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Unpacking Mamdani’s Viral Victory Speech

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Unpacking Mamdani’s Viral Victory Speech

Eugene V. Debs (1855-1926), a labor leader and five-time Socialist Party presidential candidate, spoke these words in 1918 while awaiting sentencing after being convicted under the Espionage Act of interfering with the World War I draft. He ran for president from prison in 1920, as Convict No. 9653, and received nearly one million votes.

Mr. Mamdani has promoted raising the city’s minimum wage to $30 an hour by 2030, which would be a boon to workers like deliveristas, but is opposed by many business owners.

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The speech was notably short on conciliatory language, echoing the rancor of the late stages of the campaign. Neither Mr. Cuomo nor Mayor Eric Adams called Mr. Mamdani to congratulate him, though Curtis Sliwa, the Republican candidate, did.

Mr. Mamdani won with just over 50 percent of the vote. Former Mayor Bill de Blasio claimed a mandate after winning 73 percent of the vote in 2013, and then ran into opposition from Mr. Cuomo, then the governor, that thwarted much of his agenda. Eric Adams won 67 percent of the vote in 2021.

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Steinway Street in Astoria, Queens, includes a section known as Little Egypt, and is part of a stretch of Queens and Brooklyn neighborhoods that has been dubbed the “Commie Corridor.”

In Arabic, ana minkum wa alaikum translates roughly as “I’m one of you and I’m for you” (or “We are of you and you are of us”).

New York City has an estimated 4,000 to 6,000 Yemeni-owned bodegas, or small grocery stores, according to the Yemeni American Merchant Association.

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More than 90 percent of the city’s taxi drivers were born outside the United States.

Among South Asians, “auntie” is a term of respect for any older woman. Mr. Mamdani was criticized for referring to a relative of his father’s, who he said was afraid to ride the subway after the Sept. 11 attacks, as his “aunt.”

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During the campaign, Mr. Mamdani made repeated visits to Kensington and Midwood in Brooklyn and Hunts Point in the Bronx, neighborhoods that do not typically get much attention from candidates. He took only 19 percent of the vote in Midwood but handily won the other two.

According to the real estate website Zillow, the average rent for a studio apartment in New York City is $3,225.

The Bx33 bus runs between Harlem in Manhattan and Port Morris in the Bronx. Mr. Mamdani has vowed to make city buses fast and free. But the governor controls the transit authority.

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In 2021, when he was still an assembly member representing Astoria, Mr. Mamdani joined a hunger strike by taxi drivers to lower the price of medallions, which they need to drive. After 15 days, the city agreed to drastic cuts in drivers’ monthly payments.

Mr. Gerson, the speechwriter, said Mr. Mamdani had added this sentiment so supporters could pause to reflect on how far they had come since the start of the year, when Mr. Mamdani was polling at 1 percent.

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His parents are the filmmaker Mira Nair and Mahmood Mamdani, a professor at Columbia University.

One New York Post article described Rama Duwaji as Mr. Mamdani’s “aloof wife” and claimed she was quietly running the campaign. Thereafter, “aloof wife” became an ironic badge of honor on social media. Hayati is Arabic for “my life.”

Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential victory speech, which focused on hope and unity, was an early model for Mr. Mamdani’s address.

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Nehru (1889-1964), India’s first prime minister, made this declaration in August 1947, on the eve of the country’s independence.

A number of Mr. Mamdani’s plans are expensive and beyond the sole authority of the mayor, requiring support from the governor and Albany legislators. In his concession speech, Mr. Cuomo said those who voted against Mr. Mamdani “did not vote to support a government agenda that makes promises that we know cannot be met.”

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La Guardia (1882-1947), a New Deal-supporting Republican who served three terms as mayor, sometimes referred to himself as a socialist. He is considered by many — including Mr. Mamdani — to have been the city’s best mayor.

The New York City Housing Authority, the city’s biggest landlord, manages over 177,000 apartments that are home to more than half a million legal tenants. The buildings need repairs and renovations totaling some $78 billion, according to the latest estimate by the authority.

Mr. Mamdani proposed this new city agency to help address crime through treatment for mental health and drug abuse, moving some responsibility away from police officers and to health care professionals.

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President Trump’s notable firings include Carla Hayden, the librarian of Congress; Lisa Cook, a Federal Reserve governor; and Gwynne Wilcox of the National Labor Relations Board.

During the campaign and after, Mr. Mamdani has drawn criticism from some Jewish New Yorkers for his support for Palestinian rights and tepid condemnation of the slogan “globalize the intifada.” He has reached out to Jewish leaders to assuage their doubts.

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More than 20 billionaires contributed to super PACs opposing Mr. Mamdani, including Michael Bloomberg ($13.3 million), the Lauder family ($2.6 million), Joe Gebbia of Airbnb ($2 million), Bill Ackman ($1.75 million) and Barry Diller ($500,000). Mr. Mamdani has proposed a 2 percent tax increase on incomes of more than $1 million.

Mr. Trump has incorrectly called Mr. Mamdani a communist and threatened to deport him or deny federal funds to New York City if he was elected. But after Election Day, the president said he might “help him a little bit maybe,” because he wanted New York City to succeed. Mr. Mamdani used Mr. Trump’s antagonism — and his support for Mr. Cuomo — as a talking point.

Many speculated that “turn the volume up” referred to a song by the rapper KRS-One. But Mr. Gerson, the speechwriter, said it did not.

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As of the 2020 Census, 40 percent of New Yorkers were foreign-born. The city has had at least two dozen immigrant mayors, most recently London-born Abraham Beame, who ran the city from 1974 to 1977 and oversaw the city’s fiscal collapse.

Mr. Mamdani gives unacknowledged shout-outs here to former Gov. Mario Cuomo, Andrew Cuomo’s father, who spoke of poetry and prose, and to Ronald Reagan, who immortalized the image of a “shining city on a hill,” which he adapted from a 1630 sermon by John Winthrop, governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

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The median rent in a stabilized apartment is $1,570. Mr. Mamdani pays $2,300 for a stabilized one-bedroom apartment.

By some estimates, child care in New York City costs $15,000 to $20,000 per year. Many people are quite happy on Long Island.

Numerous members of the Adams administration, including the mayor himself, faced indictments or investigations. After Mr. Trump’s Justice Department abandoned the charges against Mr. Adams, apparently in exchange for his help with the president’s deportation agenda, the backlash quashed Mr. Adams’s diminishing hopes for re-election.

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Mr. de Blasio, whom Mr. Mamdani has called the city’s best mayor in his lifetime, made universal pre-K his signature legislation.

Zohran K. Mamdani, Paramount Theater, Nov. 4, 2025

Thank you, my friends. The sun may have set over our city this evening, but as Eugene Debs once said, “I can see the dawn of a better day for humanity.”

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For as long as we can remember, the working people of New York have been told by the wealthy and the well-connected that power does not belong in their hands.

Fingers bruised from lifting boxes on the warehouse floor, palms calloused from delivery bike handlebars, knuckles scarred with kitchen burns: These are not hands that have been allowed to hold power. And yet, over the last 12 months, you have dared to reach for something greater.

Tonight, against all odds, we have grasped it. The future is in our hands. My friends, we have toppled a political dynasty.

I wish Andrew Cuomo only the best in private life.

But let tonight be the final time I utter his name, as we turn the page on a politics that abandons the many and answers only to the few. New York, tonight you have delivered. A mandate for change. ​​A mandate for a new kind of politics. A mandate for a city we can afford. And a mandate for a government that delivers exactly that.

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On January 1st, I will be sworn in as the mayor of New York City. And that is because of you. So before I say anything else, I must say this: Thank you. Thank you to the next generation of New Yorkers who refuse to accept that the promise of a better future was a relic of the past.

You showed that when politics speaks to you without condescension, we can usher in a new era of leadership. We will fight for you, because we are you.

Or, as we say on Steinway, ana minkum wa alaikum.

Thank you to those so often forgotten by the politics of our city, who made this movement their own. I speak of Yemeni bodega owners and Mexican abuelas. Senegalese taxi drivers and Uzbek nurses. Trinidadian line cooks and Ethiopian aunties. Yes, aunties.

To every New Yorker in Kensington and Midwood and Hunts Point, know this: This city is your city, and this democracy is yours too. This campaign is about people like Wesley, an 1199 organizer I met outside of Elmhurst Hospital on Thursday night. A New Yorker who lives elsewhere, who commutes two hours each way from Pennsylvania because rent is too expensive in this city.

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It’s about people like the woman I met on the Bx33 years ago who said to me, “I used to love New York, but now it’s just where I live.” And it’s about people like Richard, the taxi driver I went on a 15-day hunger strike with outside of City Hall, who still has to drive his cab seven days a week. My brother, we are in City Hall now.

This victory is for all of them. And it’s for all of you, the more than 100,000 volunteers who built this campaign into an unstoppable force. Because of you, we will make this city one that working people can love and live in again. With every door knocked, every petition signature earned, and every hard-earned conversation, you eroded the cynicism that has come to define our politics.

Now, I know that I have asked for much from you over this last year. Time and again, you have answered my calls — but I have one final request. New York City, breathe this moment in. We have held our breath for longer than we know.

We have held it in anticipation of defeat, held it because the air has been knocked out of our lungs too many times to count, held it because we cannot afford to exhale. Thanks to all of those who sacrificed so much. We are breathing in the air of a city that has been reborn.

To my campaign team, who believed when no one else did and who took an electoral project and turned it into so much more: I will never be able to express the depth of my gratitude. You can sleep now.

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To my parents, Mama and Baba: You have made me into the man I am today. I am so proud to be your son. And to my incredible wife, Rama, hayati: There is no one I would rather have by my side in this moment, and in every moment.

To every New Yorker — whether you voted for me, for one of my opponents, or felt too disappointed by politics to vote at all — thank you for the opportunity to prove myself worthy of your trust. I will wake each morning with a singular purpose: to make this city better for you than it was the day before.

There are many who thought this day would never come, who feared that we would be condemned only to a future of less, with every election consigning us simply to more of the same.

And there are others who see politics today as too cruel for the flame of hope to still burn. New York, we have answered those fears.

Tonight we have spoken in a clear voice. Hope is alive. Hope is a decision that tens of thousands of New Yorkers made day after day, volunteer shift after volunteer shift, despite attack ad after attack ad. More than a million of us stood in our churches, in gymnasiums, in community centers, as we filled in the ledger of democracy.

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And while we cast our ballots alone, we chose hope together. Hope over tyranny. Hope over big money and small ideas. Hope over despair. We won because New Yorkers allowed themselves to hope that the impossible could be made possible. And we won because we insisted that no longer would politics be something that is done to us. Now, it is something that we do.

Standing before you, I think of the words of Jawaharlal Nehru: “A moment comes, but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.”

Tonight we have stepped out from the old into the new. So let us speak now, with clarity and conviction that cannot be misunderstood, about what this new age will deliver, and for whom.

This will be an age where New Yorkers expect from their leaders a bold vision of what we will achieve, rather than a list of excuses for what we are too timid to attempt. Central to that vision will be the most ambitious agenda to tackle the cost-of-living crisis that this city has seen since the days of Fiorello La Guardia: an agenda that will freeze the rents for more than two million rent-stabilized tenants, make buses fast and free, and deliver universal child care across our city.

Years from now, may our only regret be that this day took so long to come. This new age will be one of relentless improvement. We will hire thousands more teachers. We will cut waste from a bloated bureaucracy. We will work tirelessly to make lights shine again in the hallways of NYCHA developments where they have long flickered.

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Safety and justice will go hand in hand as we work with police officers to reduce crime and create a Department of Community Safety that tackles the mental health crisis and homelessness crises head on. Excellence will become the expectation across government, not the exception. In this new age we make for ourselves, we will refuse to allow those who traffic in division and hate to pit us against one another.

In this moment of political darkness, New York will be the light. Here, we believe in standing up for those we love, whether you are an immigrant, a member of the trans community, one of the many Black women that Donald Trump has fired from a federal job, a single mom still waiting for the cost of groceries to go down, or anyone else with their back against the wall. Your struggle is ours, too.

And we will build a City Hall that stands steadfast alongside Jewish New Yorkers and does not waver in the fight against the scourge of antisemitism. Where the more than one million Muslims know that they belong — not just in the five boroughs of this city, but in the halls of power.

No more will New York be a city where you can traffic in Islamophobia and win an election. This new age will be defined by a competence and a compassion that have too long been placed at odds with one another. We will prove that there is no problem too large for government to solve, and no concern too small for it to care about.

For years, those in City Hall have only helped those who can help them. But on January 1st, we will usher in a city government that helps everyone.

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Now, I know that many have heard our message only through the prism of misinformation. Tens of millions of dollars have been spent to redefine reality and to convince our neighbors that this new age is something that should frighten them. As has so often occurred, the billionaire class has sought to convince those making $30 an hour that their enemies are those earning $20 an hour.

They want the people to fight amongst ourselves so that we remain distracted from the work of remaking a long-broken system. We refuse to let them dictate the rules of the game anymore. They can play by the same rules as the rest of us.

Together, we will usher in a generation of change. And if we embrace this brave new course, rather than fleeing from it, we can respond to oligarchy and authoritarianism with the strength it fears, not the appeasement it craves.

After all, if anyone can show a nation betrayed by Donald Trump how to defeat him, it is the city that gave rise to him. And if there is any way to terrify a despot, it is by dismantling the very conditions that allowed him to accumulate power.

This is not only how we stop Trump; it’s how we stop the next one. So, Donald Trump, since I know you’re watching, I have four words for you: Turn the volume up.

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We will hold bad landlords to account because the Donald Trumps of our city have grown far too comfortable taking advantage of their tenants. We will put an end to the culture of corruption that has allowed billionaires like Trump to evade taxation and exploit tax breaks. We will stand alongside unions and expand labor protections because we know, just as Donald Trump does, that when working people have ironclad rights, the bosses who seek to extort them become very small indeed.

New York will remain a city of immigrants: a city built by immigrants, powered by immigrants and, as of tonight, led by an immigrant.

So hear me, President Trump, when I say this: To get to any of us, you will have to get through all of us. When we enter City Hall in 58 days, expectations will be high. We will meet them. A great New Yorker once said that while you campaign in poetry, you govern in prose.

If that must be true, let the prose we write still rhyme, and let us build a shining city for all. And we must chart a new path, as bold as the one we have already traveled. After all, the conventional wisdom would tell you that I am far from the perfect candidate.

I am young, despite my best efforts to grow older. I am Muslim. I am a democratic socialist. And most damning of all, I refuse to apologize for any of this.

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And yet, if tonight teaches us anything, it is that convention has held us back. We have bowed at the altar of caution, and we have paid a mighty price. Too many working people cannot recognize themselves in our party, and too many among us have turned to the right for answers to why they’ve been left behind.

We will leave mediocrity in our past. No longer will we have to open a history book for proof that Democrats can dare to be great.

Our greatness will be anything but abstract. It will be felt by every rent-stabilized tenant who wakes up on the first of every month knowing the amount they’re going to pay hasn’t soared since the month before. It will be felt by each grandparent who can afford to stay in the home they have worked for, and whose grandchildren live nearby because the cost of child care didn’t send them to Long Island.

It will be felt by the single mother who is safe on her commute and whose bus runs fast enough that she doesn’t have to rush school drop-off to make it to work on time. And it will be felt when New Yorkers open their newspapers in the morning and read headlines of success, not scandal.

Most of all, it will be felt by each New Yorker when the city they love finally loves them back.

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Together, New York, we’re going to freeze the… [rent!] Together, New York, we’re going to make buses fast and… [free!] Together, New York, we’re going to deliver universal… [child care!]

Let the words we’ve spoken together, the dreams we’ve dreamt together, become the agenda we deliver together. New York, this power, it’s yours. This city belongs to you.

Thank you.

New York

Video: Protesters Arrested After Trying to Block a Possible ICE Raid

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Video: Protesters Arrested After Trying to Block a Possible ICE Raid

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Protesters Arrested After Trying to Block a Possible ICE Raid

Nearly 200 protesters tried to block federal agents from leaving a parking garage in Lower Manhattan on Saturday. The confrontation appeared to prevent a possible ICE raid nearby, and led to violent clashes between the police and protesters.

[chanting] “ICE out of New York.”

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Nearly 200 protesters tried to block federal agents from leaving a parking garage in Lower Manhattan on Saturday. The confrontation appeared to prevent a possible ICE raid nearby, and led to violent clashes between the police and protesters.

By Jorge Mitssunaga

November 30, 2025

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New York

Video: New York City’s Next Super Storm

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Video: New York City’s Next Super Storm

new video loaded: New York City’s Next Super Storm

What’s a worst-case scenario for hurricane flooding in New York City? Our reporter Hilary Howard, who covers the environment in the region, explores how bad it could get as climate change powers increasingly extreme rainfall and devastating storm surges.

By Hilary Howard, Gabriel Blanco, Stephanie Swart and K.K. Rebecca Lai

November 26, 2025

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New York

New York’s BQE Is Falling Apart. The City Can’t Agree on How to Fix It.

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New York’s BQE Is Falling Apart. The City Can’t Agree on How to Fix It.

The triple cantilever runs along the edge of Brooklyn Heights, a wealthy and politically connected neighborhood. It stands as a symbol of resistance to Robert Moses, the power broker who rammed highways through communities.

When Mr. Moses tried that approach here in the 1940s, Brooklyn Heights residents pushed back, and Mr. Moses rerouted the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway around them.

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At the top sits the Brooklyn Heights Promenade, a cherished landmark with skyline views where generations of New Yorkers have come for their first date.

Below, two levels of traffic jut out like drawers pulled from a dresser. The highway is the main artery between Brooklyn and Queens, and it is part of Interstate 278, the only road that connects New York’s five boroughs.

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The cantilever, which opened in 1954, was designed to be used for 50 years. The risks only go up as it continues to deteriorate year after year, even as its life span has been extended with interim measures. While city officials and transportation engineers say imminent collapse is not a threat, other catastrophes could still strike, like concrete falling off and hitting vehicles.

Since 2018, two New York City mayors — Bill de Blasio and Eric Adams — have announced that they would fix this vital artery. But both administrations were unprepared for the ferocious community opposition to their ideas on how to proceed. Both struggled to build any consensus at all as local residents countered with their own ideas. The endless back and forth led to more delays and inertia.

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Traffic on the triple cantilever passes through Brooklyn Heights.

Erin Schaff/The New York Times

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The standoff over the B.Q.E. has become, more broadly, a symbol of the power that local communities wield over critical infrastructure projects around the nation.

Though community opposition is hardly new, it is thriving today as residents have become more nimble and sophisticated at influencing projects, or halting them entirely. They strategize about just who to target with their ads and protests, assemble technical experts and consultants to argue on their behalf, and extend their reach with email blasts, online petitions and social media.

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In Los Angeles, a plan to widen the 710 Freeway, one of the nation’s busiest freight corridors, was canceled in 2022 amid community opposition. A major street improvement project in Detroit was paused last summer, in part over the public’s concerns about its design, while state officials took another approach. And a Buffalo project championed by New York Gov. Kathy Hochul to reconnect communities divided by a highway stalled recently after a state court ruled in favor of critics.

This community pushback is often characterized as NIMBYism — the “not in my backyard” impediment to change — but the reality is more nuanced. Many Brooklyn residents say they are not against improving the B.Q.E., and, in fact, are fighting for a better future with less traffic and more space for people.

But now, time is running out for the triple cantilever.

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A highway in decay

The cantilever structure anchors a 1.5-mile stretch from Atlantic Avenue to Sands Street that is owned by the city. The rest of the 16-mile highway belongs to the state.

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Source: OpenStreetMaps.

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The New York Times

Even before the latest effort, state transportation officials had sought to rehabilitate the cantilever section in 2006. They dropped the project in 2011, citing fiscal concerns and other priorities. That left the problem to the city.

The triple cantilever was increasingly flagged for potential safety hazards, said Bojidar Yanev, a former city transportation official who oversaw inspections from 1989 to 2018. “The structure was unraveling,” he said.

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Since at least 1996, the city has fastened metal mesh sheets to the underside of the roadway, particularly below joints, as a stop-gap measure to hold crumbling concrete in place and prevent accidents.

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Photo by Helmuth Rosales/The New York Times

The growing areas protected by the mesh sheets became the most visible sign of the triple cantilever’s decay. It was not easy to inspect the internal structure, which was enclosed in concrete like a catacomb, Dr. Yanev said.

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Inspectors cut openings into the walls of the cantilever in 2016, finding that water and road salt had penetrated the structure at the joints. This caused the steel rebars in the concrete to corrode and expand, forcing chunks of concrete to fall off. Without major structural intervention, this degradation progressively weakens the triple cantilever’s strength.

In September, Times reporters captured video of the undersides of the triple cantilever to understand the structure’s current state.

Analysis of the footage revealed hundreds of steel mesh sheets placed along the structure’s undersides, including at the cantilever’s deteriorated joints, to hold the concrete in place.

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Note: Locations of steel mesh sheets are based on videos captured in September by The Times of the triple cantilever’s undersides.

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The New York Times

City officials say the triple cantilever is safe until at least 2029, with current protective measures. They closely monitor the structure and have taken steps to stabilize it, including making repairs and installing sensors to ticket overweight trucks. After that time, the city may have to further restrict traffic to reduce weight on the cantilever.

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First wave of ideas

Mayor de Blasio’s administration presented two options in 2018 to rebuild the cantilever, touching off the fiercest battle over the B.Q.E. since it was built.

Polly Trottenberg, then the city transportation commissioner, told residents in Brooklyn at the time that “none of the options are going to be very lovable, and that’s the challenge we face.”

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One option would rebuild the highway lane by lane and reroute traffic around the construction. The more controversial proposal, favored by the city, would erect a temporary six-lane highway over the promenade while the lower decks were rebuilt.

Both options would mean losing access to the promenade for years, but the temporary highway would also bring traffic, noise and pollution right to the doors of Brooklyn Heights.

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Furious residents rallied to save the promenade. They raised tens of thousands of dollars to fund their campaign, hired public relations and lobbying consultants, and started a petition that garnered more than 70,000 signatures.

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Of course, the promenade itself was born from an earlier fight with Mr. Moses. In 1942, the Brooklyn Eagle newspaper learned that a new highway could cut through the neighborhood and warned: “Plan for Express Highway Through Heights Is Shocking.”

Residents demanded that it be pushed toward the industrial waterfront and suggested building a “double-decker highway” to take up a smaller footprint, and a roof to cover the noise and fumes — which became the promenade.

Mr. Moses later wrote that “the two shelves of the cantilevers carrying commercial traffic and the overhanging cantilever roof for the promenade and park were designed for the greatest benefit to the Heights.”

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A view of the promenade then and now.

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The New York Times archives (left); Bedel Saget/The New York Times

This time, many Brooklyn residents, as well as architects and urban planners, looked to places like San Francisco, Seattle and Rochester, N.Y., that have torn down or repurposed highways to reconnect neighbors and create more housing, parks and transit.

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Two alternatives to the city’s ideas illustrate how Brooklyn residents see this as an opportunity to make radical changes that would benefit their neighborhoods and the city.

Mark R. Baker, a lawyer, businessman and parks activist, proposed in 2019 to move all the traffic to street level and enclose it in a ventilated tunnel. The cantilever would become a three-level park, called the “Tri-Line,” similar to Manhattan’s High Line.

“We had to protect the promenade, which is one of the most spectacular open spaces in New York City or the world, really,” Mr. Baker said.

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Roy Sloane, a graphic artist and advertising executive, advocated for his earlier idea from 2010 for a tunnel, which would help divert traffic away from the cantilever section.

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The “Cross Downtown Brooklyn Tunnel” — which would become the new alignment for Interstate 278 — would alleviate the traffic and pollution that spills off the B.Q.E. onto streets in the area. The triple cantilever could then be rehabilitated for cars and light trucks going between neighborhoods, and, with less traffic, nearby sections of the highway could also be turned into boulevards.

“Through traffic is the issue for the residential neighborhoods that are parallel to the B.Q.E.,” Mr. Sloane said.

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Other notable concepts included one by Bjarke Ingels Group to transform the triple cantilever into “BQ-Park,” a grander version of Mr. Baker’s Tri-Line. The City Council, working with Arup, an engineering firm, floated an idea to demolish the triple cantilever and replace it with a three-mile bypass tunnel.

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After hearing from residents, Scott Stringer, then the city comptroller in 2019, jumped in with a proposal to limit the cantilever to trucks, while adding bus and bike lanes and a park.

City officials promised to consider all these ideas. Mr. de Blasio, a former Brooklyn councilman with deep ties to the borough, convened a panel of experts to study the B.Q.E.

The panel reported in January 2020 that the cantilever was in worse shape than believed and called for safety measures, including removing two of the six traffic lanes to reduce vehicle weight.

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The steel and concrete triple cantilever has deteriorated over the years, and various ideas to renovate or overhaul it have failed to gain traction.

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Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times

Carlo A. Scissura, who led the panel, said the city was not ready to choose among the various concepts without more comprehensive engineering studies. “It would have just been like, ‘Oh, this looks beautiful, let’s just do it,’ ” he said.

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When the coronavirus gripped New York in March 2020, resources shifted to the health crisis, and the momentum to fix the B.Q.E. was lost.

Shortly before leaving office, Mr. de Blasio said the city would postpone a permanent solution and instead spend more than $500 million to shore up the B.Q.E. for 20 years.

Second wave of ideas

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After Mr. Adams became mayor in 2022, he decided the B.Q.E. could no longer wait. He hoped to tap into federal infrastructure funds unlocked by the Biden administration and start construction within five years.

Mr. Adams had opposed the city’s temporary highway idea in 2019 as Brooklyn borough president. And his new administration presented three new concepts — “The Stoop,” “The Terraces” and “The Lookout” — that shifted the focus to open space.

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The Stoop grew out of community interest in BQ-Park, the idea proposed by Bjarke Ingels Group in 2019. City officials hired the firm to help pressure test BQ-Park, only to find that it could not be built because of infrastructure constraints. The Stoop was developed as an alternative concept, but was later shelved amid criticism from residents about the design.

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Vishaan Chakrabarti, an architect and urbanist, said that many of the visions for the B.Q.E. did not fully consider engineering and cost constraints. “Communities get enamoured with ideas that aren’t viable, and then they start thinking worse of the ideas that are viable,” he said.

City officials said the B.Q.E. was an important economic artery, and that without it, trucks would jam nearby streets. They tried to strike a balance between a safe, modern highway and quality-of-life concerns, they said.

Since 2022, they have held 30 public meetings about the B.Q.E. In response to feedback, they committed to a plan that would not impact the promenade or Brooklyn Bridge Park, or require taking private property. They helped secure a $5.6 million federal grant to improve neighborhoods along the state-owned sections.

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Still, many Brooklyn residents complained about a lack of transparency. They said many of their questions were not fully answered and their suggestions went nowhere.

As public discussion evolved over the years, three broad groups of stakeholders emerged: neighbors, dreamers and pragmatists.

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The neighbors saw an opportunity to improve public transit and to reduce the impact of traffic on their health, safety and climate. The dreamers went further and envisioned tearing down the highway for more housing, businesses and parks, and shifting to more sustainable ways to move people and freight. The pragmatists focused on maintaining a vital traffic corridor that would still be needed in the future and fixing a cantilever that had become a safety hazard as soon as possible.

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Three broad groups of stakeholders of the B.Q.E. project are neighbors, dreamers and pragmatists — each with its own vision for the future of the expressway.

Bedel Saget / The New York Times

A leading voice of the neighbors was Lara Birnback, the executive director of the Brooklyn Heights Association, who said the city should develop “a more holistic, forward-thinking solution.” The association, which is part of the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway-Environmental Justice Coalition, has called for a corridorwide plan.

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“Our perspective at this point is, let’s not spend billions and billions of dollars cementing the status quo, no pun intended, by shoring up the cantilever for 100 years,” Ms. Birnback said.

In the dreamer camp was the Institute for Public Architecture, which highlighted the harmful legacy of the B.Q.E. through community meetings, an oral history project and a documentary by Adam Paul Susaneck, an urban planner. The dreamers asked: What would a future without the B.Q.E. look like?

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Antonio Reynoso, the Brooklyn borough president, said he saw a future with more freight moving on the waterways and less reliance on polluting highways like the B.Q.E. He told city transportation officials that he would like them to explore the option of tearing down the cantilever. But he said that option was never presented in community meetings.

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Aerial photo by Vincent Alban / The New York Times

Pragmatists like Samuel I. Schwartz, a former chief engineer for the city Transportation Department who established a transportation research program at Hunter College, urged city officials to immediately fix the cantilever and leave amenities like parks to be added later. He pointed to the Williamsburg Bridge as a cautionary lesson. In April 1988, it was shut down for more than a month after decades of neglect, causing widespread chaos.

“There should be urgency,” he said, “because something is going to happen if nothing is done.”

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Third wave of ideas

Many New York projects have run into opposition, like the $10 billion plan to replace the Port Authority Bus Terminal that was substantially revised last year with community input. “Community opposition is a way of life,” Mr. Schwartz said. “It doesn’t mean we stop.”

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But the B.Q.E. has often seemed adrift, without a strong champion at the helm to build consensus. Communities have a right to speak out, and “the job of government is to hear the voices and then whittle it down into something that works,” Mr. Stringer said.

Brooklyn Councilman Lincoln Restler said the Adams administration has seemed more interested in checking a box than really collaborating with the community. Any plan for the B.Q.E., he added, faces multiple layers of government review and approvals and will require community support to move forward. “We’ve got a long way to go,” he said.

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Cars in a traffic jam near the north end of the triple cantilever during rush hour in September.

Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times

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In 2024, the Adams administration presented another concept for the B.Q.E. — the city’s third attempt — this time emphasizing an engineering solution: a two-level, stacked highway that would be supported on both sides.

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Marc Wouters, an architect and urban planner, countered with yet another idea. In 2019, he had partnered with the Brooklyn Heights Association on a plan to protect the promenade. Since then, he has spent thousands of hours working on his own to take field measurements, build 3-D models and test engineering scenarios.

The result is the “Streamline” plan, which would be quicker to build, cost less than other options, and have minimal impact on the promenade and surrounding area, Mr. Wouters said. It would move all traffic to an expanded bottom deck and repurpose the upper deck for bike lanes and a park.

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“I’m hoping that it advances because it does seem to check a lot of boxes off for the community,” he said.

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Last month, Mayor Adams urged Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy to start the environmental review process for the B.Q.E., which would consider a range of plans and allow construction to begin in 2029. “After a fix for the B.Q.E. languished for decades, the Adams administration advanced this project further than ever before to build a safe, resilient highway,” said Anna Correa, a spokeswoman for Mr. Adams, this week.

But a new mayor, Zohran Mamdani, will take over in January and may have his own ideas. Mr. Mamdani knows that protecting the safety and stability of the B.Q.E. is “an urgent priority for the city,” said his spokeswoman, Dora Pekec. “After years of patchwork fixes that have only offered temporary fixes, the Mamdani administration will work to deliver a permanent solution for the city-owned sections of the B.Q.E. that both meets community needs and preserves this essential transportation corridor,” she said.

That will not be a quick or easy process. Big hurdles remain, including how to pay for the project. It was passed over for federal funding in 2024 and could cost up to $5 billion, depending on the plan chosen.

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“I think the B.Q.E. has just bedeviled and frustrated everybody who’s ever driven on it, looked at it, and worked on it — it’s like a curse,” Ms. Birnback said.

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An aerial view of the triple cantilever.

Bedel Saget/The New York Times

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Note: The ideas illustrated in the story are schematic interpretations by The New York Times, based on the original proposals.

Video at the top of this article by Todd Heisler. Additional work by Nico Chilla.

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