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How Union Reformers Took Over the Vermont AFL-CIO

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How Union Reformers Took Over the Vermont AFL-CIO


Changing the leadership, structure, or functioning of any US labor organization is no easy task. Activists and experts have long argued about whether dysfunctional unions are best reformed from the top down, from the bottom up, or some mix of the two approaches.

For the past sixty-five years, the main locus of union democracy and reform struggles in the United States has been local unions, which hold leadership elections every three years and are closest to the membership. Thousands of rank-and-file workers have campaigned for more militant unionism by running for and winning local office.

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Some have had the backing of national networks of like-minded dissidents, including Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU) and Unite All Workers for Democracy (UAWD), a TDU-inspired reform caucus within the United Auto Workers (UAW). And in recent years, TDU and UAWD supporters even ousted national headquarters officials from their respective unions, resulting in a major contract win for UPS Teamsters and a historic autoworker strike of the Big Three last year.

Very few modern-day reformers have mounted similar challenges to the status quo in city or state labor federations chartered by the national American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). Representing workers from different AFL-CIO affiliates, these central labor councils (CLCs) may be just as bureaucratic or dysfunctional as the individual unions that belong to them. But structurally, most are too far removed from workplace struggles to generate many electoral challenges to incumbent AFL-CIO officials, at the local, regional, or state level.

As a result, there have been few contested elections, like in the Teamsters and UAW, with opposing slates offering alternative programs for their unions. In AFL-CIO leadership votes, officers and executive board members are chosen by convention or council delegates, the same method used by most national unions. The rank and file has little or no say about who runs AFL-CIO bodies. One notable exception has been the Vermont State Labor Council, which represents twenty thousand public and private sector workers and that in 2019 was taken over by reforming leadership.

In the Green Mountain State, due to its small scale, most state AFL-CIO convention delegates are working members or retirees, not full-time officials. Since 2019, they have cast ballots in several hotly contested elections, which resulted in a mandate for change.

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Most recently, last September, they elected an all-women leadership team to three top officer positions and made thirty-one-year-old Katie Maurice the youngest state AFL-CIO president in the country — and the only one who belongs to the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). Maurice took over last fall from David Van Deusen, a fellow member of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME).

In his new book, Insurgent Labor: The Vermont AFL-CIO 2017–2023, Van Deusen describes how a group of local union officers and staff members created a reform faction called “Vermont AFL-CIO United!” five years ago (disclosure: I wrote the introduction for the book). These rank-and-file activists were frustrated by their labor council’s lack of militancy and creativity, plus its inability to aid new organizing, contract campaigns, or strikes.

Fourteen United! candidates got elected in 2019 — taking all the top officer jobs, forming a majority on the executive board and then winning a national AFL-CIO-ordered rerun of the original election. The reformers’ goal was to revitalize a moribund organization through membership education, mobilization, and direct action. They favored greater internal democracy and transparency, independent political action, and more labor support for social and environmental justice.

But inside and outside Vermont, that progressive agenda has proved to be surprisingly controversial. Rather than welcoming and applauding the election results, the national AFL-CIO — then headed by the late Richard Trumka — threatened to remove the reformers from office and put their council under the control of appointed staff members from Washington, DC. As Van Deusen recounts in his book, this trusteeship was averted, and union activists in Vermont have continued to make their state labor council a model for the rest of the nation.

Last fall, a second United! slate won a majority of the seats on the labor council executive board. Van Deusen’s successor, Maurice, hailed the results as an “affirmation of our desire to continue to focus on rank-and-file organizing within the state of Vermont over political lobbying.” New organizing, plus a major affiliation with the long-independent Vermont State Employees’ Association (VSEA), has nearly doubled the state federation’s dues-paying membership since 2019 (although the VSEA did not support the United! candidates last fall and instead backed the building trades slate that lost).

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Van Deusen reports in Insurgent Labor that state labor council meetings were opened up to all union members, not just elected delegates, and they began to attract their largest turnouts ever. The reformers also worked with building trades unions to pass so-called “responsible contractor ordinances” that require prevailing wages on major public construction projects in multiple Vermont cities and towns.

Vermont became the first state labor federation in the region involved in the “Renew New England Alliance.” This six-state “Green New Deal” coalition is campaigning for the creation of thousands of good union jobs — for workers building affordable housing, installing rooftop solar panels, cleaning up pollution, and slashing the carbon emissions responsible for climate change.

The new leadership’s savvy use of social media, radio shows, and local TV appearances allowed organized labor to reach a bigger nonlabor audience and build stronger relationships with community allies. Within the broader Vermont labor movement, Van Deusen aided rank-and-filers in non-AFL-CIO unions during their fight against a public employee pension cut favored by Republican governor Phil Scott and leaders of the Democrat-controlled state legislature. Labor council organizers used Vermont’s annual May Day rally in Montpelier to build support for the state’s immigrant workers (mainly Latino immigrants employed on dairy farms).

The state AFL-CIO has also been endorsing more third-party candidates for state and local office, hopefully giving Vermont Democrats a much-needed dope slap. “Since 2019, we have strengthened our ties with the Vermont Progressive Party [VPP], which has not only focused on workers’ rights but also championed broader social justice causes, in a political landscape often dominated by powerful corporate interests,” Maurice said. She continued:

The VPP’s role as a party for the working class is not just about rhetoric; it’s about tangible actions. It’s about supporting legislation like the VT PRO Act that would protect the right to organize, about standing up against union-busting tactics, and ensuring that union members have a seat at the policy-making table in Montpelier.

Before his death in August 2021, Trumka had the opportunity to support an exemplary CLC initiative that called attention to the threat of fascism in the United States. In anticipation of then president Donald Trump’s likely rejection of the 2020 election results, Vermont labor council delegates issued a call for “a general strike of all working people in our state” if there was a right-wing coup aimed at keeping Trump in office.

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AFL-CIO headquarters tried to block any discussion of such a contingency plan in response to a possible constitutional crisis (of the sort that might have occurred on January 6, 2021). After Vermont labor leaders debated the subject anyway, Trumka ordered an official probe of their alleged noncompliance with national AFL-CIO rules applying to local affiliates. In response, then state fed president Van Deusen urged AFL-CIO headquarters to investigate

how the example we are setting in the Green Mountain State could serve as a model for what a more engaged, more member-driven, more democratic, more anti-racist, more pro-immigrant and more organizing centered labor movement . . . could actually look like in other parts of the country.

This tug-of-war had a happy ending, temporarily. Vermont labor reformers got a “final warning” from Trumka shortly before his death, but none were removed and replaced by appointees from Washington, DC. Under Trumka’s successor, Liz Shuler, the national organization restarted its organizing subsidy to the Vermont State Labor Council, and relations with the national AFL-CIO took a welcome turn for the better — until last month.

In a January 22 letter, President Shuler informed the council’s new officers and executive board that she was investigating last fall’s “election process” based on a “protest appeal” filed by an affiliated union. She also directed them to “refrain from any discussion of the investigation . . . with the general public or entities and individuals not affiliated with the Labor Council.”

This attempted gag order is directed at United! supporters who have, in past internal disputes, tried to enlist allies on the AFL-CIO national executive board or keep labor media outlets informed about interference from Washington. Their impressive record of internal democracy and worker engagement should be a source of inspiration for trade unionists elsewhere, not an invitation to further harassment and meddling from headquarters.

Yet this new controversy underlines one of Van Deusen’s main messages in Insurgent Labor: the prospects for making real change rest in the hands of grassroots union activists. To meet the challenges facing Vermont workers, Van Deusen and his reform caucus built on the best of organized labor at the local and state level. They didn’t wait for instructions from the national AFL-CIO, which has consistently been a foe of bottom-up change in Vermont.

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Ben & Jerry’s Foundation says it will shut down amid legal dispute with parent company – VTDigger

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Ben & Jerry’s Foundation says it will shut down amid legal dispute with parent company – VTDigger


Two patrons enter the Ben & Jerry’s Ice Cream shop on Church Street in Burlington. File photo by Charles Krupa/AP

The Ben & Jerry’s Foundation says it will shut down at the end of the year after its corporate parent cut off funding and evicted its three staffers Wednesday. The move leaves $600,000 a year in grants to Vermont organizations, and 40 years of the ice cream brand’s progressive mission, hanging on a judge’s future ruling.

“This is the other foot dropping in terms of the way Magnum is trying to destroy the social values of Ben & Jerry’s,” said Ben Cohen, co-founder of Ben & Jerry’s Homemade, in an interview Wednesday.

The Vermont-based iconic ice cream brand has been in a legal fight with its parent company, The Magnum Ice Cream Co. — an ice-cream spinoff of the larger corporation Unilever — since November 2024. Ben & Jerry’s alleges that the corporation overreached its control, pushing out the CEO and interfering with the brand’s political views. The question before a judge is whether the corporate parent had the authority to reshape governance and withhold funding from the foundation. 

Amid the push-and-pull over governance, Unilever audited the foundation, which is the philanthropic arm of Ben & Jerry’s, in April 2025, finding conflicts of interest and a lack of governance and financial control. 

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Liz Bankowski, president of the foundation’s board of trustees, said in an interview that Unilever withheld the philanthropy’s funding late last year and ordered foundation staff to vacate its corporate office in South Burlington by July 15 because of governance issues the audit raised. This led the foundation’s leaders to join the ongoing lawsuit, fought by the ice cream brand’s independent board, in an effort to retain funding. The lawsuit is pending in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. 

While the foundation’s leadership is framing the decision to cease operations as the only option after Unilever withheld funding, an unnamed spokesperson for Magnum wrote in a statement to VTDigger that the shuttering is “entirely down to the Trustees and their decision to ignore the findings of an independent audit and failure to put in place basic good governance; much to our dismay.” 

Since the audit, the foundation has adopted a conflict of interest policy, but “the bottom line was that unless we changed our board, they were going to continue to withhold funding,” Bankowski said.  

Cohen described the audit as “a bunch of trumped-up charges.” 

“The foundation has been independently audited every year,” he said. “I think that Magnum was searching in vain for some illegal or unethical activities. I think they found none.” 

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Since Ben & Jerry’s sold the ice cream business to Unilever in 2000, the corporation has given $60 million to the foundation. The philanthropic arm has operated for 40 years, supporting the ice cream brand’s progressive mission by offering financial backing to social justice organizations across the country. The foundation does not have an endowment and is reliant on the funding its parent company gives annually, outlined in its merger contract.

A chunk of that funding, $600,000 a year, goes to Vermont organizations such as the immigrant farmworker rights organization Migrant Justice and the LGBTQ+ nonprofit Outright Vermont, according to foundation leaders. 

“We fill a particular niche that not a lot of other funders fill,” said Rebecca Golden, the foundation’s director of programs, who has worked at the organization for 34 years. 

Golden is one of three foundation staffers whose last day in the physical office is Wednesday, following orders from Magnum to vacate. Although Magnum did not directly address its vacate order in its statement to VTDigger, the spokesperson wrote that the foundation’s leaders recently “took the position that its staff are not Ben & Jerry’s employees, despite utilising Ben & Jerry’s offices and systems.”

Golden described the possible shutdown as an “enormous loss” that will not only affect the organizations that the foundation supports but also Ben & Jerry’s employees who “feel very proud of being a part of the foundation.” 

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“It’s been a really long year, so there’s been a lot of emotions — the whole gamut, as we like to say of the seven stages of grief. But I think at this point we’re sort of in the acceptance phase,” she said. 

The Magnum spokesperson indicated that the work of the foundation will continue even if its leaders decide to cease operations at the end of the year, writing that the company is “firmly committed to funding a grant-giving foundation, supported by appropriate governance controls to ensure it is living by its values.”

But Cohen is not confident that Magnum will uphold the values of the Ben & Jerry’s Foundation in the corporation’s continued philanthropic efforts. 

“What are they going to fund? I have no idea. My guess is that they would not be looking to fund entities that are opposed to the status quo,” Cohen said.

The foundation’s leaders have pointed to its support of Migrant Justice during a period when the farmworker organization was considering a boycott of Ben & Jerry’s as an example of their commitment to social justice. After immigrant farmworkers raised concerns about working conditions at farms supplying Ben & Jerry’s, the company joined a program that collaborates with farmworkers to strive for fair working conditions. 

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Political activism has been central to the Ben & Jerry’s brand since its founding. As a part of the ongoing lawsuit, Ben & Jerry’s alleged in a May filing that Magnum has been undercutting its social justice mission in order to “censor, intimidate and purge” the company’s independent board, which Cohen said was created to defend its progressive values. 

Three of the board’s members, including one who has been an outspoken critic of Israel, were removed late last year after the parent corporation introduced a new set of governance practices. In its motion to dismiss the lawsuit, Magnum argues that it retains ultimate authority and the brand’s social mission must be nonpartisan.  

As the lawsuit awaits a decision, Cohen, who is not a part of the suit, has created a campaign to “free Ben & Jerry’s,” amassing around 160,000 signers for its petition demanding that Magnum sell Ben & Jerry’s to a “group of values-aligned investors.”   

“The very values-led business model that built Ben & Jerry’s into this amazing, phenomenal brand is the very thing that Magnum is currently destroying,” Cohen said.





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Hazy, hot, and humid: Wildfire plumes give southern Vermont skies an odd glow

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Hazy, hot, and humid: Wildfire plumes give southern Vermont skies an odd glow


SOUTHERN VERMONT — A thick veil of wildfire smoke high in the atmosphere is transforming the sky over our local Bennington and Windham Counties this week – casting an eerie glow, muting the sun, and leaving air quality in the moderate range – even as temperatures and humidity remain oppressive.

According to federal forecasters, the hazy and particulate-laden sky and unusual colors are the result of smoke from more than 830 active wildfires burning across Canada and northern Minnesota, funneled into New England by the jet stream and trapped over the region by stubborn weather patterns.

What people are seeing, and why the sky looks so strange

Over the course of Wednesday, residents across Southern Vermont reported the sky shifting from orangey‑yellow to umber to violet hues tinged with pink, with a yellow cast over the landscape and a deep red or dark orange sun, especially nearest to sunrise and sunset.

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On a normal and clear day in Southern Vermont, tiny molecules in the atmosphere scatter mostly blue light, which is why the sky appears blue.

However, this week, the air is filled with larger particulate matter from wildfire smoke, which scatters longer wavelengths of light – oranges and reds – in a process known as Mie scattering (pronounced “mee,” and named after physicist Gustav Mie who first published the mathematical description of this weird-looking light-scattering phenomenon).

Due to Mie scattering, the sky can appear milky white, with sepia tones, or faintly pink‑violet, instead of blue. The sun may appear like a dark orange or red disk, especially when low to the horizon, and sunlight at ground level feels weaker and more filtered, as if being viewed through rose-tinted glasses. And these are the effects that we are currently experiencing.

Where the smoke is coming from, and how it travels

Federal agencies have reported that more than 800 wildfires are burning in Canada, with additional fires in northern Minnesota near the Canadian border. Many of these are large, and burning through dense boreal forests with little or no containment.

These blazes have triggered evacuations at their locales and in the surrounding areas, and are attributed to areas experiencing intensive drought.

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The smoke created from these wildfires reaches Vermont through a series of atmospheric steps.

The jet stream’s “conveyor belt” of high‑altitude winds scoop up smoke from the Central Canada region and carry it southeast across the Great Lakes and into New England.

A high‑pressure “lid” forms, where a strong high‑pressure system causes air to sink (a process known as subsidence) which then presses some of the elevated smoke closer to the surface.

A stalled weather pattern can occur, where slow‑moving systems over Canada and the Northeast keep the flow of smoke aimed at the region instead of sweeping it quickly away.

These patterns mean that – even though the fires are hundreds of miles away – fine particulate matter (PM2.5) from those blazes is now suspended over Vermont and neighboring states.

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Local air quality: Moderate, with cautions for sensitive groups

On Wednesday, air quality in Bennington and Windham Counties sat in the “moderate” category, with the Air Quality Index (AQI) fluctuating roughly between the low‑50s and high‑90s. This was driven primarily by PM2.5 from the presence of wildfire smoke.

In practical terms, most healthy adults can go about their normal routines outdoors. However, more sensitive groups – older adults, children, people with asthma, COPD, or heart disease – are advised to limit prolonged or heavy exertion outside, especially during the haziest periods.

Those with prolonged exposure may notice throat irritation, mild coughing, or even eye discomfort – particularly during intense exercise.

Residents can track real‑time conditions using the federal AirNow “Fire and Smoke Map” and Vermont‑specific dashboards, which show localized AQI readings as plumes shift during the day on Thursday.

How the smoke is affecting storms, heat, and humidity

The same smoke that is changing the sky’s color is also subtly reshaping the weather over Southern Vermont.

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Forecasters note several key effects. These include solar dimming, where smoke particles in the upper atmosphere scatter and absorb sunlight, acting as a partial sunblock. This can shave a few degrees off daytime highs, compared with what might otherwise occur under clear skies.

It can also include “capping inversion.” By warming the air aloft, the smoke can create a “cap” – a warm layer that suppresses rising air. This can weaken thunderstorms, even when surface heat and humidity are high.

Another key effect is cloud microphysics, where extra smoke particles provide millions of tiny surfaces for water vapor to cling to, producing many “very tiny” droplets rather than fewer larger raindrops. These smaller droplets don’t fall as easily, which can reduce heavy rainfall and the actual structure of a storm.

For example, on Tuesday night, Southern Vermont sat under extremely high humidity fueled by warm southerly winds pulling tropical moisture up the East Coast ahead of a cold front. Under normal conditions, that setup could have produced stronger thunderstorms. Instead, wildfire smoke likely muted the intensity of those expected storms, leaving the region with more of a muggy “soupy” feeling than the explosive severe weather that many expected.

Short‑term outlook for southern Vermont

Through Wednesday and into Thursday, forecasters expect the following for our Southern Vermont region:

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  • Sky conditions – Persistent haze and milky skies, with periods of thicker smoke as the plumes shift southward and then rise again. The sun may remain reddish or orange at times.
  • Temperatures and humidity – Highs in the mid‑80s, with oppressive humidity at times, especially ahead of the next cold front.
  • Air quality – AQI values are forecast to remain in the moderate range, occasionally bordering on “unhealthy for sensitive groups” during heavier smoke intrusions (these are expected through Thursday).
  • Showers and storms – As another cold front approaches us on Thursday, scattered showers are expected with isolated downpours and localized “non‑severe” thunderstorms. (Smoke may again limit storm strength somewhat.)

By Friday, higher pressure and drier air are expected to build in from the west, bringing more seasonable temperatures in the upper 70s to mid‑80s, lower humidity, and improved air quality – though some high‑level haze may linger.

For now, we will continue to look at our landscape through our “rose-colored” glasses.



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Severe Thunderstorm Watch in effect for Vermont, New York & New Hampshire Tuesday night

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Severe Thunderstorm Watch in effect for Vermont, New York & New Hampshire Tuesday night


The National Weather Service has issued a Severe Thunderstorm Watch for northern and central Vermont, New York’s North Country and northern New Hampshire until 4 a.m. Wednesday. Storms Tuesday night into Wednesday could contain damaging wind gusts up to 70 mph, hail up to two inches in diameter, frequent lightning and torrential downpours. A tornado or two is possible, but not guaranteed.



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