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Crucial decisions made in 1980 in South Florida cast a shadow on Jimmy Carter’s presidency

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Crucial decisions made in 1980 in South Florida cast a shadow on Jimmy Carter’s presidency



Many thought the president was fooled by Fidel Castro as the Mariel boat lift taxed South Florida. His indecision after the Liberty City riots angered many.

Jimmy Carter’s favorite moment in Palm Beach County might have been the time 2,500 people turned out for a book signing in 1995 at a Boca Raton bookstore.

His low point, at least in South Florida, likely was the day 15 years earlier, when he came to Miami’s riot-scarred Liberty City in 1980 and angry protesters tossed rocks at the presidential limousine.

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Carter, who died Sunday at 100, was an unassuming but charismatic Georgia peanut farmer who rode post-Watergate anger to oust Gerald Ford from the White House in 1976 and become America’s 39th president. He was himself voted out four years later by Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America” conservative wave.

He then spent the rest of his life becoming perhaps the most beloved former president, by becoming a respected elder statesman on numerous domestic and world topics and setting a standard for community service worldwide through numerous organizations, all while fighting advancing age and several health issues, including a bout with brain cancer.

Mariel boat lift, Iran hostage standoff, energy crisis tested Carter’s presidency

Carter’s struggles with Miami’s boiling summer of 1980 — a one-two punch of the Mariel boatlift from Cuba and the May race riots — might not have been on the same level as the humiliating 14½-month Iran hostage standoff, an energy crisis, and what Carter infamously called the nation’s “crisis of confidence.” But the image of people booing him at a Liberty City town hall meeting fed criticism that he was a nice guy who was in way over his head as president. And it helped cost him re-election that fall.

Carter had been the original anti-Washington outsider presidential candidate.

In February 1975, Carter, then 50 and fresh off wrapping up his term as Georgia governor, visited The Breakers in Palm Beach to speak at a money-raising dinner for a medical school. He drew little attention from passers-by as he told reporters, “Yes, I am a serious candidate” for president.

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Almost exactly a year later, when he came through for a three-day campaign swing through Palm Beach and Broward counties, all that had changed. He had won the Florida primary in March, with 34% in a field of 12 Democratic candidates, and by the summer, he led the pack of 1976 Democratic presidential nominees. And by the end of that year, he was president-elect. He’d beaten Gerald Ford, 55 to 45%. In Florida, his margin was about 52 to 47%.

Over the next four years, Carter would deal with a full plate of issues. Some would become great successes: top among them the Israel-Egypt Camp David peace accords. But 1970s economic “stagflation” — weak job growth coupled with inflation — steadily eroded the nation’s patience and confidence in the man who had won them over by promising never to lie to them.

Early in 1980, his attention again would turn to Florida.

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After six Cubans had crashed the Peruvian embassy on April 1, then-Cuban President Fidel Castro declared that anyone who wanted to boat down to the port at Mariel and pick up a loved one was free to do so. Carter announced the United States would take 3,500, saying on May 5, “We welcome you with an open heart and open arms.”

Castro called his bluff. In the ensuing weeks, South Florida absorbed 125,000. Miami-Dade County’s social services and schools were overwhelmed. Eventually, some refugees would migrate north, taxing Broward and Palm Beach counties and the Treasure Coast.

For Castro, it was a convenient purge of dissidents, the disaffected and troublemakers, whom his propaganda machine branded as unworthy “worms.” And he also took the opportunity to empty his prisons. About 10 percent of the refugees were Cuba’s most hardened criminals or people with mental illnesses. They fed a crime rate that became a national sensation. People suggested the wily Cuban dictator had hoodwinked an American president again.

That would have been more than Florida could handle. But other refugees, especially those who had arrived from Haiti to a far different welcome, complained newly arrived Cubans already were getting preferred treatment.

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And then there was Arthur McDuffie.

From Liberty City race riots to Habitat for Humanity

On Dec. 17, 1979, the insurance salesman — black, 33, and with no criminal record — had been chased by police through Liberty City and ended up dead. District Attorney Janet Reno, who later would be Bill Clinton’s U.S. attorney general, took four white cops to trial, alleging they beat McDuffie to death and then covered it up. Blacks fed up with what they saw as decades of police abuse seethed and waited. In March, a judge, warning the case was “a time bomb,” moved the trial to Tampa.

It didn’t matter. When the officers were acquitted May 17, furious residents of Liberty City broke windows, looted, pulled white motorists from their cars and beat them to death and burned one shop after another. The violence would last three days and leave 18 dead, 400 hurt and $100 million in damage.

In a four-hour visit to South Florida, Carter was noncommittal about what the federal government would do — if anything — to help South Florida recover from a refugee crisis brought about by national policy, and rebuild neighborhoods burned after decades of building Black rage that certainly wasn’t specific to Miami. As Carter left a community center following a tense town hall meeting, people threw rocks, cans and bottles at his limo; one bottle hit it.

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“The people are not easily fooled,” a Miami News editorial said, “and they have long memories, longer even than Mr. Carter may think.”

By July, Carter’s White House would reveal a package of aid. It was too late. Months later, Carter was voted out.

In the ensuing decades, his image would shift as he devoted his life to philanthropy and peacemaking. In 1989, now eight years into his forced retirement, Carter still was a popular figure when he addressed about 2,500 people at a $60-a-head benefit at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton.

And two years later, he was back in South Florida with Habitat for Humanity, which builds affordable housing around the world. In that one week, he and volunteers would build 14 houses and a daycare center. The neighborhood: Liberty City.

Eliot Kleinberg retired from The Palm Beach Post in 2020 after a 36-year journalism career.

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House ethics panel finds Florida congresswoman Cherfilus-McCormick committed 25 violations

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House ethics panel finds Florida congresswoman Cherfilus-McCormick committed 25 violations


WASHINGTON — The House Ethics Committee found Friday that Democratic Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick of Florida had committed numerous violations of House rules and ethics standards, a ruling that could add weight to Republicans’ push to expel her from Congress.

After meeting for over seven hours Thursday night, an ethics panel composed of four Democrats and four Republicans found that Cherfilus-McCormick had committed 25 ethics violations. The panel said it would recommend a punishment in the coming weeks.

The allegations center around her receipt of millions of dollars from her family’s health care business after the state of Florida made an overpayment of roughly $5 million in disaster relief funds. Cherfilus-McCormick is accused of using that money to fund her 2022 congressional campaign through a network of businesses and family members.

The congresswoman, who is running for a fourth term representing a southeastern Florida district, has denied wrongdoing, and her attorney stridently criticized Thursday’s public hearing — the first open proceeding in nearly 15 years. But the ruling from the Ethics Committee could fuel a potential vote on her expulsion and divide a Democratic Caucus that is trying to make a comeback to power in the November elections.

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Cherfilus-McCormick also faces federal charges for allegedly stealing the $5 million in COVID-19 disaster relief funds and using it for purchases like a 3-carat yellow diamond ring. Her brother, former chief of staff and accountant were also charged in the alleged scheme. She pleaded not guilty to those charges, and her attorney indicated Thursday that the trial is expected to start in the coming months.



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Driver arrested after allegedly plowing onto Florida airport tarmac

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Driver arrested after allegedly plowing onto Florida airport tarmac


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Audubon Florida leader has built reputation for working across party lines | The Invading Sea

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Audubon Florida leader has built reputation for working across party lines | The Invading Sea


By Issabella Gutierrez 

As a child growing up in rural Florida, Julie Wraithmell once stood at the foot of a tall pine tree and watched a woman climb 50 feet into the air to occupy an abandoned eagle’s nest. The woman, Doris Mager, stayed there for a week to raise money for raptor rehabilitation. For young Julie, the “nest-in” became a blueprint for a life in conservation. 

In Florida’s often unpredictable environmental policy landscape, Wraithmell has built a reputation for working across party lines.

Audubon Florida Executive Director Julie Wraithmell at Corkscrew Swamp Sanctuary (Photo courtesy of Audubon Florida)

Today, as the vice president and executive director of Audubon Florida, the state office of the National Audubon Society, she leads the organization’s statewide science and advocacy efforts from her office in Tallahassee. She spends the legislative session in committee hearings and meetings with lawmakers, agency officials and conservation leaders.

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Over two decades, she has evolved from a field biologist and self-described “bird nerd” into an influential environmental leader in Florida, navigating a political landscape that can be as unpredictable as any treetop. 

A native Floridian, Wraithmell earned a bachelor’s degree in biology from Duke University and a master’s degree in science from Florida State University. 

She began her career in 1997 as a biologist at the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission, where she worked for eight years and helped launch the Great Florida Birding Trail, a 2,000-mile network connecting more than 500 wildlife-viewing sites. 

Wraithmell now oversees 80 Audubon Florida staff members and 45 chapters statewide. Beyond lobbying, she directs habitat restoration strategies and coordinates policy teams focused on land conservation and water quality. 

Renée Wilson, a senior communications coordinator at Audubon Florida, described Wraithmell as a “getter-donner” who remains “cool as a cucumber” even when tension runs high in the Capitol.

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“She’s not a micromanager,” Wilson said. “She gives you the direction you need, and she’s there if you need a course correction, but she really empowers the staff to follow their passions.”

A great blue heron at Jonathan Dickinson State Park, where the state proposed to build golf courses before public outcry scuttled the plan. (Mwanner, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons)
A great blue heron at Jonathan Dickinson State Park, where the state proposed to build golf courses before public outcry scuttled the plan. (Mwanner, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons)

Her leadership was tested in 2024 and 2025, when proposals surfaced to add golf courses to state parks and to swap protected land at the Guana River Wildlife Management Area for development. Audubon Florida helped generate tens of thousands of public comments and coordinated bipartisan opposition that led to the withdrawal of both proposals. 

Elizabeth Alvi, senior director of policy for Audubon Florida, said Wraithmell’s leadership in these sensitive moments is defined by a refusal to be pulled off course by short-term pressure. She added that Wraithmell is widely respected by lawmakers across the aisle. 

“People know that when she speaks, it is grounded in science and aligned with a clear organizational priority, not opportunistic positioning,” Alvi said. “That discipline earns respect in the Capitol because it’s consistent and thoughtful.” 

Wraithmell often quotes a mentor who told her that advocacy requires “weaving back and forth across the political aisle like sloppy drunks.”

“You might find yourself fighting a legislator over a road project one year, but you have to be ready to partner with that same person on a land conservation bill the next,” Wraithmell said. Holding onto professional grudges, she said, is a luxury the environment cannot afford. 

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That pragmatism shapes her push for stable funding for Florida Forever, the state’s land acquisition program that has preserved more than 1 million acres. While funding has fluctuated in recent years, she said unstable funding could impede critical habitat purchases as development pressures increase.

Heavily oiled brown pelicans waiting to be cleaned following the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010. (International Bird Rescue Research Center, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons)
Heavily oiled brown pelicans waiting to be cleaned following the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010. (International Bird Rescue Research Center, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons)

In 2010, Wraithmell led Audubon’s response to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, advocating for restoration settlement funds to be directed toward coastal bird habitat recovery. Her efforts earned her the Charles H. Callison Award in 2015, the highest honor from the National Audubon Society. 

Wraithmell does not shy away from the topic of climate change.  

“The ocean is coming for us,” Wraithmell said. “Whether you call it climate change, sea-level rise or flooding, we are seeing the impacts on our shorebirds and our coastal communities right now.” 

Under her leadership, Audubon Florida has expanded coastal resilience efforts, including protecting nesting grounds threatened by rising sea levels and promoting nature-based solutions such as wetland restoration and living shorelines. Alvi said many people underestimate how difficult it is to align science, policy timing and organizational reputation simultaneously. 

“The most significant win will likely be institutional strength: a conservation movement in Florida that is more strategic, more science-driven and more disciplined in its public engagement,” Alvi said.  

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When asked to summarize Florida’s environmental story in a single place, Wraithmell pointed to the Everglades. She described it as an ecosystem shaped by historical “screw-ups,” from ditching and draining to the exploitation of birds. 

“It’s a site of people coming together and saying, ‘Whoop, we screwed up. Now what are we going to do about it?’” Wraithmell said. “With billions of dollars in investment, we are seeing results.” 

Despite the rapid pace of development across Florida, Wraithmell remains optimistic about the future, pointing to volunteers, students, and local advocates who make up the Audubon Florida network.  

“Watching kind of the creative magic that they get up to together,” Wraithmell said. “That is what gives me hope for the next decade.” 

The little girl watching from the ground is gone. Now, Julie Wraithmell is the one in the treetop, asking young Floridians to climb with her and protect wild Florida. 

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Issabella M. Gutierrez is a junior majoring in multimedia journalism at Florida Atlantic University. Banner photo: A great egret flies over the Florida Everglades (iStock image).

Sign up for The Invading Sea newsletter by visiting here. To support The Invading Sea, click here to make a donation. If you are interested in submitting an opinion piece to The Invading Sea, email Editor Nathan Crabbe. 



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