Politics
Video: Garland Says He ‘Will Not Be Intimidated’ by House Republicans
new video loaded: Garland Says He ‘Will Not Be Intimidated’ by House Republicans
transcript
transcript
Garland Says He ‘Will Not Be Intimidated’ by House Republicans
Attorney General Merrick B. Garland, testifying before the House Judiciary Committee, defended the Justice Department against false accusations made by former President Donald J. Trump and his congressional allies.
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It comes alongside false claims that a jury verdict in a state trial by a, brought by a local district attorney was somehow controlled by the Justice Department. That conspiracy theory is an attack on the judicial process itself. It comes as individual career agents and prosecutors have been singled out just for doing their jobs. And it comes at a time when we are seeing heinous threats of violence being directed at the Justice Department’s career civil servants. I will not be intimidated and the Justice Department will not be intimidated. We will continue to do our jobs free from political influence, and we will not back down from defending democracy.
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Politics
From Day 1, Trump Shows He’ll Test Limits of What He Can Get Away With
His vice president, JD Vance, said he “obviously” wouldn’t do it.
His nominee for attorney general, Pam Bondi, agreed there was no way: “The president does not like people that abuse police officers,” she told senators last week.
The Republican speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, gave similar assurances that President Trump would not pardon “violent criminals” — the kind who bashed police officers with pieces of broken furniture or stashed an arsenal of weapons in Virginia to be used if their breach of the Capitol failed on Jan. 6, 2021.
Even public opinion was against Mr. Trump. Just 34 percent of Americans thought he should pardon the Jan. 6 rioters, according to a Monmouth University poll in December.
But on Monday, the first day of the second Trump presidency, he tossed caution aside and did exactly what he wanted: He decreed that every rioter would get some sort of reprieve. It didn’t matter what crimes they committed; whether they were convicted of violent acts or even seditious conspiracy, they will all eventually be cleared. Hundreds of convicts got full pardons; 14 members of far-right groups accused of sedition had their sentences expunged; and all others with ongoing cases will eventually have their charges dismissed.
Mr. Trump’s decision to intervene in even the most violent cases sends an unmistakable message about his plans for power these next four years: He intends — even more so than in his first term — to test the outer limits of what he can get away with.
“These people have been destroyed,” Mr. Trump said of the Jan. 6 rioters, after issuing the pardons, sitting behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office for the first time as the 47th president. “What they’ve done to these people is outrageous.”
Mr. Trump’s advisers and lawyers had spent months debating how far he should go in granting clemency to people prosecuted in connection with the Capitol riot. The White House counsel, David Warrington, presented Mr. Trump with options, some more expansive than others, according to two people briefed on the situation who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive internal discussions.
Mr. Trump and his advisers had said during the campaign that he would approach the pardons on a case-by-case basis. It was an unspoken recognition that there were dangerous criminals within the group, but the vague formulation was also Mr. Trump’s way of keeping his options open.
He was still making up his mind over the weekend and into Monday, according to advisers. But by Sunday afternoon, people close to him had the impression that he was likely to go for a sweeping form of clemency. To have done anything less would have been an admission that there was something wrong with what his supporters did on Jan. 6, or that cause of overturning the 2020 election was somehow unjustified, or that anyone defending Mr. Trump’s view of the world had erred.
President Biden’s pre-emptive pardons for people who had investigated Mr. Trump’s role in the lead-up to the Jan. 6 assault only added to his desire to take the broadest approach possible, according to the two people with knowledge of his decision-making.
Sitting in the Capitol Rotunda awaiting Mr. Trump’s swearing-in on Monday, one senior member of Mr. Trump’s team said to others, “We can do it all now,” referring to Mr. Biden’s pardons.
The way Mr. Trump sees it, he didn’t only defeat the Democrats in the 2024 campaign; he also vanquished the remnants of Republican opposition, the mainstream media and a justice system that he saw as a force weaponized against him. He has occasionally claimed that the only retribution he wants in office is “success” for the country; but it’s clear from what he has said and done in his first 24 hours on the job that he also wants payback.
The pardons were among several Day 1 actions — some public, some less so — that revealed his plans to get even.
Mr. Trump revoked the Secret Service protection for John R. Bolton, his former national security adviser who fell out with him. Agents had guarded Mr. Bolton since 2021, after U.S. authorities learned of an alleged Iranian plot to assassinate him; a person was criminally charged with targeting him in 2022.
Mr. Trump also revoked Mr. Bolton’s security clearance and that of 49 former intelligence officials who signed a letter before the 2020 election claiming that a laptop belonging to Mr. Biden’s son Hunter appeared to be part of a Russian disinformation operation.
Another of Mr. Trump’s executive orders, lost within the blur of activity on Inauguration Day, suggests an even broader scope for retribution.
The order, titled “Ending the Weaponization of the Federal Government,” has a preamble that asserts as fact that the Biden administration weaponized its prosecutorial powers in pursuing criminal investigations of Mr. Trump and his allies. The order instructs federal agencies, including the Justice Department and the intelligence community, to dig deep to demonstrate the alleged weaponization and then to send reports of the misconduct to the White House. The order sets up what will be, at a minimum, a name-and-shame exercise.
More likely, it will provide a road map for prosecutions.
The White House did not respond to an email seeking comment.
‘He earned power, and now he’s going to use it’
Mike Davis, a Republican lawyer and supporter of Mr. Trump who advocated pardons in connection with the Jan. 6 riot, said the president had learned a great deal about executive power over the past eight years. He said Mr. Trump will not be constrained by people who want to stymie him for what he sees as political reasons.
“This election was a referendum on Trump, on MAGA and on lawfare, and the American people rendered their verdict on Nov. 5,” Mr. Davis said. “He earned power, and now he’s going to use it, like Democrats.”
Mr. Davis was not worried about any backlash to the pardons. “He understands how to govern,” he said, adding that “he knows that public opinion can be changed.”
The Jan. 6 pardons culminated a four-year campaign to rewrite the history of the riot as a day in which Mr. Trump and his supporters were the righteous victims and those investigating their actions were the villains.
That wasn’t always Mr. Trump’s view — or at least not his publicly stated one. The day after the attack, he recorded a video in which he described the assault on the Capitol as “heinous,” adding, “to those who broke the law, you will pay.” This was the second video he released after the riot; his staff thought his first video was too sympathetic to the rioters and they persuaded him to tape another.
In the final days of his first term, Mr. Trump privately discussed the possibility of granting clemency to people involved in the riot. He dropped the idea, but within months of leaving office, Mr. Trump began reframing Jan. 6 as a patriotic day, “a day of love.”
He integrated the “J6 community” into his campaign as patriotic martyrs or, as he called them, “hostages.” Mr. Trump played at his rallies a version of “The Star-Spangled Banner” recorded by a choir of imprisoned Jan. 6 defendants. His nominee for F.B.I. director, Kash Patel, had the idea of turning it into a song, dubbed over with Mr. Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance. Mr. Trump still plays the recording on his patio at Mar-a-Lago, as guests stand and sing along, hands over hearts.
Daniel Hodges, one of the officers who was injured on Jan. 6 after being pinned in a doorway of the Capitol and crushed, said Mr. Trump’s whitewashing of Jan. 6 was necessary to preserve his supporters’ belief in their own goodness and patriotism.
“In a way he had to lean into it and say that these insurrectionists were patriots,” said Officer Hodges. If Mr. Trump didn’t elevate the rioters, “they would have to come to terms with the fact that they led an attack against the United States of America — and that’s very antithetical to their self-image.”
The speed with which the mammoth investigation of Jan. 6 collapsed astonished even those who had been mentally preparing for it. Within the space of an evening, not only were nearly 1,600 people granted clemency, but defendants were walking out of prison — among them Enrique Tarrio and Joseph Biggs, two leaders of the Proud Boys serving lengthy sentences for seditious conspiracy.
Ed Martin, Mr. Trump’s new interim U.S. attorney in Washington, was already moving to dismiss riot cases — including the trial of a former F.B.I. agent accused of confronting officers at the Capitol, calling them Nazis and encouraging a mob of Trump supporters to kill them. Mr. Martin sits on the board of the most prominent legal fund-raising group to help Jan. 6 defendants.
Mr. Trump has always favored a maximalist approach toward whatever he does, but he has sometimes stopped short when external constraints seem immovable. It’s unclear, now, how much is left in Washington to restrain him.
He has far more capacity to get what he wants than he did four years ago. He is more knowledgeable about the range of his presidential powers and is far more willing to test them in court. His order to terminate birthright citizenship was something he pushed his administration to do in his first term right up until his 2020 election, but his White House lawyers and his attorney general, William P. Barr, told him he did not have the authority to nullify a right guaranteed by the 14th Amendment.
He now has a more favorable judiciary, which he transformed in his first term, and he has a far more compliant Republican leadership in Congress. Few G.O.P. lawmakers have been willing to say anything critical about Mr. Trump’s pardons of the rioters.
Mr. Trump’s team is also far less of a restraint on his impulses. His second term West Wing contains none of the type of first term aides who tried to talk him out of his most extreme ideas. In their place is a team of loyalists who may occasionally disagree on policy, but are true believers in his instincts, especially after his remarkable comeback.
His team has weeded out anybody they view as disloyal to Mr. Trump. Even people with no known history of opposition to Mr. Trump have been blacklisted because of their associations with Republicans he now views as disloyal. That group includes Republicans he hired in his first term such as Nikki Haley and Mike Pompeo.
Many Trump aides have received subpoenas over the past four years, and some of his closest aides, including his aide Walt Nauta, have been indicted. These investigations further radicalized many of his advisers against what they pejoratively refer to as the “deep state.” Many of them are now joining him in his return to government for this second shot at power. They don’t plan to waste it.
Politics
Trump order puts thousands of Afghan allies waiting for US resettlement in limbo
A day-one order from President Donald Trump puts on pause the plans of Afghan allies who have been approved for resettlement in the U.S., a delay that advocates say could be the difference between life and death at the hands of the Taliban.
A pause on refugee resettlement in the U.S. will include Afghans who are in hiding after the Taliban takeover and the family members of U.S. troops.
“There are lawyers, doctors, journalists stuck in Pakistan who have been waiting for three and a half years to relocate to the U.S. We finally got the program moving, and we got the U.S. government to agree to allow them to relocate,” Shawn VanDriver, president of resettlement group AfghanEvac, told Fox News Digital.
“Now, they’re f***ing panicking.”
2 AMERICANS RELEASED IN EXCHANGE FOR TALIBAN PRISONER
The executive order, entitled “Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program, will take effect on Monday and will immediately pause the resettlement of those who have worked their way through a system to get approval to move to the U.S.
It will go on “until such time as the further entry into the United States of refugees aligns with the interests of the United States.”
A report will be submitted to Trump every 90 days until he determines that refugees should be allowed in.
“They’re getting it wrong here,” said VanDriver, worried the pause will be “indefinite.”
“It could be any day that the Taliban or ISIS-K shows up at your door,” he said. “Can you imagine being a U.S. service member coming to work yesterday thinking that your mom is going to get out of Kabul and then they’re like ‘nope’?”
The family members of roughly 200 U.S. service members will be immediately impacted, according to VanDriver.
Some of those service members worked as combat interpreters for the U.S. during the war in Afghanistan, only to relocate to and join the service in the U.S.
“The United States lacks the ability to absorb large numbers of migrants, and in particular, refugees, into its communities in a manner that does not compromise the availability of resources for Americans, that protects their safety and security, and that ensures the appropriate assimilation of refugees,” the order says.
Since the end of the war in 2021, some 180,000 Afghans have resettled in the U.S.
“How can the US government leave me behind in Afghanistan after I approved thousands of airstrike packages against the Taliban?” one Afghan who was in the final stages of case processing wrote in a text message shared with Fox News Digital.
“Members of Trump’s cabinet are U.S. military veterans and they fully understand what someone in my situation must feel like right now,” the Afghan wrote. “This was the only hope for me and my family.”
Prior to the executive order AfghanEvac sent a letter to the Trump team and other lawmakers urging them to continue resettling Afghan allies in the U.S. VanDriver said his letter has received no response from the new White House team.
Trump campaigned on the chaos that ensued when the U.S. military pulled out of Afghanistan in August 2021. President Joe Biden pointed his finger at Trump, who had agreed to a 2021 deadline with the Taliban, but Trump claimed the Taliban had not held up their end of the deal so he would not have stuck to the agreement.
If the refugee program is paused for 90 days, it would affect some 2,000 people. If it is paused in definitely, it could affect between 25 and 30,000 people, according to Van Driver.
Many of those who are waiting for approval to come to the U.S. are hiding out in Pakistan fearful of deportation back to Afghanistan where their lives are at risk before they get approval to come to the U.S.
Advocates say the decision walks back on a promise the U.S. made to Afghans who aided U.S. troops and non-governmental organizations when the U.S. pulled out and the government collapsed to the Taliban.
The order drew mixed reaction from Republicans.
GOLD STAR FAMILIES DEVASTATED BY BIDEN’S BOTCHED AFGHANISTAN WITHDRAWAL ENDORSE HEGSETH FOR SECDEF
“It doesn’t have to include the Afghans,” Rep. Derrick Van Orden, R-Wis., a Navy SEAL veteran, told Fox News Digital. “I learned a long time ago there’s waivers for everything. If you’re a man, woman or child and you assisted us in Afghanistan – I’m alive because of our Afghan allies.They’ve earned the right to come here.
“I think the move itself is correct,” said Rep. Morgan Luttrell, R-Texas, another former SEAL, said, adding that Afghan allies should be exempt from the order. “Those Afghan refugees fought alongside us. They have every single right, in my opinion, to be able to navigate these challenging waters to be in our country.”
“When you were bringing everybody out of Afghanistan, we were supposed to be targeting the civilians that helped us,” said Rep. Warren Davidson, R-Ohio, a former Army ranger said. “[Biden] flooded everybody that had any proximity to Afghanistan through that program.”
“There are people who were inside those C-17s [that evacuated Afghans in 2021] who should not have been there, who had been locked up in prison the day before,” said Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Calif.
“So we’re going to look carefully and review that. Are we going to pause it for five years and not keep our promise? No.”
The Trump administration “will be abandoning thousands of individuals who stood shoulder-to-shoulder with American service members, and who now, due to their loyal service and commitment to our shared values, remain at great risk in Afghanistan,” VanDriver said in a statement.
“Even a temporary pause puts our allies in further danger, compromises our global standing with any current and future allies, and breaks the promises we made as a country,” the AfghanEvac letter circulated among lawmakers reads.
Politics
Immigrant rights advocates prepare to fight Trump's immigration orders
WASHINGTON — A day after President Trump issued 11 executive orders cracking down on illegal immigration, advocates and a coalition of states led by California are preparing for court battles against an administration that appears to have learned from previous legal missteps made during his first term.
Among the many sweeping changes in Trump’s orders were the declaration of a national emergency at the southern border, the revocation of birthright citizenship and the designation of drug cartels as foreign terrorist organizations.
Immigrants and those who hoped to immigrate to the U.S. are reeling from the news. Thousands of migrants are indefinitely stranded in Mexico after Trump ended use of a phone app and canceled long-standing appointments by asylum seekers for legal entry. Afghan refugees who had been cleared for travel to the United States are now in limbo after Trump paused refugee resettlement. Undocumented immigrants in Chicago and other cities across the country stayed home out of fear of planned immigration raids.
Legal experts said subtle modifications to some of the orders reflected attempts by the Trump administration to beat back legal challenges preemptively.
“Some of this stuff they have done is to try and preempt a lot of the issues that they bumped into last time,” said Amy Fischer, director of the refugee and migrant rights program at Amnesty International USA.
Opponents of Trump’s orders wasted no time in challenging them. A coalition comprising California, 17 other states, the District of Columbia and the city of San Francisco sued the federal government Tuesday over Trump’s attempt to end birthright citizenship, calling it unconstitutional and asking the court to block it from taking effect.
The American Civil Liberties Union sued Monday night over the birthright citizenship order and submitted a legal filing in an ongoing case over the cancellation of appointments for asylum seekers at the border. Nayna Gupta, policy director at the left-leaning American Immigration Council, said the organization is also planning a lawsuit this week against Trump’s use of executive authority to “suspend the entry” of certain immigrants when doing so is deemed to be detrimental to national interests.
The ability to seek asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border is suspended, according to Trump’s order, “until I issue a finding that the invasion at the southern border has ceased.”
“Trump’s barrage of executive orders is calculated to create fear, create chaos, induce anxiety and drive our elected officials to capitulate and collaborate in a mass deportation agenda,” said Naureen Shah, deputy director of government affairs at the ACLU. “If we let Trump exert this kind of death grip over our communities now for immigration enforcement, we fear it will embolden Trump to come again and again for our civil rights.”
Longtime critics of illegal immigration hailed the president’s actions. “Thanks to Donald Trump, America’s borders are about to get a lot more secure,” Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Bonsall) said in a post on X. Issa’s district runs along the border east of San Diego.
Rep. Mark Green (R-Tenn.), chairman of the House Committee on Homeland Security, said in a statement that “nothing exemplifies a new day in America more than President Trump’s unwavering commitment to border security and restoring enforcement of our nation’s laws.”
Some of Trump’s orders are predicated on what opponents contend to be legally dubious claims. Birthright citizenship, for example, is enshrined in the 14th Amendment of the Constitution.
“He cannot unilaterally change that,” Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) said Monday night on CNN. “But that’s the conversation — the chaos — he wants to create.”
And in designating drug cartels as terrorist groups, Trump is preparing to invoke the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 against them. But utilizing the law would require courts to agree that criminal groups can be considered a nation at war with the United States. The Alien Enemies Act allows the president to arrest, imprison or deport immigrants from a country considered an enemy of the U.S. during wartime.
“Whether this is a war or there’s an invasion is going to be subject to litigation, and there is good law on the side against the president on this,” said Muzaffar Chishti, a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute.
But challenging some of Trump’s policies will be a challenge in itself. Fischer, of Amnesty International, said it’s harder to cleanly pick apart policies that are laid out in executive orders that overlap and rely on one another.
Other aspects of the orders have less conclusive legal precedent. Fischer pointed to the pause on refugee admissions, something Trump did during his first presidency. This time, the executive order calls for a report to be sent within 90 days to the president by immigration officials detailing whether resumption of refugee processing “would be in the interests of the United States.”
Tom Jawetz, a former senior attorney at the Homeland Security Department under the Biden administration, said Trump’s new administration is being both more cautious and more aggressive than last time. The policies he implemented before, such as Remain in Mexico, could be carried out more quickly and possibly more effectively. Under that policy, asylum seekers must stay across the border as their cases are being adjudicated.
But the more “exotic” provisions of some executive orders are largely legally untested, Jawetz said. Trump said during his inaugural address that he would deploy the military to the border region to combat illegal immigration.
“Aligning the mission of the U.S. military to border security, combined with a national emergency declaration and all of this invasion rhetoric, taken to the extreme, could be completely unprecedented and transformative,” Jawetz said.
Trump’s opponents are waiting to see the written policies that emerge from the executive orders. Litigation strategy will come down to how the orders are implemented, Jawetz said.
Some of those policies started trickling out Tuesday. In a news release, the Homeland Security Department announced that acting Secretary Benjamine Huffman had issued a directive ending the broad use of temporary humanitarian programs, which under then-President Biden were expanded to give legal protection to 1.5 million immigrants. Another directive rescinds long-standing guidelines that prevent immigration enforcement in sensitive locations, such as hospitals and churches.
“Criminals will no longer be able to hide in America’s schools and churches to avoid arrest. The Trump administration will not tie the hands of our brave law enforcement, and instead trusts them to use common sense,” the release states.
Times staff writer Rachel Uranga in Los Angeles contributed to this report.
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