Science
Pressure is mounting for soil testing post-fire cleanup. The Newsom administration is downplaying the concerns

Elected officials in California are calling on the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the Newsom administration to pay for soil testing on properties destroyed in the Eaton and Palisades wildfires, underscoring the public health risk and financial burdens that could be faced by survivors seeking to rebuild in Altadena and Pacific Palisades.
FEMA, the agency leading the wildfire recovery efforts, has come under heavy criticism for its decision not to test properties for contaminants after removing wreckage and up to 6 inches of top soil. That policy differs from how California has handled virtually all wildfire recoveries in the recent past.
After every major wildfire since 2007, federal and state disaster agencies have conducted soil sampling to ensure that debris-cleared properties do not contain unhealthy levels of lead and other toxic metals. In these cases, at properties where agencies detected high levels of contaminants, they typically deployed cleanup crews to remove another layer of soil, and then would perform another round of soil testing. This would be repeated until testing showed that the soil met state standards.
Following the 2025 L.A. wildfires, however, FEMA has repeatedly refused to pay for soil testing, contending that removing wildfire debris and up to 6 inches of topsoil from portions of destroyed homes is sufficient to eliminate any immediate health threats.
This month, U.S. Rep. Judy Chu (D-Pasadena) led a contingent of 28 federal legislators in writing a letter demanding that FEMA reassess its decision. The letter, sent June 3, calls for federal funding for soil testing and for further remediation at properties with soil contamination above California’s standards.
In a separate letter, sent Thursday, state Sen. Ben Allen (D-Santa Barbara) and three other state legislators urged California environmental regulators to step in and conduct soil sampling if federal disaster agencies continue to resist soil testing protocols. The letter recommends that state officials tap a $2.5-billion emergency relief package signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in January, which includes funding for debris cleanup and post-fire assessments.
Allen’s letter said the state’s decision to leave burned-down homes untested “will reverse precedent and lower standards for future disasters.” Without comprehensive government-led soil testing, the letter argued, homeowners would be left to pay for soil sampling themselves or risk returning to a property with unsafe levels of contamination.
“It is deeply unjust that this responsibility has fallen to fire survivors — already burdened by the challenges of total loss recovery — simply because federal partners like FEMA and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers have failed to lead,” write Allen and his co-signatories in the letter. “The State of California now has the opportunity to fill that gap with leadership that centers science, transparency, and community needs.”
In February, the Newsom administration asked FEMA to reconsider its decision not to conduct post-cleanup soil testing, stressing that fire-related contamination can remain undetected and pose public health risks, even after cleanup crews finish their first pass at a property. But federal officials swiftly rejected the request, and instead suggested that state and local officials should perform this work.
Since then, the pressure has continued for California officials to step up.
Last month, a coalition of environmental researchers wrote a letter to the Newsom administration, urging state agencies pay for soil testing.
The Newsom administration appears to be walking back its concerns about lingering fire-related contamination. In a June 6 letter replying to those researchers, CalEPA Secretary Yana Garcia downplayed the risks of lingering contamination from the Eaton and Palisades wildfires.
Although air quality and soil testing have found high levels of lead downwind of the Eaton fire, Garcia said that some of this soil contamination could have resulted from the historical use of leaded gasoline in cars and heavy industry.
“It is in this environment, not a clean slate, that the Palisades and Eaton Fires occurred,” she wrote in her letter.
Soil testing carried out by Los Angeles Times journalists in March provided the first evidence that homes cleaned by federal cleanup crews still contained elevated levels of lead and arsenic. Soon after, the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health also published preliminary data finding 27% of soil samples collected at already-cleaned homes still had lead above state standards for residential properties.
Despite these soil sampling results, Garcia signaled she is satisfied with the federal cleanup.
“Sampling results so far are demonstrating the effectiveness of the existing clean-up approach,” Garcia wrote in the letter.
(The health department denied an L.A. Times public records request seeking the raw data showing the extent of the soil contamination detected, saying the results had yet to be finalized. The department also declined requests for a copy of its contract with Roux Associates, including how much the county had paid the consultant to perform the soil sampling.)
Garcia stressed that blood testing around the wildfire-affected communities showed overall exposure was low. She did not directly respond to the researchers’ request to pay for soil testing for the L.A. wildfires.
Sen. Allen and the three state legislators who cosigned his public letter are seeking more answers from state environmental agencies. The letter calls for state environmental agencies to convene a public meeting by the end of June to discuss post-wildfire soil testing protocols and plans for the L.A. wildfires.
CalEPA officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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Video: Axiom-4 Mission Takes Off for the I.S.S.

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Axiom-4 Mission Takes Off for the I.S.S.
Hungary, India and Poland sent astronauts to the International Space Station for the first time by paying Axiom Space for the journey.
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3, 2, 1, ignition and liftoff. The three nations, a new chapter in space takes flight. Godspeed Axiom 4.
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Contributor: Those cuts to 'overhead' costs in research? They do real damage

As a professor at UC Santa Barbara, I research the effects of and solutions to ocean pollution, including oil seeps, spills and offshore DDT. I began my career by investigating the interaction of bacteria and hydrocarbon gases in the ocean, looking at the unusual propensity of microbes to consume gases that bubbled in from beneath the ocean floor. Needed funding came from the greatest basic scientific enterprise in the world, the National Science Foundation.
My research was esoteric, or so my in-laws (and everyone else) thought, until 2010, when the Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling rig exploded and an uncontrolled flow of hydrocarbon liquid and gas jetted into the deep ocean offshore from Louisiana. It was an unmitigated disaster in the Gulf, and suddenly my esoteric work was in demand. Additional support from the National Science Foundation allowed me to go offshore to help figure out what was happening to that petroleum in the deep ocean. I was able to help explain, contextualize and predict what would happen next for anxious residents of the Gulf states — all made possible by the foresight of Vannevar Bush, the original architect of the National Science Foundation.
Now the great scientific enterprise that has enabled my research and so much more is on the brink of its own disaster, thanks to actions and proposals from the Trump administration. Setting aside the targeted cuts to centers of discovery such as Harvard and Columbia, and rumors that California’s public universities are next, the most obvious threats to research are the draconian budget reductions proposed across virtually all areas of science and medicine, coupled with moves to prevent foreign scientists from conducting research-based study in the U.S. The president’s latest budget calls for around a 55% cut to the National Science Foundation overall, with a 75% reduction to research support in my area. A reduction so severe and sudden will reverberate for years and decimate ocean discovery and study, and much more.
But a more subtle and equally dire cut is already underway — to funding for the indirect costs that enable universities and other institutions to host research. It seems hard to rally for indirect costs, which are sometimes called “overhead” or “facilities and administration.” But at their core, these funds facilitate science.
For instance, indirect costs don’t pay my salary, but they do pay for small-ticket items like my lab coat and goggles and bigger-ticket items like use of my laboratory space. They don’t pay for the chromatograph I use in my experiments, but they do pay for the electricity to run it. They don’t pay for the sample tubes that feed into my chromatograph, but they do support the purchasing and receiving staff who helped me procure them. They don’t pay for the chemical reagents I put in those sample tubes, but they do support the safe disposal of the used reagents as well as the health and safety staff that facilitates my safe chemical use.
They don’t pay salary for my research assistants, but they do support the human resources unit through which I hire them. They don’t pay for international travel to present my research abroad, but they do cover a federally mandated compliance process to make sure I am not unduly influenced by a foreign entity.
In other words, indirect costs support the deep bench of supporting characters and services that enable me, the scientist, to focus on discovery. Without those services, my research enterprise crumbles, and new discoveries with it.
My indirect cost rate is negotiated every few years between my institution and the federal government. The negotiation is based on hard data showing the actual and acceptable research-related costs incurred by the institution, along with cost projections, often tied to federal mandates. Through this rigorous and iterative mechanism, the overhead rate at my institution — as a percentage of direct research costs — was recently adjusted to 56.5%. I wish it were less, but that is the actual cost of running a research project.
The present model for calculating indirect costs does have flaws and could be improved. But the reduction to 15% — as required by the Trump administration — will be devastating for scientists and institutions. All the functions I rely on to conduct science and train the future workforce will see staggering cuts. Three-quarters of my local research support infrastructure will crumble. The costs are indirect, but the effects will be immediate and direct.
More concerning is that we will all suffer in the long term because of the discoveries, breakthroughs and life-changing advances that we fail to make.
The scientific greatness of the United States is fragile. Before the inception of the National Science Foundation, my grandfather was required to learn German for his biochemistry PhD at Penn State because Germany was then the world’s scientific leader. Should the president’s efforts to cut direct and indirect costs come to pass, it may be China tomorrow. That’s why today we need to remind our elected officials that the U.S. scientific enterprise pays exceptional dividends and that chaotic and punitive cuts risk irreparable harm to it.
David L. Valentine is a professor of marine microbiology and geochemistry at UC Santa Barbara.
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Ideas expressed in the piece
- The article contends that indirect costs (overhead) are essential for research infrastructure, covering critical expenses like laboratory maintenance, equipment operation, safety compliance, administrative support, and regulatory processes, without which scientific discovery cannot function[1].
- It argues that the Trump administration’s policy capping indirect cost reimbursement at 15% would inflict “staggering cuts” to research support systems, collapsing three-quarters of existing infrastructure and crippling scientific progress[2][3].
- The piece warns that broader proposed NSF budget cuts—57% agency-wide and 75% in ocean research—threaten to “decimate” U.S. scientific leadership, risking a shift in global innovation dominance to nations like China[3].
- It emphasizes that these cuts ignore the actual negotiated costs of research (e.g., UC Santa Barbara’s 56.5% rate) and would undermine “discoveries, breakthroughs, and life-changing advances”[1].
Different views on the topic
- The Trump administration frames indirect costs as excessive “overhead” unrelated to core research, justifying the 15% cap as a cost-saving measure to redirect funds toward prioritized fields like AI and biotechnology[1][2].
- Officials assert that budget cuts focus resources on “national priorities” such as quantum computing, nuclear energy, and semiconductors, arguing that funding “all areas of science” is unsustainable under fiscal constraints[1][3].
- The administration defends its stance against funding research on “misinformation” or “disinformation,” citing constitutional free speech protections and rejecting studies that could “advance a preferred narrative” on public issues[1].
- Policymakers contend that reductions compel universities to streamline operations, though federal judges have blocked similar caps at other agencies (e.g., NIH, Energy Department) as “arbitrary and capricious”[2].
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