Politics
Before going MAGA, Vance made big money in San Francisco's tech world
The new Republican vice presidential nominee hangs his proverbial hat on hailing from Middletown, Ohio — a steel mill town in the heart of working-class America.
But for a few years, J.D. Vance joined the world of coastal elites, building a robust venture capitalist career and hobnobbing with some of the wealthiest tech leaders in the Bay Area.
Miles away from his Appalachian upbringing and long before he became former President Trump’s running mate, he was quietly building a Silicon Valley venture capital career and a life in San Francisco.
In an essay for the Atlantic in 2016, he contrasted that reality with conditions in his hometown:
“A few Saturdays ago, my wife and I spent the morning volunteering at a community garden in our San Francisco neighborhood. After a few hours of casual labor, we and the other volunteers dispersed to our respective destinations: tasty brunches, day trips to wine country, art-gallery tours. It was a perfectly normal day, by San Francisco standards.
“That very same Saturday, in the small Ohio town where I grew up, four people overdosed on heroin. A local police lieutenant coolly summarized the banality of it all: ‘It’s not all that unusual for a 24-hour period here.’ He was right: in Middletown, Ohio, that too is a perfectly normal day.”
The man who would later write the bestselling “Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis” — and become a darling of the MAGA right — was in his late 20s when he moved to San Francisco likely around 2013, coinciding with a major boom for Big Tech companies such as Facebook, Google and Twitter. Venture capital firms were also “rolling in money,” said Peter Leyden, founder of Reinvent Futures and host of the AI Age Begins discussion series.
Vance “was here in the absolute boom time of an incredible ride,” Leyden said. “Everybody was gaga about tech.”
The Silicon Valley tech community Vance entered was fairly liberal — perhaps less so than royal blue San Francisco nearby, but moderate left at least. Still, several tech leaders told the Times, the industry has also harbored a cohort of conservatives. And some of the more vocal members of this minority emerged during the Trump years, including Elon Musk, David Sacks and Peter Thiel — all of whom are now in Vance’s corner.
Vance worked for “the subgroup that was more the libertarian, right-wing crew,” Leyden said. “Now that group has morphed since that decade into an increasingly kind of Trumpian, more radicalized right.”
Observing the boom and bust of tech informed Vance’s view of market forces, as he recounted at a policy and tech conference in February. At one of his first jobs at Mithril Capital, for example, he observed how seemingly rapidly growing businesses were doomed to bust, simply because the incumbent businesses in the field were already so big.
“Something I didn’t realize at the time … is that the thing that was wrong with their business wasn’t their business. It’s that they existed in a fundamentally non-competitive market,” he said at the conference, adding later, “We want innovation and we want competition, and I think that it’s impossible to have one without the other.”
He came to believe that antitrust policy can be a useful tool for allowing new companies to enter a market. In the same speech, Vance lauded Lina Khan, chair of the Federal Trade Commission, who has led antitrust investigations against major tech companies, such as Amazon, Google, Microsoft and OpenAI.
The problem with having big companies like Google monopolizing information, Vance said, is that they can be biased — and that can be bad for democracy.
“The American people, I think, should have the right to decide,” Vance said. “And if the new mode of acquiring information is fundamentally biased, I think it’s a far bigger threat to democracy than almost anything that’s called a threat to democracy in 2024.”
While it’s impossible to detail the impact Vance’s San Francisco days made on his political worldview, they certainly affected his wallet. One of Vance’s strongest Bay Area supporters was also one of his first bosses: Thiel of PayPal and Facebook fame, as well as a Republican megadonor.
Siri Srinivas, a partner at a venture capitalist firm, noted Vance’s connections.
“He isn’t just another guy who was a VC and then wrote a book and became a senator,” Srinivas said. “He also worked very closely with someone who has worked to collect political power: Peter Thiel.”
Thiel owned Mithril Captial, where Vance began as a principal. In 2017, Vance moved back to Ohio to co-found Revolution, a venture capital firm focused on investing in Midwestern startups, according to Axios.
By 2020, Axios reported, Vance had raised $93 million, with backing from Thiel, to start Narya, another Ohio-based venture with a portfolio that includes Rumble.com, a social media and video platform popular with the far right. It hosts Trump’s Truth Social.
As Vance’s tech career was taking off, so too were his political ambitions. And though he labeled himself a “never Trumper” in 2016, the Ohio Republican was coming around to more Trumpian postures — much like his sponsor in Silicon Valley. Thiel, who had served on the board of Meta, Facebook’s parent company, was become increasingly attuned to boosting Republican candidates, most notably donating to Trump.
Thiel donated $15 million to Vance’s Senate campaign in 2022, which was also bolstered by Trump’s endorsement. Vance sailed to victory, serving as Ohio’s senator for less than two years before being tapped for as a vice presidential candidate.
His Silicon Valley connections have already come in handy in his political career. Several news outlets reported that Vance was key in helping Sacks organize a fundraiser in June that raised $12 million for the Trump campaign.
“As I look out at this convention, I see a party that is strong and unified behind President Donald J. Trump and his pick for Vice President, Sen. J.D. Vance,” Sacks said at the Republican National Convention on Monday night. “And what about the Democrats? … We know what their agenda will be: four more years of chaos and failure, both at home and abroad.”
“In my hometown of San Francisco,” Sacks continued, “Democrat rule has turned the streets of our beautiful city into a cesspool of crime, homeless encampments and open drug use.”
What remains to be seen is how much Vance’s tech background will influence administration policy. Scott Wiener, a Democratic state senator from San Francisco, noted the new GOP platform explicitly supports the development of artificial intelligence and promises to “end Democrats’ unlawful and unAmerican Crypto crackdown.”
“I assume that was a very cynical play to try to get financial support from certain venture capitalists and tech people,” Wiener said.
But Srinivas, the venture capitalist, said Vance’s background in tech is at odds with his current politics.
“Most VCs are pro-science and having a technologist at the highest levels of government would be a huge win for Silicon Valley,” Srinivas said. “But, I’m not sure Vance is typical in that regard — he supported a ban on abortions in his last campaign, so I’m not sure he’s the best champion for science or technology.”
When asked at the February conference about how a future Republican administration would affect tech companies, Vance responded prophetically:
“As you know, personnel is policy, and a lot of what will determine Trump administration antitrust policy is who ultimately takes the reins the senior roles in the Trump administration, because they’re going to be the ones who are executing all this stuff.”
Politics
Elon Musk Is Expected to Use Office Space in the White House Complex
Elon Musk is expected to use office space in the White House complex as he launches the so-called Department of Government Efficiency, which aims to slash government spending in the Trump administration, according to two people briefed on the plans.
The space anticipated for Mr. Musk’s use is in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building, which is adjacent to the White House. The location would allow Mr. Musk, who owns companies with billions of dollars in contracts with the federal government, to continue to have significant access to President-elect Donald J. Trump when he takes office this month.
Mr. Musk has had discussions with transition officials about what his level of access to the West Wing will be, but that was left unclear, according to two people briefed on the matter. Staff members and others who are able to come and go freely in the West Wing typically require a special pass.
Mr. Musk donated hundreds of millions to help Mr. Trump win the 2024 election and has been a regular by his side since then, often using one of the cottages available for rent on Mr. Trump’s property at Mar-a-Lago. During the transition, he has sat in on official meetings and at least one foreign call, and weighed in on staff and cabinet choices.
It was not clear whether Vivek Ramaswamy, Mr. Musk’s partner in leading the project, would also have office space in the Eisenhower building.
The Musk-Ramaswamy project is called the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, but it is not a “department” in the sense of the Justice Department — an official, congressionally authorized part of the government. Mr. Musk’s status and the project have raised myriad issues about the rules for outsiders helping to wield governmental power.
DOGE staff members are currently working out of the Washington, D.C., offices of Mr. Musk’s SpaceX company.
Officials with the Trump transition and associated with DOGE did not respond to requests for comment.
The work around DOGE has so far been shrouded in secrecy, with the transition revealing little to nothing about how it will function, or how it will be budgeted for.
It remains to be seen how large Mr. Musk’s team will be, as well as what his own status will be. Some transition officials have suggested he could become a “special government employee,” a status that can be paid or unpaid and has more flexible rules for personal financial disclosures than what is required of ordinary employees.
Should he do that, Mr. Musk, the richest man in the world, would almost certainly forgo a salary. But there could be legal implications to how the Trump administration ends up defining Mr. Musk’s role and how DOGE fits in the executive branch bureaucracy.
One issue involves ethics rules, including financial disclosures and prohibitions on certain conflicts of interest, like limits on the ability of former special government employees to lobby on behalf of certain private interests after having worked on relevant topics during temporary service.
In particular, all government employees, including special temporary ones, are subject to a criminal conflict of interest law that bars them from participating in official matters in which they or their families or organizations have a financial interest. Because some of Mr. Musk’s companies have contracts with the federal government, that statute would seem to bar DOGE from working on related issues if he takes on such status.
If Mr. Musk or his staff were to become special government employees, they would have to file financial disclosure forms. If they decide to pass up sizable government salaries, however, the Trump administration could keep those records secret from the public.
There would also be implications for government transparency laws.
One such law is the Federal Advisory Committee Act, which regulates boards, panels, councils and other types of committees that work with people from outside the government to provide advice to the executive branch.
If Mr. Musk does not seek special government employee status for himself and all his staff members and everyone else who provides input, the act would seem to apply to DOGE’s work. Among other things, the law says that all meetings of such committees are to be conducted in public, and all the documents submitted to such a panel or produced by it are also supposed to be available to the public.
Mr. Musk has not yet determined whether he will take on the status and obligations of being a special government employee, according to his allies.
Another relevant issue is the Freedom of Information Act, or FOIA. It allows members of the press or the public to request access to official records, with certain exceptions, and to file lawsuits for court orders requiring their disclosure.
The president and his immediate staff in the White House whose sole function is to advise him are considered to be exempt from FOIA requests. But much of the larger bureaucracy surrounding them is subject to such requests.
Politics
Weiss Report: Hunter’s drug use can’t explain away not paying taxes on money earned by 'last name'
Special Counsel David Weiss’ final report on his years-long investigation into Hunter Biden determined the first son’s drug abuse could not explain away not paying taxes on millions of dollars of income earned off of his “last name and connections.”
“As a well-educated lawyer and businessman, Mr. Biden consciously and willfully chose not to pay at least $1.4 million in taxes over a four-year period. From 2016 to 2020, Mr. Biden received more than $7 million in total gross income, including approximately $1.5 million in 2016, $2.3 million in 2017, $2.1 million in 2018, $1 million in 2019 and $188,000 from January through October 15, 2020,” Weiss wrote in his final report, which was released Monday.
“Mr. Biden made this money by using his last name and connections to secure lucrative business opportunities, such as a board seat at a Ukrainian industrial conglomerate, Burisma Holdings Limited, and a joint venture with individuals associated with a Chinese energy conglomerate. He negotiated and executed contracts and agreements that paid him millions of dollars for limited work,” Weiss continued.
Hunter Biden, 54, had a busy year in court last year, when he was convicted of two separate federal cases prosecuted by Weiss. He kicked off his first trial in Delaware in June, when he faced three felony firearm offenses involving his drug use, before pleading guilty in a separate felony tax case in September.
DOJ RELEASES SPECIAL COUNSEL DAVID WEISS’ REPORT ON HUNTER BIDEN
Hunter Biden’s September trial revolved around charges of three felony tax offenses and six misdemeanor tax offenses regarding the failure to pay at least $1.4 million in taxes. As jury selection was about to kick off in Los Angeles federal court for the case, however, Hunter Biden entered a surprise guilty plea.
Weiss continued in his report that Hunter Biden “spent millions of dollars on an extravagant lifestyle rather than paying his tax bills,” and that he “willfully failed to pay his 2016, 2017, 2018, and 2019 taxes on time, despite having access to funds to pay some or all of these taxes.”
Weiss added that the first son’s previous drug abuse could not explain his failure to pay the taxes.
HUNTER BIDEN: A LOOK AT HOW THE SAGA SPANNING OVER SIX YEARS UNFOLDED
“These are not ‘inconsequential’ or ‘technical’ tax code violations,” Weiss wrote. “Nor can Mr. Biden’s conduct be explained away by his drug use-most glaringly, Mr. Biden filed his false 2018 return, in which he deliberately underreported his income to lower his tax liability, in February 2020, approximately eight months after he had regained his sobriety. Therefore, the prosecution of Mr. Biden was warranted given the nature and seriousness of his tax crimes.”
Hunter has a well-documented history of drug abuse, which was most notably documented in his 2021 memoir, “Beautiful Things.” The book walked readers through his previous addiction to crack cocaine, before getting sober in 2019. The memoir featured extensively in his separate firearms case in June, when a jury found him guilty of three felony charges related to his purchase of a gun while addicted to substances.
BIDEN PARDONS SON HUNTER BIDEN AHEAD OF EXIT FROM OVAL OFFICE
“The evidence demonstrated that as Mr. Biden held high-paying positions earning him millions of dollars, he chose to keep funding his extravagant lifestyle instead of paying his taxes. He then chose to lie to his accountants in claiming false business deductions when, in fact, he knew they were personal expenses. He did this on his own, and his tax return preparers relied on him, because, among other reasons, only he understood the true nature of his deductions and he failed to give them records that might have revealed that the deductions were bogus,” Weiss continued.
The tax case charges carried up to 17 years behind bars, but the first son would likely have faced a much shorter sentence under federal sentencing guidelines. His sentencing was scheduled for Dec. 16, but he was pardoned by his father, President Biden, earlier that month.
BIDEN WON’T PARDON HUNTER, WHITE HOUSE REAFFIRMS, BUT CRITICS AREN’T SO SURE
Hunter Biden’s blanket pardon encompassed a decade-period applying to any offenses he “has committed or may have committed” on a federal level.
Weiss’ report also took issue with the president’s pardoning of Hunter Biden, specifically with how President Biden characterized prosecutions of Hunter Biden as “selective” and “unfair.”
HUNTER BIDEN FOUND GUILTY ON ALL COUNTS IN GUN TRIAL
“This statement is gratuitous and wrong,” Weiss wrote in his report. “Other presidents have pardoned family members, but in doing so, none have taken the occasion as an opportunity to malign the public servants at the Department of Justice based solely on false accusations.”
“Politicians who attack the decisions of career prosecutors as politically motivated when they disagree with the outcome of a case undermine the public’s confidence in our criminal justice system,” Weiss wrote in another section of the report. “The President’s statements unfairly impugn the integrity not only of Department of Justice personnel, but all of the public servants making these difficult decisions in good faith.”
The DOJ sent Weiss’ report to Congress Monday evening, officially bringing the years-long investigation into the first son to a close.
Fox News Digital’s Brooke Singman contributed to this report.
Politics
With her city in flames, L.A. Mayor Karen Bass' political future hangs in the balance
Apocalyptic fires had been ravaging Los Angeles for more than 24 hours when Mayor Karen Bass stepped off a plane and into a now-viral encounter that may come to define her mayoralty.
As an Irish reporter who happened to be on her flight hurled questions at her, the mayor of the nation’s second-largest metropolis stood silent and seemingly paralyzed.
“Do you owe citizens an apology for being absent while their homes were burning?” No answer.
“Do you regret cutting the fire department budget by millions of dollars, Madame Mayor?” No answer.
“Have you nothing to say today?”
Bass stared forward, then down at her feet, before pushing her way down the sky bridge and out toward her smoldering city.
She had left Los Angeles on Jan. 4, as the National Weather Service intensified warnings about a coming windstorm, to attend the inauguration of Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama. She remained out of the country as the Palisades fire ignited, then exploded, with other fires soon erupting in and around the city.
She returned Wednesday to public outrage about her whereabouts and questions about empty hydrants, an empty reservoir and, according to some, insufficient resources at the Fire Department. Her handling of questions in the days that followed has only intensified some of that criticism.
Bass has also battled extraordinary dissension in her own ranks, with Los Angeles Fire Chief Kristin Crowley in interviews Friday characterizing the department as understaffed and underfunded and implying that Bass had failed her. False rumors that night that Bass had fired Crowley added to the chaos and sense that Bass was not entirely in control.
Now — while Bass navigates a calamity that will redefine the city — her political future also hangs in the balance.
In a moment of anguish where people desperately want heroes and villains to make sense of their own pain, Bass has undoubtedly become a punching bag for portions of the city.
Her absence, combined with an unsteady early performance and the unprecedented attack from her fire chief, have only intensified her vulnerabilities. And on X, she has become a much-maligned conservative meme.
But only time will reveal the severity of the political fallout. There will be investigations into whether fire and water officials failed and whether City Hall missed opportunities to make communities more fire resilient. Such answers will take months, if not years, to sort out.
In a belligerent California landscape only provisionally tamed by human hands, fire is an inevitability. Many of the seeds for destruction were sown long before Bass took office — rising temperatures that left hillsides dry and poised to explode with intense winds, planning decisions from generations ago that placed homes inside vulnerable, brush-covered canyons.
Even before last week’s unprecedented firestorms, climate change was reshaping California in terrifying ways, with fire leveling entire communities in places like Santa Rosa and Paradise.
And the hard work of rebuilding is just beginning.
“For all Angelenos, we are hurting, grieving, still in shock and angry. And I am too,” Bass said during a briefing Saturday morning. “The devastation our city has faced. But in spite of the grief, in spite of the anger, in spite of the shock, we have got to stay focused until this time passes, until the fires are out.”
Bass, who declined to be interviewed, pledged a “a full accounting of what worked and especially what did not” once the flames have receded.
Elected in November 2022, the first-term mayor has spent her initial years in office focused on the city’s sprawling and complex homelessness emergency. She has made some incremental progress on homelessness, but had also faced few external crises until last week.
Before the fires, even as Angelenos expressed frustration with the direction of the city, residents still largely approved of her job performance.
But that goodwill is dissipating.
In recent days, the hits have come from all sides, with her 2022 challenger, billionaire mall mogul Rick Caruso, castigating Bass in the media for her absence and handling of the fire.
Caruso, whose Palisades mall survived the conflagration with the help of private firefighters, told The Times last week that Bass’ “terrible” leadership had resulted in “billions of dollars in damage because she wasn’t here and didn’t know what she was doing.”
A Change.org petition demanding her resignation has received more than 120,000 signatures.
Bass, 71, has also been blasted over cutbacks in Fire Department operations, with those attacks coming from both the right and the left. Kenneth Mejia, the city controller and progressive darling, has been particularly critical on social media.
Bass and the city’s budget analysts have pushed back on that budget cut narrative, pointing out the department was projected to grow significantly this year — well before the fires broke out, thanks in large part to a package of firefighter raises.
On Monday morning, Dr. Patrick Soon-Shiong, the owner of The Times, said it was “a mistake” for the paper to have endorsed Bass in 2022 in an interview on “The Morning Meeting,” a YouTube-based politics show. (Endorsements are made by The Times’ editorial board, which operates separately from the newsroom.)
Critics have also harped on Bass’ lack of visibility outside of official briefings, saying the former six-term congresswoman has appeared more like a legislator than a chief executive during a moment when residents desperately want to feel reassurance from their leader.
Gov. Gavin Newsom, several members of the county Board of Supervisors and City Councilmember Traci Park, who represents Pacific Palisades, have been more visibly present than the mayor in affected communities and on local news.
But the real crucible for the mayor is only just beginning to take shape, with her political prospects inextricably tied to the almost unfathomably knotty recovery ahead.
In a place long circumscribed by disaster, Bass is facing a catastrophe with financial and logistical burdens that will likely dwarf the combined fallout from the 1994 Northridge earthquake and the 1992 civil unrest. She will also be responsible for a mammoth environmental cleanup effort and the challenge of housing thousands of newly homeless Angelenos in an already supercharged housing market. All of this will have to happen as she prepares for the massive footprint and operational challenges of the coming 2028 Olympics.
Before swaths of the city immolated, the Democratic mayor of an overwhelmingly Democratic city was widely expected to sail into a second term with no serious opponents in the 2026 election.
Potential challengers may now “smell blood in the water,” as one local political consultant put it, and reassess the viability of mounting their own campaigns amid a rapidly shifting political landscape.
A representative for Caruso, a Republican-turned-Democrat who spent more than $100 million of his personal fortune on his 2022 campaign, did not respond when asked if he planned to run again. Jane Nguyen, a spokesperson for Mejia, said the city controller was “focused on the job right now” and had not made any decisions about future races.
“I don’t think this is a fatal situation yet for her reelection chances,” said Ange-Marie Hancock, a former USC political science and international relations department chair, who now leads Ohio State University’s Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity.
There is still time for the former South L.A. community organizer to pivot back to the political brand she is known for, defined by “a deep sense of care for the community,” Hancock said.
But it won’t be easy.
Even some political allies have looked askance at the mayor’s handling of the snowballing critiques last week, with several expressing disbelief at the viral airport interview and her tone on followup questions in the days following.
The mayor, who has long brushed off questions she casts as politically motivated with an air of annoyance, was combative and defensive in news conferences when pressed about her trip. It took days for her to publicly acknowledge the level of raw fury being expressed about the city’s fire response.
Only a portion of the lethal conflagrations are within city boundaries, though Bass has also battled blame for the response to the Eaton fire, which is well outside her purview.
Others have condemned Bass’ critics as political vultures who are only hurting the city in an already perilous moment.
“It is not warranted,” Steve Soboroff, a former president of the Los Angeles Police Commission and longtime supporter of the mayor, said of the criticism. “It’s just convenient and easy for people who want to spend their time pointing fingers instead of looking forward. This was an act of God. This was a force majeure. This was beyond anybody’s control.”
Bass obviously does not control the wind, nor can she see the future. And an obliteration of this magnitude required a perfect storm of factors that few would have predicted several days ahead of time.
Still, before Bass left town, the regional branch of the National Weather Service was predicting critical fire conditions, verbiage that shifted to “extreme fire weather conditions” on Jan. 5. By late last Monday morning, they had issued an urgent warning for a “life-threatening & destructive windstorm,” raising nagging questions about the mayor’s priorities and why she did not leave Ghana sooner.
“I don’t understand how they did not cancel her trip,” a senior staffer for another local elected official said, explaining that their office had begun viewing the coming wind event as a grave threat during the preceding weekend. “It was political malpractice.”
The staffer, who was not authorized to speak publicly, said it was common practice for Los Angeles politicians to cancel, or prepare to cancel, prearranged events during severe weather events.
Still, Bass is not the first California political leader to lead in absentia during a moment of exigent crisis.
Former Mayor James Hahn was on a lobbying trip to Washington, D.C. on Sept. 11, 2001, and unable to return to the city for several days with air travel suspended. When the Watts riots erupted in 1965, then-Gov. Pat Brown was famously vacationing in Greece; his absence helped cement his ouster by challenger Ronald Reagan the next year.
In a city of more than 4 million people, TMZ happened to find two prominent Bass supporters — actors Kym Whitley and Yvette Nicole Brown — exiting a San Fernando Valley grocery store on Saturday. They fervently defended Bass in a seemingly impromptu interview.
They implied that Bass was being held to a higher standard as a Black woman and unfairly blamed for a natural disaster.
“When smear campaigns begin against her with a political motive, she’s not the kind to fly her own flag,” Brown said Sunday of the mayor, who typically eschews public political fights. “And more importantly, this is not the time for anyone to be trying to position themselves for the next election.”
The mayor’s quiet style and penchant for soft power, which some have found lacking in this moment of roaring catastrophe, could also be a strength in the months to come.
Bass’ dexterity as a coalition builder and the deep federal relationships that she used as a selling point during her campaign make her particularly well poised to succeed in leading the city’s recovery, Soboroff said.
As other state and local leaders took showboating shots at President-elect Donald Trump, Bass publicly sought to defuse the friction, saying she had been in conversation with representatives of the incoming administration and was not worried about any alleged lack of communication.
“During disasters, we look for someone to blame. But it’s also that our politics have become polarized and nationalized, so this gets used as an excuse to bash on California for a variety of reasons,” said Manuel Pastor, director of the USC Equity Research Institute.
Pastor, who served on Bass’ transition team, cited the echo chamber of disinformation on X and right-wing political actors seizing on the crisis for their own ends.
“She will be judged on the rebuilding, and she will be judged on whether or not the city can get itself in shape for the Olympics,” Pastor said.
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.
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