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In Vermont’s most competitive Senate races, 10 wealthy families contributed one-third of GOP candidates’ donations – VTDigger

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In Vermont’s most competitive Senate races, 10 wealthy families contributed one-third of GOP candidates’ donations – VTDigger


In Vermont’s five most competitive state Senate races, 10 generous families contributed more than one-third of all campaign donations to the Republican nominees, as of an Oct. 15 filing deadline.

Democrats in those five races, by comparison, can thank their top 10 highest individual contributors — among them, the candidates themselves and their family members — for one-fifth of their total fundraising numbers as of mid-October. That’s according to a VTDigger analysis of campaign finance data for the Caledonia, Chittenden North, Grand Isle, Orange and Orleans district races.

None of the five Republican nominees — Scott Beck, Chris Mattos, Pat Brennan, Larry Hart and Sam Douglass — are Senate incumbents, who historically have steep advantages, both at the polls and in fundraising. Beck, Mattos and Brennan are, however, current members of the Vermont House.

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These races are widely seen as the GOP’s best opportunities to flip Democratic districts in the Senate and crack the latter party’s two-thirds supermajority. There are currently 23 Democrats and Progressives in the chamber and just seven Republicans. 

GOP Gov. Phil Scott has been campaigning to support these down-ballot Republicans, telling Vermonters that his agenda depends on denting the Dems’ numbers. To reliably sustain his vetoes, Republicans would have to flip four seats. 

For 10 wealthy families, that potential outcome is worth dropping a substantial amount of cash.

Take, for instance, the five Republican candidates’ greatest familial benefactors: the Pizzagallis, who made their fortune in construction and real estate development. Four members of the family — Angelo, James, Jon and Remo Pizzagalli — each contributed about $1,000 to all five of the Republican Senate candidates. (Nineteen of the family’s 20 contributions to those five faces were for $1,000 exactly. The sole exception was the $960.60 Jon Pizzagalli donated to Hart of Orange County.)

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In an election in which Vermont’s rising cost of living and tax burden have dominated campaign trail rhetoric, Vermont Democratic Party executive director Jim Dandeneau said that these high-dollar donations suggest it’s Vermont’s wealthiest who are driving the conversation — not everyday Vermonters.

“The Republicans have tried to portray this as some kind of organic uprising about Democrats in Montpelier, and that’s not the case,” he said. “Democrats have spent the last eight years talking about building a Vermont that works for everybody, and not just the wealthy few. And the wealthy few are pretty upset about that, apparently.”

Scott’s campaign manager, Jason Maulucci, said he disagreed. “Talk to almost any member of their caucus,” he said of the Democrats. “Many of them have said it’s the number one issue they’re hearing when they’re going door-to-door.”

“To suggest that regular Vermonters aren’t feeling the pinch from higher property taxes and a new payroll tax, increased DMV fees, potentially seeing their home heating fuel costs go up billions of dollars — to suggest that they don’t care would be pretty tone-deaf,” Maulucci said.

Vermont’s campaign contribution limit from a single source, meaning an individual or a political action committee, is $1,680 for state Senate candidates, according to the Vermont Secretary of State’s Office. But that doesn’t mean families can’t coordinate their efforts to maximize their impact on local races. 

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The Pizzagallis are not alone in seeking to change the balance of power in the Senate. 

In its data analysis, VTDigger cross-referenced identical last names and addresses (as well as a number of common spelling irregularities) in campaign finance records to calculate the impact of Vermont’s wealthiest individual donors on the most closely watched legislative races. The totals may undercount total donations from these families, since not all members may share the same last name.

Five people with the last name Tarrant — related to Richard Tarrant, the founder of health care technology company IDX, philanthropist and 2006 Republican Senate nominee — donated more than $14,000 to four of the five Republican candidates. (To date, Mattos has not received a single check from a Tarrant.) Beck received the greatest amount of support from five members of the family, totalling $5,000, though none of them report living in Caledonia County, where Beck is running.

In total, the 10 families contributed 34% of all individual contributions to the five Republicans, as of October 15. The families’ cumulative contributions ranged from the Pizzagallis’ near-$20,000, to roughly $5,000 from Mark and Rick Bove, whose family operated the since-shuttered Bove’s Cafe in Burlington, owns the eponymous pasta sauce company and whose real estate empire has drawn negative headlines in recent years. 

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Several of the major donor families are involved in Vermont’s real estate industry, but not all.

The Ortons, who contributed nearly $7,000 to four of the five GOP candidates as of Oct. 15, founded the Vermont Country Store. The Dubruls, who distributed $5,000 among three campaigns, own and operate the Automasters car dealership enterprise. Paul Plunkett, a veteran executive of Hickok & Boardman Insurance Group, is the New England manager for the national insurance company Acrisure; he and his wife, Gina Plunkett (whose maiden name is Pizzagalli), together donated a total of $5,000 to Beck, Brennan, Douglass and Mattos.

As of Oct. 15, half of the 10 families had donated to all five Republican candidates; four donated to four; and one to three.

Another round of campaign finance reports were due to the Secretary of State’s Office by midnight Friday, after this story was published. The reports filed by publication time suggested that the families still had more cash to spare. In their Nov. 1 filings, Hart reported receiving $1,000 from Steele Dubrul of Shelburne and $960.60 from Eliot Orton of Steamboat Springs, Colorado.

To Dandeneau, the pattern of giving suggests some level of coordination between these high-rollers, a situation that is hardly uncommon. Maulucci, too, said, “It’s clear that they’re talking to each other.”

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“There’s a group of those business folks who are upset with the direction that the state’s going,” Maulucci said. “Not all of them are Republicans even, and they are trying to make a difference and give support to candidates they think will be more focused on making Vermont more affordable.”

What is different this time around, Dandeneau said, is Scott’s involvement in down-ballot races.

“This is Phil Scott making a play for a more pliable legislature, and he’s tapping into the folks who have historically funded his races,” he said, adding, “If we had 10 ungodly wealthy families on our side, I’d be doing the same thing for our people.”

Maulucci acknowledged that the Scott campaign had been in contact with some of the families, noting that many of them had contributed to his campaign, as well. 

“Often they’re asking us who we think are in competitive races, so we point to candidates that the governor is supporting,” Maulucci said. “And obviously, there’s been a lot of public attention to the Senate being particularly competitive, and the governor’s been on the stump campaigning for those candidates. So folks who have given to the governor and want to help out the governor might put two and two together and support some of those candidates.”

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The Pizzagallis have donated more than $15,000 to Scott this cycle. Former Wall Street executive and gubernatorial candidate Bruce Lisman has sent $2,500 his way.

Calls to members of several of the donor families were not returned. 

VTDigger also analyzed comparable data from the five Democrats running for these seats: Amanda Cochrane in the Caledonia district, Irene Wrenner in Chittenden North, Andy Julow in Grand Isle, Mark MacDonald in Orange and Katherine Sims in Orleans. Wrenner, Julow and MacDonald are incumbents (though Julow was only appointed to fill a vacancy in May). Sims is a member of the House.

Excluding contributions from the Vermont Democratic Party and political action committees (the Vermont NEA Fund, for instance, provided the maximum allowable contributions to Cochrane, Julow and Sims), Democrats’ major supporters contributed noticeably less money to hold onto the five Senate seats. While the Republicans’ top 10 donor families contributed at least $80,000 across five races, Democrats collected just $22,000 from their top supporters.

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“Not that our money came exclusively from small-dollar donations, but the bulk of our money was raised through nose-to-the-grindstone hustle, and not 10 phone calls,” Dandeneau said.

Four out of 10 of those top contributing families, however, were related to the candidates — or included the candidates themselves. Julow, for instance, donated or loaned himself more than $10,000 of his own money as of Oct. 15; his wife, Kim Julow, donated another $1,000 to his effort. Sims and her family members contributed roughly $4,500 to hers. Wrenner loaned herself $2,050. And Cochrane’s husband, John Raser, and her mother-in-law, Gail Raser, sent a combined $1,850 to the first-time candidate.

Republicans’ fundraising totals in the five races eclipse those of their Democratic counterparts when taking into account smaller donations, too. In total, Republicans raised $235,000 across all five races, compared to Democrats’ $166,000, as of the filing of their Oct. 15 reports.

One ripple effect of major donors’ input into these races is becoming clear: The grand total amount of money raised per state Senate race appears to be climbing.

In the Chittenden North district, first-term Democrat Wrenner raised $16,000 in 2022, and $18,000 by Oct. 15. By that time in 2022, her Republican challenger, former state Rep. Leland Morgan, raised a comparable amount: $17,000.

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This year, Wrenner’s challenger, Mattos, raised more than twice that by Oct. 15: $41,000.

“It is surprising,” Dandeneau said of the jump. “It’s completely out of the ordinary.”

He added, “It remains to be seen if this is a blip or a trend. I would like to say that it’s a blip. I’m concerned that it’s a trend.”





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Vermont

Somali flag flown outside Vermont school building brings threats

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Somali flag flown outside Vermont school building brings threats


WINOOSKI, Vt. — A small school district in Vermont was hit with racist and threatening calls and messages after a Somali flag was put up a week ago in response to President Donald Trump referring to Minnesota’s Somali community as “ garbage.”

The Winooski School District began to display the flag Dec. 5 to show solidarity with a student body that includes about 9% people of Somali descent.

“We invited our students and community to come together for a little moment of normalcy in a sea of racist rhetoric nationally,” said Winooski School District Superintendent Wilmer Chavarria, himself a Nicaraguan immigrant. “We felt really good about it until the ugliness came knocking Monday morning.”

The Somali flag was flown alongside the Vermont state flag and beneath the United States flag at a building that includes K-12 classrooms and administrative offices. Somali students cheered and clapped, telling administrators the flag flying meant a great deal to them, he said.

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What ensued was a deluge of phone calls, voicemails and social media posts aimed at district workers and students. Some school phone lines were shut down — along with the district website — as a way to shield staff from harassment. Chavarria said videos of the event did not also show the U.S. and Vermont flags were still up and spread through right-wing social media apps, leaving out the important context.

“Our staff members, our administrators and our community are overwhelmed right now, and they are being viciously attacked. The content of those attacks is extremely, extremely deplorable. I don’t know what other word to use,” Chavarria said Tuesday.

Mukhtar Abdullahi, an immigrant who serves as a multilingual liaison for families in the district who speak Somali and a related dialect, said “no one, no human being, regardless of where they come from, is garbage.” Students have asked if their immigrant parents are safe, he said.

“Regardless of what happens, I know we have a strong community,” Abdullahi said. “And I’m very, very, very thankful to be part of it.”

The district is helping law enforcement investigate the continued threats, Chavarria said, and additional police officers have been stationed at school buildings as a precaution. Winooski is near Burlington, about 93 miles (150 kilometers) south of Montreal, Canada.

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White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson called the calls and messages the school received “the actions of individuals who have nothing to do with” Trump.

“Aliens who come to our country, complain about how much they hate America, fail to contribute to our economy, and refuse to assimilate into our society should not be here,” Jackson said in an email late Thursday. “And American schools should fly American flags.”

Federal authorities last week began an immigration enforcement operation in Minnesota to focus on Somali immigrants living unlawfully in the U.S. Trump has claimed “they contribute nothing ” and said “I don’t want them in our country.” The Minneapolis mayor has defended the newcomers, saying they have started businesses, created jobs and added to the city’s cultural fabric. Most are U.S. citizens and more than half of all Somali people in Minnesota were born in the U.S.

At the school district in Vermont, Chavarria said his position as superintendent gave him authority to fly the flag for up to a week without the school board’s explicit approval.

The school district also held an event with catered Somali food, and Chavarria plans to continue to find ways to celebrate its diversity.

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“I felt sorrow for the students, the families, the little kids that are my responsibility to keep safe. And it’s my responsibility to make them feel like they belong and that this is their country and this is their school district. This is what we do,” he said.

___

Scolforo reported from Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.



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WCAX Investigates: Police participation in border program draws scrutiny

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WCAX Investigates: Police participation in border program draws scrutiny


BURLINGTON, Vt. (WCAX) – Vermont police officers are working overtime shifts along the Canadian border under a federal program that critics say could violate the state’s anti-bias policing laws.

“Up here, we’re so small we rely on our partner agencies,” said Swanton Village Police Chief Matthew Sullivan.

On a recent frosty Friday, Sullivan was patrolling along the Canadian border as part of Homeland Security’s Operation Stonegarden. The chief and other local officers work overtime shifts for the U.S. Border Patrol.

“It acts as a force multiplier because we’re able to put more officers out in these rural areas in Vermont,” Sullivan said.

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During an exclusive ride-along, Sullivan showed us a field where, as recently as last fall, migrants were smuggled across the border. “These people are really being taken advantage of,” he said.

From 2022 to 2023, U.S. Border Patrol encountered just shy of 7,000 people entering the country illegally in the region, more than the previous 11 years combined.

In several instances, police say cars have tried to crash through a gate in Swanton along the border. Others enter from Canada on foot and get picked up by cars with out-of-state plates.

The chief says the illegal crossings strike fear among local parents. “They didn’t feel safe allowing their kids outside to play, which is extremely unfortunate,” Sullivan said.

Through Operation Stonegarden — which was created in the wake of 9/11 — Sullivan and his officers get overtime pay from the feds. “We’re kind of another set of eyes and ears for border patrol,” Sullivan said. His department also gets equipment and training.

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Six agencies in Vermont participate in Stonegarden: The Vermont State Police, Chittenden County Sheriff’s Department, Essex County Sheriff’s Department, Orleans County Sheriff’s Department, Newport City Police Department, and the Swanton Village Police Department. Some three dozen across New England participate in Stonegarden. These agencies collect relatively small amounts from the feds — $760,000 in Vermont, $190,000 in New Hampshire, and $1 million in Maine.

But amid the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown, Stonegarden is under scrutiny.

“This has become quite relevant to a lot of people once again,” said Paul Heintz, a longtime Vermont journalist who now writes for the Boston Globe. “These three states have dramatically different policies when it comes to local law enforcement working with federal law enforcement.”

Vermont has some of the strictest rules about police assisting federal immigration officials. The Fair and Impartial Policing Policy limits cooperation with the feds and says immigration status, language, and proximity to the border cannot be the basis of an investigation.

“Vermonters have made clear through their elected representatives that they want state and local law enforcement to be focusing on state and local issues,” said Lia Ernst with the ACLU of Vermont. She says Stonegarden is crossing the line. “They don’t want their police to be a cog in the mass deportation machinery of any administration but particularly the Trump administration,” Ernst said.

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The ACLU and other critics are concerned that Stonegarden creates a cozy relationship between local police and immigration officials that can be used to enforce the president’s immigration crackdown.

Heintz says the distinction between civil and criminal immigration enforcement can be fluid. In most civil cases in which the feds seek to deport, Vermont law enforcement can’t play a role because it’s against the law. In criminal cases, which local police can enforce, immigrants can be detained and charged.

“An operation may start out appearing to focus on a federal criminal immigration issue and may turn into a civil one over the course of that investigation,” Heintz said.

“There is a lot of nuance to it,” admitted Sullivan. He insists his department is not the long arm of federal law enforcement and is instead focused on crime, including guns, drugs, and human trafficking. However, if someone is caught in the act of crossing the border illegally, that constitutes a crime, and the chief said he calls for federal backup. Though he said that rarely happens.

“It’s a criminal violation to cross the border outside of a port of entry, and technically, we could take action on that. But again, we’re not here to enforce civil immigration while working Stonegarden,” Sullivan said.

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Vermont Catholic Church receives bankruptcy court’s OK to sell Rutland property – VTDigger

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Vermont Catholic Church receives bankruptcy court’s OK to sell Rutland property – VTDigger


Rutland’s former Loretto Home senior living facility, as pictured in recent advertisements offering it for sale. Pomerleau Real Estate photo

Vermont’s Roman Catholic Diocese, now seeking to reorganize its depleting finances in U.S. Bankruptcy Court, has received permission to sell its former Loretto Home senior living facility in Rutland.

In a ruling this week, Judge Heather Cooper said she’d allow the state’s largest religious denomination to accept a $1 million offer from Rutland’s nonprofit Cornerstone Housing Partners, which wants to transform the Meadow Street building into transitional and long-term affordable apartments.

“The proposed sale represents the highest and best offer for the property,” church lawyers argued in court papers, “and the proceeds of the sale will assist the diocese in funding the administration of this bankruptcy case and ultimately paying creditors.”

Cornerstone said it had a $3.9 million commitment from the state Agency of Human Services to help it buy and rehabilitate the 20,000-square-foot facility.

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The nonprofit could immediately launch its first-phase plan for 16 units of emergency family housing under a new state law that expands locations for shelters. But the $1 million sale is contingent on receiving a Rutland zoning permit for a second-phase plan for at least 20 long-term apartments.

“We’re not going to purchase the building if we can’t create affordable apartments there,” Mary Cohen, the nonprofit’s chief executive officer, told VTDigger. “The goal is to create permanent housing.”

Cornerstone already has heard questions from neighbors as it seeks a zoning permit from Rutland’s Development Review Board.

“I think it’s a lack of understanding,” Cohen said. “We’re good landlords. We house people and take good care of our property. The application process will allow a public conversation about what our plans are.”

The Vermont Catholic Church filed for Chapter 11 protection a year ago after a series of clergy misconduct settlements reduced its assets by half, to about $35 million. Since then, 119 people have submitted new child sexual abuse allegations — almost double that of an earlier 67 accusers who previously settled cases over the past two decades.

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To raise money, the diocese enlisted Pomerleau Real Estate to market the Loretto Home after the facility closed in 2023. The property, under the control of the church since 1904, was initially listed at $2.25 million before being reduced to $1.95 million and, by this year, $1.3 million, court records show. The diocese received an unspecified number of offers before accepting Cornerstone’s $1 million bid this summer.

Under the Chapter 11 process, the Vermont church must receive court approval for all major purchases and sales until a judge decides on its call for a reorganization plan.





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