Politics
Commentary: America has gotten ruder. Starting at the very top
If you’ve driven on the freeway in recent years, been to the grocery store, attended a movie or a live performance — heck, if you’ve been at all sentient — the findings of a new poll will startle you about as much as the sun rising at dawn and setting at dusk.
America has gotten ruder.
At least, that’s how a plurality of Americans perceive the tetchy state of our union.
A poll released this month by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center found that five years after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic many of those surveyed believe public behavior in the United States has changed for the worse.
Our politics surely have.
“Everything’s a war. Everything’s a battle. There’s no collaboration, no coordination, no civic pride,” said Don Sipple, a veteran communications strategist who helped shape campaign messages for George W. Bush, Arnold Schwarzenegger and Jerry Brown, among many others.
“Civic duty is just warfare,” Sipple continued. “And since Donald Trump entered the [presidential] race in 2015, it’s only gotten more corrosive and caustic.”
That’s what happens when you have a president with no filter, no conscience and a flamethrower where his mouth should be.
More on that in a moment.
The pandemic seems a good starting point to measure the foundering of America’s p’s and q’s, seeing as how it produced the equivalent of a national nervous breakdown and pried a deeply divided country even further apart.
The Pew survey found that just under half of U.S. adults polled — 47% — said the way people behave in public these days is ruder than before the pandemic. Two in 10 said today’s behavior is a lot ruder.
Some 44% of adults said public behavior is about the same; 9% said people are behaving a lot or a little more politely in public.
Those latter respondents have presumably been anesthetized, never set foot in the real world or live in a permanent, chemically induced stupor.
How do you — or, rather, how did the Pew researchers — measure rudeness? The behaviors they tested involved, among various trespasses, smoking, swearing and the use of technology around other people.
Of the eight actions mentioned in the survey, two drew the widest disapproval: 77% said it’s rarely or never acceptable to smoke around others and 74% said the same about taking a photo or video of someone without their permission.
About two-thirds of adults said it is rarely or never acceptable to bring a child to an adult venue, such as a bar or upscale restaurant; to visibly display swear words, such as on a T-shirt or sign; or to curse out loud in public.
Smaller majorities say it’s rarely or never acceptable to play music out loud or to wear headphones or earbuds while talking to someone. In both instances, a sizable number said it depends: Roughly a third said it’s sometimes OK to play music out loud, and about a quarter said that about wearing headphones while talking to someone.
The poll found the largest gap in perceived rudeness was between those of different ages.
Older adults were more likely than younger adults to consider it impolite to curse out loud, visibly display profanity or wear headphones or earbuds while talking to someone in person.
Strikingly, in an age when everything seems politicized there were not major differences in viewpoints based on respondents’ partisan affiliations. At the very least, Democrats and Republicans agree that wafting cigarette smoke in someone’s face and capturing their reaction on video — without first asking — is untoward.
Maybe there’s hope for the republic yet.
Not that you’d want to model the behavior of our boorish, foul-mouthed chief executive.
It seemed scandalous — and highly indecorous — back in 1992, when President George H.W. Bush referred to his Democratic rivals, Bill Clinton and Al Gore, as “two bozos.”
Bush felt obliged to apologize, as did his son George W., when he was seeking the White House eight years later and a hot mic caught him referring to one of the New York Times’ political correspondents as “a major league a—.”
It’s worth noting that indiscretion, however heartfelt, became public by accident. Bush didn’t bellow it out at a campaign rally.
Compare that with Trump’s casual profanity and the insults — “fat,” “ugly,” “scum,” “stupid,” “sleazebag,” “pencil neck,” “son of a bitch” — he regularly spews at opponents.
When he descended upon the Justice Department earlier this month to whine about the serial criminal cases he once faced, arguably the least shocking thing about Trump’s extraordinary, browbeating appearance was the presidential use of the profanity “bulls—” while in public.
“Donald Trump has been at the leading edge of changing the discourse norms of leadership in the presidency,” said Kathleen Hall Jamieson, a University of Pennsylvania expert on political communication and the author of extensive works on the subject. “I mean, he’s broken barriers never before broken.”
It’s hard to parse the degree to which politics shape culture and how much culture shapes our politics. As Jamieson noted, “We’re influenced by what we see around us. If I hear a lot of what we would traditionally mark off as uncivil discourse, it seems normal to me.”
Is it any surprise, then, that America has gotten ruder? Especially with the crassness and vulgarity routinely emanating from the nation’s ill-mannered chief executive?
Andrew Breitbart, the late conservative website publisher, famously suggested “politics is downstream from culture.” But it seems these days the waters have commingled, creating a pool that’s increasingly foul-smelling and polluted.
Like a fish, America’s manners have rotted from the top down. So, too, our political dialogue.
No wonder people hold their nose — and refuse to take their earbuds out.
Politics
Trump signs order to protect Venezuela oil revenue held in US accounts
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President Donald Trump has signed an executive order blocking U.S. courts from seizing Venezuelan oil revenues held in American Treasury accounts.
The order states that court action against the funds would undermine U.S. national security and foreign policy objectives.
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President Donald Trump is pictured signing two executive orders on Sept. 19, 2025, establishing the “Trump Gold Card” and introducing a $100,000 fee for H-1B visas. He signed another executive order recently protecting oil revenue. (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)
Trump signed the order on Friday, the same day that he met with nearly two dozen top oil and gas executives at the White House.
The president said American energy companies will invest $100 billion to rebuild Venezuela’s “rotting” oil infrastructure and push production to record levels following the capture of Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro.
The U.S. has moved aggressively to take control of Venezuela’s oil future following the collapse of the Maduro regime.
This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.
Politics
Column: Some leaders will do anything to cling to positions of power
One of the most important political stories in American history — one that is particularly germane to our current, tumultuous time — unfolded in Los Angeles some 65 years ago.
Sen. John F. Kennedy, a Catholic, had just received his party’s nomination for president and in turn he shunned the desires of his most liberal supporters by choosing a conservative out of Texas as his running mate. He did so in large part to address concerns that his faith would somehow usurp his oath to uphold the Constitution. The last time the Democrats nominated a Catholic — New York Gov. Al Smith in 1928 — he lost in a landslide, so folks were more than a little jittery about Kennedy’s chances.
“I am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk,” Kennedy told the crowd at the Memorial Coliseum. “But I look at it this way: The Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment.”
The most important part of the story is what happened before Kennedy gave that acceptance speech.
While his faith made party leaders nervous, they were downright afraid of the impact a civil rights protest during the Democratic National Convention could have on November’s election. This was 1960. The year began with Black college students challenging segregation with lunch counter sit-ins across the Deep South, and by spring the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee had formed. The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was not the organizer of the protest at the convention, but he planned to be there, guaranteeing media attention. To try to prevent this whole scene, the most powerful Black man in Congress was sent to stop him.
The Rev. Adam Clayton Powell Jr. was also a warrior for civil rights, but the House representative preferred the legislative approach, where backroom deals were quietly made and his power most concentrated. He and King wanted the same things for Black people. But Powell — who was first elected to Congress in 1944, the same year King enrolled at Morehouse College at the age of 15 — was threatened by the younger man’s growing influence. He was also concerned that his inability to stop the protest at the convention would harm his chance to become chairman of a House committee.
And so Powell — the son of a preacher, and himself a Baptist preacher in Harlem — told King that if he didn’t cancel, Powell would tell journalists a lie that King was having a homosexual affair with his mentor, Bayard Rustin. King stuck to his plan and led a protest — even though such a rumor would not only have harmed King, but also would have undermined the credibility of the entire civil rights movement. Remember, this was 1960. Before the March on Washington, before passage of the Voting Rights Act, before the dismantling of the very Jim Crow laws Powell had vowed to dismantle when first running for office.
That threat, my friends, is the most important part of the story.
It’s not that Powell didn’t want the best for the country. It’s just that he wanted to be seen as the one doing it and was willing to derail the good stemming from the civil rights movement to secure his own place in power. There have always been people willing to make such trade-offs. Sometimes they dress up their intentions with scriptures to make it more palatable; other times they play on our darkest fears. They do not care how many people get hurt in the process, even if it’s the same people they profess to care for.
That was true in Los Angeles in 1960.
That was true in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6, 2021.
That is true in the streets of America today.
Whether we are talking about an older pastor who is threatened by the growing influence of a younger voice or a president clinging to office after losing an election: To remain king, some men are willing to burn the entire kingdom down.
YouTube: @LZGrandersonShow
Politics
Federal judge blocks Trump from cutting childcare funds to Democratic states over fraud concerns
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A federal judge Friday temporarily blocked the Trump administration from stopping subsidies on childcare programs in five states, including Minnesota, amid allegations of fraud.
U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian, a Biden appointee, didn’t rule on the legality of the funding freeze, but said the states had met the legal threshold to maintain the “status quo” on funding for at least two weeks while arguments continue.
On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) said it would withhold funds for programs in five Democratic states over fraud concerns.
The programs include the Child Care and Development Fund, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program, and the Social Services Block Grant, all of which help needy families.
USDA IMMEDIATELY SUSPENDS ALL FEDERAL FUNDING TO MINNESOTA AMID FRAUD INVESTIGATION
On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services said it would withhold funds for programs in five Democratic states over fraud concerns. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana, File)
“Families who rely on childcare and family assistance programs deserve confidence that these resources are used lawfully and for their intended purpose,” HHS Deputy Secretary Jim O’Neill said in a statement on Tuesday.
The states, which include California, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota and New York, argued in court filings that the federal government didn’t have the legal right to end the funds and that the new policy is creating “operational chaos” in the states.
U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian at his nomination hearing in 2022. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
In total, the states said they receive more than $10 billion in federal funding for the programs.
HHS said it had “reason to believe” that the programs were offering funds to people in the country illegally.
‘TIP OF THE ICEBERG’: SENATE REPUBLICANS PRESS GOV WALZ OVER MINNESOTA FRAUD SCANDAL
The table above shows the five states and their social safety net funding for various programs which are being withheld by the Trump administration over allegations of fraud. (AP Digital Embed)
New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is leading the lawsuit, called the ruling a “critical victory for families whose lives have been upended by this administration’s cruelty.”
New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is leading the lawsuit, called the ruling a “critical victory for families whose lives have been upended by this administration’s cruelty.” (Win McNamee/Getty Images)
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Fox News Digital has reached out to HHS for comment.
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