive turnover and shortages in vital areas. Inflation, too, has hampered efforts to provide competitive pay in several vital workforce positions.

Prison guards

In September 2022, DeSantis issued an executive order to place National Guard members in prisons facing critical shortages of guards, known as correctional officers. The Department of Corrections (DOC) has faced chronic issues of turnover and trouble recruiting and retaining officers.

A few years ago, the starting salary for a Florida prison guard was less than $33,000, and leaders at the DOC said they were competing with WalMart for workers. Lawmakers have tried to address the issue by giving pay raises to guards, boosting the starting pay by $15,000 in recent years.

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The raises have helped alleviate the issue. The Tampa Bay Times reported the number of vacant positions at state prisons has dropped from 5,000 to 1,000.

But recruitment and retention problems have persisted, hampered by inflation, and staffing shortages could return if the Guard leaves. DeSantis issued four extensions of his order in the face of the problem, but the latest order is set to expire later in June.

In budget talks, the Senate has offered to set aside $30 million to pay for a DOC deficit related to staffing, while the House wants $53 million for overtime pay.

State troopers

The Florida Highway Patrol, facing shortages of troopers, has relied heavily on overtime. During a March 11 meeting of a House budget committee, Dave Kerner – who heads the Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles, which includes the FHP – told lawmakers his difficulty in retaining troopers.

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“We spend an inordinate amount of money on overtime because of the low staffing we have at the Florida Highway Patrol,” Kerner said.

“Because of the lack of pay the lack of career development plan it is much more efficient for a trooper to come and work at the Florida Highway Patrol, get trained and then three years later leave to a better paying department and so we have to supplement that vacancy rate with overtime,” he added.

He was responding to Rep. Randy Maggard, R-Dade City, who blanched at the $10 million price tag for overtime for the nearly 1,800 troopers. Kerner said there were 288 vacancies, including 138 vacancies of sworn patrol officers as of March 1 at FHP.

Legislators have put more money into raises and bonuses for troopers in recent years, and DeSantis has called for pay raises of 20% and 25% for entry level and veteran law enforcement officers, respectively, including state troopers.

But the House has resisted the raises for FHP, as well as nearly $10 million to replace and upgrade part of FHP’s fleet of vehicles.

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Classroom teachers

A January report from the Florida Education Association, the state’s largest teachers union, showed 3,197 teacher vacancies in public schools.

The number was down from about 4,000 the year before, showing improvement but union officials still were alarmed at the 16% rise in teachers in charge of classes without a certification in that subject area.

Prodded by DeSantis, lawmakers have put more money into teach salaries since he took office in 2019, raising annual pay by $1.25 billion per year. In ongoing budget talks, the House has offered to increase that by $91 million. The Senate prefers a $100 million increase.

Those increases, though, haven’t kept up with other states, which have also boosted average teacher salaries, leaving Florida near the bottom for pay among state. Inflation has also eaten into the nominal gains.

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Nurses

Lawmakers also have tried to address projected shortages of nurses. A 2021 analysis by the Florida Hospital Association estimated a shortage of 59,100 nurses by 2035, as Florida continued to grow – and age.

But an association report from September showed progress – vacancies and turnover were down significantly compared to the prior year. And the Legislature had passed the Live Healthy Act, which put $716 million to boosting health care access and expanding the health care workforce.

In the latest budget talks, however, the House has sought to cut the $30 million boost to the Florida Reimbursement Assistance for Medical Education (FRAME) program in the Live Healthy Act. It offsets loans and expenses for those seeking degrees and licenses in the medical, nursing, dental and mental health fields.

Gray Rohrer is a reporter with the USA TODAY Network-Florida Capital Bureau. He can be reached at grohrer@gannett.com. Follow him on X: @GrayRohrer.

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DeSantis signs bill to support Florida firefighters

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DeSantis signs bill to support Florida firefighters


Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis spoke at the 81st Annual Convention of the Florida Professional Firefighters on Thursday morning in Palm Beach Gardens. At the event, DeSantis signed a bill that he said will strengthen the state’s commitment to the health and safety of its firefighters. HB 929 continues the course of action taken by the governor earlier this year when he signed legislation to protect firefighters injured in training exercises.



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