Florida
College Football Week 1 Takeaways: Florida Gators Entering Crisis Mode
College football is back in full swing as the majority of FBS teams took the field for the first time on Saturday.
It’s always hard to get a gauge on Week 1 performances when there’s so much to learn about each team as the season progresses.
With that said, here are five takeaways from the first big Saturday of the year.
Billy Napier’s hot seat is scorching after a no-show loss to in-state rival Miami
No. 19 Miami walked into The Swamp with transfer quarterback Cam Ward and looked every bit the part of an ACC title contender. Ward threw for 385 yards and three touchdowns, as the Hurricanes rolled over Florida 41–17.
But as impressive as the victory was for Miami—a team that appears to be the class of an underwhelming ACC—this game signals more about the state of Florida’s program than anything else.
Through two seasons (and one game) of the Billy Napier era, the tenure has been nothing short of an unmitigated disaster. The Gators posted a 6–7 record in Napier’s first season, and followed that up that with a 5–7 record in 2023.
Napier’s predecessor, Dan Mullen, took Florida to New Year’s Six bowl games in each of his first three seasons, but was fired at the first sign of trouble in Year 4 due to uneven recruiting, athletic department politics and an underwhelming on-field product in 2021.
Three years later, the Gators appear worse off for it. After an 0–1 start, Florida now must navigate one of the toughest schedules in college football to try to make a bowl game in Napier’s third season.
As if things weren’t bleak enough in Gainesville, Napier’s buyout is $26 million, making for a tricky situation for a program that deserves better.
No. 14 Clemson posts a program referendum loss to No. 1 Georgia
Clemson lost four ACC games in 2023 for the first time since the ‘10 campaign—Dabo Swinney’s second full season as head coach.
If you thought that would be enough for Swinney to change his well-documented aversion to using the transfer portal, think again.
Instead, Swinney doubled down on his program’s culture and doing things his way, while the rest of college football embraced the transfer portal as another method to roster building.
Swinney’s defiance of the current state of affairs in college football has led to his program falling swiftly from the ranks of the sport’s elite class. The Tigers have not made a College Football Playoff appearance since Trevor Lawrence’s junior season in 2020, and the program now seems far more susceptible to losing multiple conference games per year than it does to dominating the ACC like it once did.
Saturday’s 34–3 loss to top-ranked Georgia would have been shocking five years ago.
Now? It’s expected when the Tigers contend with elite competition.
And that’s a problem.
No. 8 Penn State found a passing game, making it an actual Big Ten contender and College Football Playoff threat
On paper, No. 8 Penn State entered 2024 as the third-best team in the Big Ten and a program that appeared primed to battle for one of the last handful of spots in the inaugural 12-team College Football Playoff.
Based on a 2023 season that saw the program go 10–3 behind a stout defense but an offense that lacked a legitimate passing game against top-flight competition, a similar formula seemed reasonable enough to get Penn State into this year’s playoff.
But if the passing game in 2024 takes as big of a step forward for the entire season as it did on Saturday against West Virginia, then look out.
Penn State head coach James Franklin hired Andy Kotelnicki away from Kansas in the offseason to become the program’s primary play-caller and spearhead an improved passing game, and the early returns on Saturday were phenomenal.
Junior quarterback Drew Allar tossed three touchdown passes as the Nittany Lions cruised into Morgantown and came away with a convincing 34–12 victory over West Virginia.
Allar looked more comfortable in the pocket than he did at any time last season, and if Saturday is any indication, Penn State looks primed to not only seriously compete for a Big Ten crown, but perhaps win a game or two in the College Football Playoff.
No. 3 Oregon and No. 9 Michigan left plenty to be desired in their season opening victories
No. 3 Oregon was a 44-point favorite against theIdaho Vandals of the FCS, while No. 9 Michigan was favored by three scores against Fresno State. Both teams escaped with victories, but neither was particularly pretty.
For Michigan, this was somewhat expected, given the turnover on the coaching staff and across the roster following last year’s national championship. Even so, the Michigan quarterback situation appears to be a total mess. Former walk-on Davis Warren earned the starting nod over junior Alex Orji, a former four-star recruit, which probably says more about the staff’s lack of confidence in Orji throwing the football than anything else.
Warren completed 15 of his 25 passing attempts for a mere 118 yards with one touchdown and one interception. That was good enough on Saturday night to earn the Wolverines a 30–10 victory over Fresno State, but certainly won’t be good enough next Saturday when Michigan hosts the Texas Longhorns in the Big House.
Oregon, meanwhile, couldn’t gain separation from Idaho in their 24–14 win thanks to plenty of sloppiness. The Ducks had a missed field goal, a fumble on the edge of the red zone and two failed fourth down conversion attempts despite outgaining the Vandals by nearly 300 yards.
Michigan’s issues can be easily tied to a downgrade at quarterback, while Oregon simply could not stop stepping on its own feet against an overmatched opponent. But more will be expected in the near future.
No. 7 Notre Dame’s offensive line struggled, but the Irish defense was still elite in a road win over No. 20 Texas A&M
Much of the talk entering the game of the day in college football between No. 7 Notre Dame and No. 20 Texas A&M in College Station revolved around the Irish’s inexperienced offensive line going up against an Aggies defensive front featuring plenty of future NFL talent.
Notre Dame struggled offensively throughout the night as expected, but came through in the clutch when it needed to the most. With the game tied at 13 with 6:12 remaining in regulation, the Irish embarked on a back-breaking eight-play, 85-yard touchdown drive capped off by a 21-yard touchdown scamper by running back Jeremiyah Love.
The Irish defense, like it did all night, closed out the Aggies on their final offensive possession of the night with less than two minutes remaining, and added a late field goal to cap off an impressive 23–13 road victory to spoil Mike Elko’s Texas A&M debut.
Notre Dame is a likely favorite in each of their remaining 11 games, and earned an early feather in the cap to their College Football Playoff resume.
Extra Points
Chandler’s bio from usajaguars.com:
At Georgia Tech: Saw action in one game during his freshman season … used the season as a redshirt year.
High School: Rated as a three-star prospect by Rivals, 247Sports and ESPN … First-team all-district honoree … Versatile athlete played cornerback, wide receiver and quarterback over the course of his prep career … Four-year letterwinner earned one letter apiece at four different high schools … Began high school at Westside H.S. in Jacksonville, Fla. as a freshman (2020), then moving to the Tallahassee area, where he attended Godby H.S. as a (2021) and Munroe H.S. (2022) as a junior before returning to Jacksonville to attend Wakulla H.S. as a senior (2023) … Helped lead Wakulla to an undefeated regular season and berth in the Florida 2S state playoffs as a senior in ‘23 … Coached at Wakulla by Barry Klees … Also played basketball … Honor roll student.
Local voters weighed in. City Councils pushed back. School boards flipped. Yet, in Southwest Florida, 2025 proved that political gravity still pulls hard toward Tallahassee.
From airport governance fights and higher education shakeups to school board drama and rare recall elections, the year was defined by clashes over who holds power.
Florida Politics has curated the top stories that capture the moments that shaped local government and education across Southwest Florida in 2025. Familiar figures returned, institutions were reshaped, and community pushback met an increasingly centralized political reality.
Together, they tell the story of a region grappling with state influence, voter intent and the limits of local control.
New College expansion plans unsettle Sarasota’s higher education landscape
New College of Florida spent much of 2025 at the center of a high-stakes tug-of-war over control of Sarasota’s cultural and academic institutions, with support from DeSantis, who repeatedly floated proposals that would dramatically expand the school’s footprint.
The year opened with a DeSantis proposal to strip Florida State University of control over The Ringling Museum complex and place the internationally recognized cultural assets under New College’s management. Lawmakers ultimately shelved that plan in the Spring, along with a separate concept that would have placed New College in charge of the University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee campus.
But the issue resurfaced late this year in far more concrete form. DeSantis’ December budget proposal revived the push by directing a wholesale transfer of all USF Sarasota-Manatee campus facilities to New College. Around a week later, New College Trustees approved a new comprehensive plan that showcases plans for rapid expansion if certain political hurdles are cleared. And New College continues to hold out hope for a land purchase from the Sarasota-Bradenton International Airport.
The renewed proposal underscores the DeSantis administration’s commitment to reshaping New College into a larger, more influential institution in Sarasota and Manatee counties.
Naples Airport Authority overhaul ignites home rule fight
A push by Collier County lawmakers to overhaul governance of the Naples Airport Authority became one of Southwest Florida’s most contentious political storylines of 2025, exposing deep rifts between state legislators, city officials and aviation stakeholders.
The effort, led by Rep. Adam Botana, aims to replace the long-standing structure of the city-appointed Naples Airport Authority with an elected board. Supporters argue the airport serves the broader region and should be accountable to all Collier County voters, while critics warn the move would dilute Naples’ control over its own destiny and undermine home rule.
Tensions escalated after the Airport Authority rejected millions in federal aviation grants and Naples City Council attempted, but later abandoned the effort, to expand its oversight of airport development. Those decisions fueled frustration among pilots, tenants and some lawmakers, who questioned the board’s composition and its dependence on city politics.
The dispute spilled into public view through sharply worded exchanges between city and state leaders, highlighting broader friction over local authority, taxation and the Legislature’s growing role in municipal affairs. Despite vocal opposition from the City of Naples, Botana’s proposal advanced steadily, winning unanimous support from the Collier legislative delegation and clearing its first House committee without debate.
The bill is positioned to place all five Airport Authority seats on the 2026 ballot if approved by the Legislature in the new year.
Karen Rose, Bridget Ziegler and Sarasota education politics come full circle
Sarasota County’s education politics in 2025 were defined by reversals, returns and unresolved controversy, as familiar figures cycled back into power despite voter pushback and lingering scandal.
The year began with fallout from the 2024 election, when voters rejected several conservative Sarasota County School Board candidates aligned with Gov. Ron DeSantis, including incumbent Karen Rose. But DeSantis remedied that months later by appointing Rose back onto the School Board months later to fill a vacancy, effectively restoring her to office despite her recent electoral defeat.
The dance did not stop there. Rose’s return placed her once again alongside Bridget Ziegler, whose influence on the School Board has persisted despite national scrutiny. Ziegler, a co-founder of Moms for Liberty, remained on the board after a 2023 sex scandal involving her husband, former Florida GOP Chair Christian Ziegler, made headlines and fractured political circles. That dispute continued in 2025, when the Ziegler’s sued the City of Sarasota and police detectives alleging constitutional violations stemming from an investigation that ultimately produced no criminal charges.
Although Rose once called for Ziegler’s resignation in the early days of the scandal, the two women reemerged in leadership roles by year’s end. Once re-installed by DeSantis, Rose helped return Ziegler to the School Board Chairmanship. Simultaneously Rose herself advanced through confirmation to a powerful regional post on the State College of Florida Board of Trustees, another DeSantis appointment.
Together, their political resurgence underscores a broader theme that defined Sarasota’s education landscape in 2025. Voter backlash did not translate to lasting change, and controversies that once seemed career-ending have become ammo in court.
Schools of Hope expansion triggers backlash in Sarasota and across the state
Florida’s Schools of Hope program emerged as one of the most volatile education fights of 2025, with Sarasota County becoming an early focal point for the growing backlash against a state mandate that allows charter schools to claim space in public school buildings.
Budget language approved for the 2025–26 fiscal year dramatically broadened the program, allowing “Hope operators” to claim space inside any public school deemed underused, regardless of academic performance or local approval. Because every school district contains an opportunity zone, the change effectively opened thousands of campuses statewide to potential charter incursions.
In Sarasota County, Miami-based charter networks quickly signaled interest in occupying space inside campuses with strong academic track records. The letters of intent stoked fears that successful public schools could be forced to share classrooms, cafeterias and playgrounds with outside operators with no ties to the community, and without compensation for use of space and resources.
DeSantis defended the policy as a targeted intervention aimed at struggling communities, insisting most Floridians would never notice the schools being created. But data shows the program’s reach extends well beyond traditionally underserved areas. By Fall, bipartisan frustration had spilled into the Legislature. A bill filed by Sen. Darryl Rouson aims to repeal the co-location requirement entirely, arguing the policy amounted to an unfunded mandate that forced districts to subsidize private operators.
Sarasota’s experience is one of many similar tales in communities across the state, forcing communities to scramble to either respond or fight to protect classrooms from what many view as forced takeovers. Rouson’s SB 424 will be one to watch during the 2026 Legislative Session.
Fort Myers immigration vote triggers Uthmeier
In Fort Myers, a split City Council vote rejected an agreement with federal immigration authorities triggered a rapid response from state leaders. Attorney General James Uthmeier warned the city risked being labeled a “sanctuary” jurisdiction and suggested Council members could face removal from office. The standoff highlighted how little room local governments had to maneuver on immigration policy once Tallahassee drew a hard line.
Florida land purchase ends in court dispute over contaminated land
In Collier County, pushback took a more personal note. Parker Collier, matriarch of a powerful real estate family, sued a former adviser for defamation after allegations surfaced that contaminated land had been sold to the state as part of a major conservation deal. The case opened a bitter dispute that blends environmental concerns, political influence and the limit of public accountability on high-dollar land deals.
Fort Myers Beach voters force the recall of two Council members
On Fort Myers Beach, voters delivered one of the rarest rebukes in local politics: A successful recall. Residents ousted Town Council members Karen Woodson and John King — although King’s case is tied up in court — over support for a controversial high-rise redevelopment at the site of the Red Coconut RV Park after it was destroyed by Hurricane Ian. The vote marked the county’s first successful recall in decades.
Enos resignation opens door for Karen Rose
Board Chair Tim Enos resigned mid-year to return to his former role as chief of the Sarasota County Schools Police Department. His departure reopened questions about continuity and control, temporarily leaving the board evenly split and handing Gov. DeSantis another appointment to tilt the board’s direction. He used that appointment on Rose.
Sarasota school board debates anti-discrimination policy
Board members also reconsidered the district’s long-standing anti-discrimination policy, weighing whether to replace explicit protections for specific groups with language more in line with federal guidance under President Donald Trump. Critics warned the change could weaken safeguards for vulnerable students and staff, while supporters framed it as compliance amid legal and political uncertainty.
Tension over Tom Edwards support for inclusion
Political tensions sparked again when local Republicans called for openly gay Board member Tom Edwards to resign after he accepted a leadership role with a nonprofit focused on inclusion. Edwards brushed off the demand as partisan noise, but the episode reflected how school governance in Sarasota remains entangled in culture-war politics.
PALM BEACH, Florida >> Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met U.S. President Donald Trump on Sunday, hoping to forge a plan to end the war in Ukraine, but the American leader’s call with Russian President Vladimir Putin shortly before the meeting suggests obstacles to peace remain.
Zelenskyy has said he hopes to soften a U.S. proposal for Ukrainian forces to withdraw completely from the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, a Russian demand that would mean ceding some territory held by Ukrainian forces.
Just before Zelenskyy and his delegation arrived at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida, the U.S. and Russian presidents spoke in a call described as “productive” by Trump and “friendly” by Kremlin foreign policy aide Yuri Ushakov.
Ushakov, in Moscow, said Putin told Trump a 60-day ceasefire proposed by the European Union and Ukraine would prolong the war. The Kremlin aide also said Ukraine needs to make a quick decision about land in the Donbas.
Meeting follows Russian attacks on Kyiv
Zelenskyy arrived at Mar-a-Lago early on Sunday afternoon, as Russian air raids pile pressure on Kyiv. Russia hit the capital and other parts of Ukraine with hundreds of missiles and drones on Saturday, knocking out power and heat in parts of Kyiv. Zelenskyy has described the weekend attacks as Russia’s response to the U.S.-brokered peace efforts, but Trump on Sunday said he believes Putin and Zelenskyy are serious about peace.
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“I do think we have the makings of a deal,” Trump said. “We have two willing countries. We are in the final stages of talking,” Trump said.
The U.S. president said he will call Putin again after meeting with Zelenskyy. Zelenskyy had previously told journalists he plans to discuss the fate of the contested Donbas region with Trump, as well as the future of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and other topics.
Russia claims more battlefield advances
Putin said on Saturday Moscow would continue waging its war if Kyiv did not seek a quick peace. Russia has steadily advanced on the battlefield in recent months, claiming control over several more settlements on Sunday.
While Kyiv and Washington have agreed on many issues, the issue of what territory, if any, will be ceded to Russia remains unresolved. While Moscow insists on getting all of the Donbas, Kyiv wants the map frozen at current battle lines.
The U.S., seeking a compromise, has proposed a free economic zone if Ukraine leaves the area, although it remains unclear how that zone would function in practical terms.
U.S. negotiators have also proposed shared control over the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant. Power line repairs have begun there after another local ceasefire brokered by the International Atomic Energy Agency, the agency said on Sunday.
Russia controls all of Crimea, which it annexed in 2014, and since its invasion of Ukraine nearly four years ago has taken control of about 12% of its territory, including about 90% of Donbas, 75% of the Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, and slivers of the Kharkiv, Sumy, Mykolaiv and Dnipropetrovsk regions, according to Russian estimates.
Putin said on December 19 that a peace deal should be based on conditions he set out in 2024: Ukraine withdrawing from all of the Donbas, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, and Kyiv officially renouncing its aim to join NATO. Zelenskyy’s past encounters with Trump have not always gone smoothly, but Sunday’s meeting follows weeks of diplomatic efforts. European allies, while at times cut out of the loop, have stepped up efforts to sketch out the contours of a post-war security guarantee for Kyiv that the United States would support.
Asked by a reporter if he was prepared to sign a security guarantee on Sunday, Trump called that a dumb question. “No one knows what the security agreement will say,” Trump said.
On Sunday, ahead of the Mar-a-Lago visit, Zelenskyy said he held a detailed phone call with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. Trump and Zelenskyy will hold a phone call with European leaders at some point during the Florida meeting, Trump said. The 20-point plan was spun off from a Russian-led 28-point plan, which emerged from talks between U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff, Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and Russian special envoy Kirill Dmitriev, and which became public in November.
Subsequent talks between Ukrainian officials and U.S. negotiators have produced the more Kyiv-friendly 20-point plan.
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