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Arkansas transparency group will collect signatures for proposed amendment OK'd by AG – Arkansas Advocate

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Arkansas transparency group will collect signatures for proposed amendment OK'd by AG – Arkansas Advocate


Arkansas government transparency advocates will begin collecting signatures for a November ballot measure to enshrine government openness in the state Constitution.

Attorney General Tim Griffin certified language for four potential popular names and ballot titles, including “The Arkansas Government Disclosure Amendment of 2024,” a title he substituted for the submission of “The Arkansas Government Transparency Amendment.”

Griffin’s opinions issued Wednesday approved Arkansas Citizens for Transparency’s third attempt to advance the proposed amendment after he rejected previous attempts in December and earlier this month.

In addition to seeking the required 90,704 signatures from registered voters by July 5, the nonpartisan ACT will continue with the lawsuit it filed against Griffin at the Arkansas Supreme Court on Tuesday, said David Couch, the lead attorney in the lawsuit and a member of ACT’s drafting committee.

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The legal complaint alleges that Griffin’s past refusals to certify the proposed amendment were to prevent the group from having enough time to gather signatures in support of the measures, and it asks the court to “compel the Attorney General to approve or rewrite the popular name and ballot title for each measure.”

Griffin wrote in his rejection of the first draft that the petitioners needed to define “government transparency,” which he claimed had “partisan coloring.” Subsequent versions of the ballot language define the term as “the government’s obligation to share information with citizens.”

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Couch said the second iteration of the ballot language, rejected Jan. 8, was ACT’s preferred version. The first two amendment proposals said the state Legislature “shall not make a law that diminishes public access to government” without the approval of the people of Arkansas.

The third proposal did not include this clause or a definition of the phrase “diminishes public access to government.” Instead it said the Legislature “shall not make a law concerning government transparency” without the people’s approval.

Couch said the change was necessary to receive Griffin’s approval but was not satisfactory in ACT’s view.

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“Why should the people have to vote on something that benefits them if the General Assembly has passed it?” he said.

The proposed amendment would require two-thirds of both the House and Senate to approve a government transparency law, which would then be sent to the voters. In emergency situations, a law would go into effect with 90% approval from both chambers but still be subject to a statewide vote later.

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Next steps

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ACT will start collecting signatures for a version of the amendment certified Wednesday in hopes of meeting the July 5 deadline, Couch said, but the legal challenge of Griffin’s use of his powers regarding ballot titles will continue.

“It’s such an important principle, not only for us but for people who intend to collect signatures in the future,” Couch said. “The attorney general’s role in the process needs to be clarified by the Supreme Court.”

The Arkansas AG’s office had long reviewed ballot titles and popular names until the General Assembly, with support of then-Attorney General Leslie Rutledge, shifted ballot title certification responsibility to the State Board of Election Commissioners in 2019.

Early last year, Act 194 of 2023 shifted this power back to the attorney general’s office.

ACT is not the only group to have recently taken legal action to get language certified for proposed constitutional amendments with the goal of putting them on the November ballot.

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Group submits third proposed Arkansas FOIA change to attorney general after second rejection

Earlier this month, the nonprofit Arkansas Voter Integrity Initiative asked the Supreme Court to certify two measures aimed at trading voting machines for hand-marked paper ballots and limiting absentee voting. Griffin rejected one measure and certified a substitute proposal for the other. The Supreme Court granted a motion last week for an expedited hearing in the case.

Couch filed a motion asking the high court for an expedited hearing in ACT’s case on Wednesday.

ACT has also submitted a third version of ballot language for an initiated act, which would alter the state Freedom of Information Act. Griffin will issue an opinion Thursday on the proposal.

A primary goal of the proposed act, the drafters have said, is to codify a definition of a “public meeting” and broaden the legal definitions of a “governing body” and “communication” among members.

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The statutory changes would also:

  • Protect citizens’ right to appeal FOIA decisions and collect any resulting attorneys’ fees.
  • Create the Arkansas Government Transparency Commission, with its members appointed by state elected officials, to help citizens enforce their rights to obtain public records and observe public meetings.
  • Create stiffer civil penalties for violating the FOIA.
  • Repeal Act 883 of 2023, which gave Arkansas school boards more reasons to go into executive session and allow more people to have closed-door meetings with school board members.
  • Mandate that records concerning the planning or provision of security services to the governor and other state elected officials be considered public and accessible under the FOIA after three months.

ACT formed in response to Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders’ signing of a law enacted during a special legislative session in September that shields certain state officials’ security records from public access. Sanders advocated for several more exemptions to the FOIA that met bipartisan pushback and did not advance in the Legislature.



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Arkansas TV’s CEO discusses funding surge to possibly keep PBS

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Arkansas TV’s CEO discusses funding surge to possibly keep PBS


CONWAY, Ark. – Three months after Friends of Arkansas PBS formed to try to preserve PBS programming in the Natural State, it now looks like a legitimate possibility. After a whirlwind few months, Carlton Wing, CEO & Executive Director of Arkansas TV, is ready for any outcome.

Wing, since taking over the role around six months ago, has spearheaded a rebrand and the disaffiliation from PBS, which was set to take place at the end of June.

The dues cost Arkansas TV $2.5 million a year, and with that cost, they felt they couldn’t stay afloat after federal funding cuts, while retaining PBS programming.

In turn, they became the first state to say they’d end the partnership.

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“Whatever politics happened, happened way above us in Washington D.C., we have to deal with the financial realities of how we keep public television alive,” Wing said.

He said they immediately entered into emergency budgeting, attempting to get the network out of the red. A grim financial outlook at the time from his perspective.

“The financial realities are there, and we have to deal with that financial reality regardless of one of our providers of public television content,” Wing said.

When the announcement gained traction, a group, spearheaded by former first ladies of Arkansas Barbara Pryor and Gay White, formed to try and keep PBS alive.

“We recognize that there’s a lot of emotions tied to anything that we like,” Wing said.

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Friends of Arkansas PBS gained enough eyeballs to bring top PBS executives, including CEO Paula Kerger, to the state.

“Well, you have to understand what they’re doing when they come is they’re trying to protect that paycheck that has come from Arkansas for decades now,” Wing said.

The momentum was enough to get the Arkansas Public Television Commission to vote to pause the disaffiliation until their next quarterly meeting, creating a window for funds to be raised in the meantime.

Since a pledge of $1 million a year for the next three years coming from an anonymous donor, along with the Arkansas TV Foundation creating a separate dues fund, that’s allowed them to commit to $1.5 million a year as well over the next three.

While Wing has helped the station plan to increase local programming from 5% to 30%, that won’t change, but things may have to be arranged now that they’re closing in on the funds needed to retain PBS.

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“People recognized this is a very real situation and stepped up to be able to make that happen. We’re not quite there yet, but everything is heading in the right direction. There’s still money that needs to be raised,” Wing said.

He has maintained his stance throughout, while conversations may be political above him, this decision is strictly fiscal on his and the station’s end.

“I have said many times that people have tried to make this a red vs blue issue. It’s all about green and about whether you operate in the black or red,” Wing said.

Wing has said that despite being painted as his opposition, his relationship with Pryor and White is far from that.

“My wife and I went and had lunch with them just a couple of weeks ago, and they’re so excited to be involved with a cause,” Wing said.

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He was also adamant that he doesn’t have some form of vendetta against PBS; in fact, it’s played a pivotal role in helping his own daughter, who’s set to graduate with an MBA from the University of Chicago soon.

“PBS played a very vital role in her enthusiastically learning how to read. Yes we absolutely want that, we just have to be able to afford it because I can’t jeopardize the whole network to be able to pay for one provider of public television,” Wing said.

Still, the commission would need to vote to approve resuming the partnership, a vote that would be held at the next quarterly meeting on June 4th.

“I’m hesitant to predict because I don’t know what’s going to happen between now and that meeting,” Wing said on the vote.

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Arkansas’ upcoming Medicaid work requirement will avoid mistakes of 2018 version, official says | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

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Arkansas’ upcoming Medicaid work requirement will avoid mistakes of 2018 version, official says | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette


An Arkansas Department of Human Services official said Friday that the state took lessons from its previous attempt at implementing a Medicaid work requirement, such as the importance of providing clear communications and using simple design and personal interaction rather than relying on technology that it will take into account when beginning its new requirement next year.



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Facts matter | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

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Facts matter | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


The University of Arkansas-Little Rock’s William H. Bowen School of Law began as UA-Fayetteville’s night division (yes, in Little Rock) in 1965. A decade later, the Legislature created UA-Little Rock’s law school; transferred thereto Fayetteville’s night program; and added a full-time component.

In 2023, Colin Crawford became Bowen’s dean. Shortly thereafter, he suggested killing Bowen’s in-person night program and replacing it with yet another online law school. When confronted with a buzzsaw of opposition in Arkansas’ legal community, Crawford paused this misadventure.

Today, Arkansas-based part-time law students have the option of either attending the state’s only in-person night law school or enrolling in one of several existing online schools. If Bowen’s night program goes online, Arkansans lose this choice.

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Last week, I wrote about state Sen. Dan Sullivan’s efforts to curtail new attempts to replace Bowen’s night program with an online one and his delivery of Ten Commandments posters to Bowen for display.

I relayed Crawford’s unexpected public inquisition of Sullivan, wherein Crawford charged: “So you brought those 19 [framed Ten] Commandments to the law school. You could have gone [elsewhere] . . . but you came here to the law school, and I believe, haven’t gone elsewhere . . . [And] you also then submitted a piece of ‘special legislation’ that would have had the effect of tying up the university budget if, if the law school did not, was, was not prohibited from having an online program. So the question is, because I’ve been asked it many times, what’s [your] beef with us. Why [are you] singling out the school of law?”

Sullivan answered, correcting Crawford’s misrepresentations: “First of all, I’m not singling [the law school] out. I took [the posters previously] to Jonesboro schools. I think I had 400 that I took–close to that–[and] I took [several of] them to Arkansas State University . . . [And] why did I take the position of putting a hold on the [university’s] budget? [I did so] because I had a number of people in the law school and outside of law school, former graduates–people who are attorneys that went to school here that are now in the profession–[raise concerns]. People talk[ed] about retaliation; they were afraid to–if they brought [concerns]–they’d be retaliated against.”

My colleague Josh Silverstein elaborated on the retaliation: “The dean castigated me in my annual review for my opposition to moving the part-time program online and, surprisingly, for criticisms against the online proposal leveled by others whom I don’t control. He later accused me of resisting the change in bad faith, even though much of the Bowen community is similarly opposed.”

The saga continues.

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In August, I wrote a column–which this paper nominated for several journalism awards–stating:

“Why put the Bowen night class online in the first place? At a recent faculty meeting, an administrator stated that the purpose is to enlarge the night class. She highlighted that the incoming night class has 38 students. But that’s not the whole story. Here’s the rest:

” m Both the forthcoming day and night classes have been closed for some time, because they’re completely full.

” m The night class has 38 students in it simply because the school capped the class at 38–not due to lack of demand. Earlier in the year, the class was capped at 40, and it had–you guessed it–40 students. The administration then reduced the size of the night class to 38. If you want the night class to be larger than 38, then allow it to be larger than 38.

” m If the school wants to enroll a larger night class with, say, 50 students, we could do so with qualified folks ready to attend.

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“    m Finally, the school’s admissions policy states: ‘The Law School will enroll each academic year an entering class of approximately 140 applicants to its combined full and part-time divisions.’ The current incoming class has 158 students. Call me old school, but I don’t understand this new math in which having 18 extra students reflects under-enrollment.”

That column remains 100 percent correct, because this paper and I painstakingly verify our information. That column’s source: Bowen’s then-admissions dean. (She also confirmed the information presented today.)

Nonetheless, in my annual evaluation at Bowen, Crawford took issue with the contents of that previous column, which I wrote as a journalist for this paper. (My Democrat-Gazette boss assures me that he won’t be evaluating my law-school performance–nor my cooking, for that matter!)

Crawford wrote: “I write to offer observations about certain activities of yours during the evaluation period that were disruptive to the School of Law community. Specifically, in summer 2025, you publicly stated that the School of Law had ‘excess demand’ for its part-time program that the administration has capped enrollment in the program. However, as reported to the faculty earlier in the Spring by the then Assistant Dean of Admissions, many of the students admitted to the part-time program preferred to be in the full-time program, for which there were no available spaces. There was no excess demand for the part-time program and that was announced at a faculty meeting. Moreover, as the Associate Dean of Academic Affairs has reported on many occasions, the number of any class is dictated by our faculty capacity to cover the labor-intensive research and writing classes–each to a section of no more than 20 students. Inaccurate references to an excess of demand and administrative caps on part-time enrollment were harmful to the work of your colleagues, who, earlier in 2025, voted overwhelmingly in support of a proposal to develop a hybrid part-time program; some of them spent their summers developing courses to that end.”

Crawford is wrong: Bowen did cap the night class, and there was excess demand.

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Bowen admitted 38 students to that night class. The admissions dean stated that Bowen easily could’ve enrolled 50 qualified applicants. So why only 38? As Crawford confessed: because of a lack of supply of faculty. Fifty qualified applicants, but only 38 admitted, equals excess demand (by definition).

Bowen’s math further confounds. In a faculty meeting, the associate dean stated: “[W]e have 38 students coming into the part-time program . . . [and] nine of them expressed a preference for the full-time. So if we had space in the full-time, that would have been down to 29.”

Uh, no. The school admitted 38 applicants. If nine vanished, Bowen would just admit the next nine.

Moreover, whether nine students preferred the day program is irrelevant. Maybe some favored attending Yale. Wanting to go elsewhere doesn’t diminish demand for Bowen’s night school–when the alternatives aren’t available.

In fact, the day program routinely cannibalizes the night class by exceeding the school’s written-policy goal of 90 students for the former by–wait for it–30-plus students. Wanna guess where that overage should’ve been offered admission? Yep, the night school.

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Finally, like with Silverstein, Crawford bizarrely criticized me for the contents of a student column that opposed Bowen going online, because those authors thanked us for our input. Even worse, the dean was explicitly informed that I never reviewed the substance of the students’ article and Silverstein recommended written changes to the very items Crawford whinged about. Sigh.

The proposal to put online Arkansas’ singular-historic night law school didn’t fail because disfavored interlocutors contradicted the party line or had “beef” with Bowen. Rather, that effort collapsed because it is an awful idea (and justifiably reviled by Arkansas’ legal community).

So, rest assured, I will continue to inform you Dear Readers about this topic and others–threadbare false claims of inaccuracy, harm, or disruption notwithstanding–because facts matter.

This is your right to know.


Robert Steinbuch, the Arkansas Bar Foundation Professor at the Bowen Law School, is a Fulbright Scholar and author of the treatise “The Arkansas Freedom of Information Act.” His views do not necessarily reflect those of his employer.

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