New York
He Was Held Captive in His Room for Decades. Then He Set It on Fire.
The firefighter scooped up the figure slumped on the kitchen floor and dashed for the ambulance waiting on Blake Street. As he moved through the smoky haze, he was struck by a thought that is still with him: It was like nothing was in his arms.
As the ambulance sped toward the hospital, emergency medical technicians administered oxygen; one reflexively commented on the overpowering smell. Right away, as if to apologize, the patient spoke up. It had been more than a year since he had been permitted to shower, he said.
A police officer in the vehicle leaned in.
The patient started speaking and did not stop. He gave his name, said that he was 32 years old and had spent most of his life held captive by his father and stepmother, who locked him in his room for some 23 hours a day.
At the hospital, he continued his story. He had been trapped for two decades, forced to defecate into newspapers and to funnel his urine out the second-story window. He hadn’t seen a doctor or a dentist in 20 years. Sometimes he was fed a sandwich. His teeth were so decayed they often broke when he ate. He was 5-foot-9, but he weighed only 68 pounds.
The ride in the ambulance, he said, was the first time he had been let out of the house since he was 12.
Then, he made a confession. He was the one who set the fire. He used a lighter forgotten in the pocket of an old jacket that his stepmother had given him. If he did not die in the fire, he had reasoned, he might finally be set free.
The revelations that began in that ambulance ride on Feb. 17 cracked wide one of the most shocking secrets to ever tarnish Waterbury, a small, former manufacturing city in the southern part of Connecticut. The police now believe what the man said in the ambulance that evening: For the past 20 years, an 8- by 9-foot room on the top floor of a disheveled house at 2 Blake Street was a prison cell for a boy — now a man — last been seen by the outside world when he was in the fourth grade.
But many in the community had feared for the boy’s safety for a long time.
For years before the man’s disappearance, his teachers, classmates, neighbors and his elementary school principal all believed he was suffering silently. They repeatedly called the Waterbury Police and the Connecticut Department of Children and Families to intercede for a child they said was so hungry that he ate from the trash and stole his classmates’ food.
Many reports that may have documented these calls have since been lost, but what records remain show that responding authorities determined the boy was doing OK.
After a while, without turning up any evidence of abuse, the calls stopped coming. In fact, until the fire, the last recorded police visit concerning the boy on Blake Street was April 18, 2005, in response to a call placed by his own father. He summoned officers to complain that he was being harassed by people continually checking up on his child.
That year, his son was pulled from school, purportedly to be educated at home. In interviews with police officers last month, the man told them that for a brief time he received school work sheets, but all formal education stopped shortly after. The next time he left his home, 20 years later, it was in the arms of the firefighter.
“He looked,” said Detective Steve Brownell of the Waterbury Police Department, who interviewed him later at the hospital, “like a Holocaust survivor.”
Late last month, the man’s stepmother, Kimberly Sullivan, 57, was arraigned in Waterbury Superior Court. She has been charged with kidnapping, assault, cruelty, unlawful restraint and reckless endangerment. If convicted of all charges, she could serve the rest of her life in prison. Last month, she pleaded not guilty.
“She is adamant that she had done nothing wrong,” her lawyer, Ioannis Kaloidis, said in an interview. Mr. Kaloidis laid blame on the biological father, Kregg Sullivan, who died in January of last year. (The biological mother had given up her parental rights to Mr. Sullivan, to whom she was briefly married.)
“They make it look as if Kim Sullivan made all the decisions, that she pulled him out of school, that she decided what he was or wasn’t going to eat, that she decided when he went to the doctor,” Mr. Kaloidis added. “She was not the child’s mother.”
Speaking at a news conference last week, Mr. Kaloidis disputed the man’s claims of captivity. “Where are the handcuffs,” he asked. “Where are the chains? Where are the signs of restraint? It doesn’t add up.”
In addition to her stepson, Mrs. Sullivan also had two younger daughters with Mr. Sullivan — Alissa, now 29, and Jamie, now 27 — who seemed to be free to come and go as they pleased. (The women’s biological relationships to the Sullivans are unclear.) In fact, several neighbors on Blake Street said they never knew there was a third child.
The man, who is recuperating at a Connecticut medical center, has not yet made a public statement. (The police have not released a photograph of him, nor have they released his name because they say he is a victim of domestic abuse.) A conservator, whose identity has not been made public, has been appointed by the court to protect the man’s interests. The Times asked both the Waterbury mayor and the state’s attorney to forward requests for comment to the man but received no response.
At a hearing where a judge ordered Mrs. Sullivan to wear an ankle monitor while on bail, Donald E. Therkildsen Jr., an attorney representing the state, told the court that when he met with the victim, “his first question was, ‘Why is she out walking around while I was locked up in a room for 20 years?’”
As he heals, the city is grappling with the failure of the authorities who were entrusted to help him. And another, more troubling question persists: How could this have happened to a child that so many people were so worried about?
‘I Have Been Kept a Secret My Entire Life’
Tom Pannone, who was a principal at Barnard Elementary School, says he can still remember the uneasy feeling he had about the child who was enrolled at his school in 2001. The boy arrived daily with a dirty plastic lunchbox, he said; at least once, Mr. Pannone found him in a bathroom before school started, devouring his packed lunch. It was there that he saw the boy standing at a urinal, drinking the water as he flushed. Mr. Pannone called the boy’s stepmother, he said, and the behavior stopped.
But the child was still always hungry and disheveled. Over the five years the boy attended Barnard Elementary, Mr. Pannone said he made call after call to the Department of Children and Families. Each time, he said, they would investigate and report back that the child was fine.
“You knew something was not right,” Mr. Pannone said in a recent interview. “He appeared to be a happy-go-lucky kid, but we knew that something was amiss.”
Even after the boy was pulled from Barnard Elementary to be home-schooled, Mr. Pannone said, he was worried. So he routinely sent attendance counselors to the house on Blake Street — technically, he reasoned, since the boy was not enrolled elsewhere, he was still a Barnard student. He also informed the police of his concerns, he said.
Police records indicate at least two calls to the house after the boy had been withdrawn from school. One, on April 1, 2005, was placed, according to the police report, by his classmates, who were afraid “that he may have died, because he has been out of school for so long.” Mrs. Sullivan told responding officers that her son was being home-schooled.
Frustrated, Principal Pannone tried another way.
He asked for the help of the Lopes family, who lived right next door to the Sullivans and whose son, Peter, was then a 10-year-old Barnard student. Mr. Pannone asked Peter and his family to keep an eye on their neighbor.
Peter Lopes, who is now 29, has not lived in the neighborhood since 2009, but said he remembered the last time he saw his former classmate. It was shortly after the boy was pulled out of Barnard. He can still picture a too-skinny kid with an infectious smile. The boy was standing on the peeling porch next door, but ventured no further.
“I said, ‘Where have you been?’” Mr. Lopes recalled. “I’m home-schooled,” was his answer.
In a warrant for Mrs. Sullivan’s arrest, the man said that his stepmother and his father forbade him to have friends. “I have been kept a secret my entire life,” he told the police.
Principal Pannone was not the only one trying to uncover that secret: For decades, the man’s half sister, Heather Tessman, whom their biological mother had given up for adoption before her son was born, fruitlessly dug through yearbooks of local schools she found online, she told The Times, hunting for the brother she had met once, when she was 3 years old.
“You can’t find a person who doesn’t exist,” Ms. Tessman, 35, who lives in Vernon, Conn., said in an interview.
“He didn’t get to see a movie. He didn’t get to go to a concert, he didn’t get to fall in love and get his heart broken,” she added. “It kills me.”
Counting Cars
Inside his room, which was secured with a slide lock from the outside, the man read and reread a handful of books, he told the police, looking up words he didn’t know in a dictionary. He “ultimately educated himself,” the police affidavit reads.
He escaped once. In 2005, when he was 12 or 13, he broke off a piece of the door’s center paneling; but rather than fleeing the house, he simply slipped down to the kitchen to scrounge for food. When his breakout was discovered, he told the police, his bedroom door was reinforced with plywood. Threats of withholding food, or violence, kept him from trying again.
The door, with its locks and plywood reinforcement, has been entered into evidence in the case. It was “clearly meant to keep someone in, not someone out of the room,” the police document said.
He kept track of the year by the snatches of radio he would overhear, following NASCAR races and University of Connecticut basketball. Mostly though, he looked out the window and counted the cars passing on Blake Street.
To the outside world, the Sullivans were a family of four — that is, Mr. and Mrs. Sullivan and their two daughters. Goodwin Lowe, 73, a clerical worker who has lived a few doors down since 2008, said that over the years, he would watch the girls playing in their yard and jumping on their trampoline from his patio.
“I never knew there was a boy in that house,” Mr. Lowe said.
It is unknown what conditions the daughters were raised in, or what knowledge they had of their stepbrother’s condition. The daughters have not been charged with any crime. Neither responded to calls for comment. None of Mr. or Mrs. Sullivan’s several siblings responded to text messages, calls or requests for interviews at their front doors.
Mr. Sullivan worked for 30 years in shipping at Gem Manufacturing, an industrial parts producer in Waterbury, according to a 2007 bankruptcy filing by his wife. Mrs. Sullivan was a retail clerk, working for a time at the perfume counter at a Macy’s at the local Westfarms Mall, according to a former supervisor there, Lee Wassell.
Several years ago, Mr. Wassell said, Mrs. Sullivan revealed that her husband had suffered a stroke and was using a wheelchair. She complained of being burdened with his care, Mr. Wassell said. She often talked about her daughters, he said, but never mentioned that she had a stepson.
For a time, the boy was allowed out of his room for maybe an hour a day to do chores. He stepped outdoors only to take a family dog to relieve itself in the back yard, he told police, excursions that lasted about a minute. Sometimes, when his stepmother was out of the house, his father let him out of his room to watch television together.
After his father’s death, the man told the police, his confinement to his room became near total.
A Lighter and Hand Sanitizer
The day of his escape was not planned. On one of his brief outings from his room, he had swiped a bottle of hand sanitizer and read on the label that it was flammable. With the lighter he had once scavenged from his late father’s jacket pocket, he set fire to a pile of printer paper, he told police. He waited until the blaze grew out of control before calling for help.
His stepmother unlocked his door and he fled downstairs, where he collapsed. According to a police report, two other people arrived at the house just then, and as the man lay there, he overheard his stepmother “yelling to them to get a screwdriver to get the locks off the door” before the fire department arrived. (The names of the two people have not been released.) His stepmother demanded he get up and wash his face, he told detectives; she didn’t want anyone to see how filthy he was.
He did not listen to her.
“He purposefully didn’t get up so the fire department would be forced to get him,” the affidavit read. He “believed this was the only way out of his situation.”
This was how Gabriel Goja, a firefighter with the Waterbury Fire Department, found him at 8:42 p.m. on Feb. 17. “For him to choose that way to get saved, it’s heroic,” Firefighter Goja, 35, said in an interview. “To get to safety by trusting us to save him — he saved himself.”
Since the fire, the man has been ensconced in a hospital rehabilitation center, according to Amanda Nardozzi, the executive director of Safe Haven of Greater Waterbury, a nonprofit organization that has been helping coordinate his care.
According to Ms. Nardozzi, he will need extensive physical rehabilitation — court documents state he has deformed knees and muscle wasting — and a carefully managed diet to avoid re-feeding syndrome, where a sudden flood of nutrients can kill a person near starvation. He is also receiving mental health counseling, Ms. Nardozzi said, funded in part by an official GoFundMe that has already raised over $200,000.
Three decades ago Tracy Vallerand, the man’s biological mother, gave up custody of her infant to the boy’s father. It was a hard time in her life, said Ms. Vallerand, now 52, and a diesel mechanic in Meriden, Conn. She said she had believed that her baby would have a better life with her ex-husband, Mr. Sullivan. When he remarried and moved, she said, he did not tell her where.
The next time she saw her child, she said, was on the body-worn-camera footage of his rescue from the house on Blake Street. Since then she has pored over reports of him and sat in court at Mrs. Sullivan’s hearings. But she has not been able to contact her son.
“I have cried and cried and cried and screamed and it makes me feel better for a little bit, but reality is that this has been a wide-awake nightmare,” Ms. Vallerand said in an interview.
“But I’m so proud of him,” she added. “I can’t say it enough.”
Susan C. Beachy contributed research.
Audio produced by Sarah Diamond.
New York
Trump’s Immigration Crackdown Pervades Long Island Suburbs
The sun poked above the horizon one bright March morning in the sprawling suburbs of Long Island. A fleet of federal vehicles began their daily search for immigrants.
They were followed, as usual, by Osman Canales, the roving neighborhood watch leader who has 100,000 Facebook followers and an entourage of secret lookouts. With one hand on the wheel of his black Jeep Grand Cherokee and another gripping a bullhorn, he telegraphed a warning:
“ICE is here!” Mr. Canales shouted in Spanish. “Stay home!”
President Trump’s immigration crackdown has played out most graphically in big cities run by Democrats, where aggressive tactics by federal agents have dominated headlines and fanned partisan debate. But in those cities, immigrant arrest rates have been erratic, spiking and plummeting.
The rhythm of detentions has been more steady in car-dependent places like Long Island, where agents have the advantage of stealth and where immigrants live far from the eye of news cameras. Just east of New York City’s jampacked boroughs, the arrest rates since last August have been consistently higher than in the city and the Hudson Valley.
The detention rate on Long Island has been about 60 percent higher than in the city and Hudson Valley since Mr. Trump took office. The rate remains slightly lower than in the rest of the country.
The expansive roads of Long Island have been fertile terrain for agents to capture migrants without the scrutiny that has often accompanied officials’ actions in big cities. Residents must drive for miles to get to work or to go grocery shopping, allowing officers to detain them during traffic stops beyond the critical eye of observers.
“It’s harder to say something when you’re in your car driving in a suburban area,” said Serena Martin, an immigration advocate and the executive director of New Hour for Women and Children, an organization that helps mothers, women and children whose lives have been affected by incarceration. “It’s not that people care any less. We just aren’t on the street walking in the way that people in urban areas have the ability to do to quickly mobilize, to take the photos, to take the video.”
On Long Island, Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents arrested about 12 people a day in early March, compared with about one a day in 2024. Nationwide, ICE agents were making more than 1,000 arrests per day in early March, compared with about 300 a day in 2024.
Deep-blue cities such as Chicago, Minneapolis and New York have vowed not to work with ICE, and protesters there have foiled large immigration operations by leaping quickly into action in substantial numbers. Federal agents in Manhattan have sometimes struggled to carry out arrests. Activists have chased them during a street raid, barricaded a garage where they were parked and staged a protest at a hotel where they were staying.
The pace of immigration arrests in the New York City area has remained at an elevated level since last summer — a contrast to the operations in Chicago and Minneapolis, where arrests skyrocketed for a month or two and then calmed down.
Arrests in Illinois fell from about 70 a day in October 2025 to about 10 a day at the beginning of March. In Minnesota, they fell from more than 80 a day in January to just about three a day. At the same time, arrests in the New York City area went from about 30 a day in January to about 28 a day in early March.
The Department of Homeland Security declined to discuss operations, but officials suggested that cities choosing to cooperate with ICE have less crime.
“Partnerships with law enforcement are critical to having the resources we need to arrest criminal illegal aliens across the country,” D.H.S. said in a statement. “We have had tremendous success when local law enforcement work with us.”
In Nassau County, the Long Island county closer to New York City, federal agents are aided by a partnership between local police and the Trump administration that empowers law enforcement officers to assist in enforcing immigration laws and transfer people into ICE custody. The agreement is known as Section 287(g) of the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act. And Nassau County isn’t alone.
A growing number of 287(g) agreements have been adopted across the country since Mr. Trump returned to office. In January 2025, 133 state and local agencies had agreements, according to a study by the American Civil Liberties Union. Since then, ICE has announced agreements with at least 1,000 agencies.
Bruce Blakeman, the Nassau County executive who is the Republican nominee for New York governor and an ally of Mr. Trump’s, has vowed to fight a proposal by Gov. Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, to ban officers from working with ICE through 287(g) agreements. Mr. Blakeman has passed several policies to help federal agents, including the deployment of local detectives to assist with deportations.
“Because of the county’s cooperation with ICE, we have removed over 2,000 illegal migrants with criminal records ranging from attempted murder, to rape, to car jacking and drug dealing,” said Chris Boyle, a spokesman for Mr. Blakeman. “It is a safer county.”
ICE agents have turned Nassau County’s fire stations into rest stops, pulling into parking lots to take a break from patrolling. Sandra Valencia, who runs a youth leadership program on Long Island through Rural & Migrant Ministry, an advocacy group, said that agents park outside schools after classes are released, frightening parents.
“Children of Republican parents have intimidated our kids,” Ms. Valencia said in Spanish. “They showed up to school with American flags.”
Latinos on Long Island have accused ICE of discrimination. In a lawsuit filed April 8, five residents of Latino descent said that agents unlawfully stopped and arrested them based solely on their race and ethnicity, with no regard for their immigration status, in violation of federal laws and regulations. The agency did not respond to an inquiry about the litigation.
Long Islanders have made plans in the event of their own arrest, asking family members to take care of relatives or property left behind. One woman who is living in the country illegally and spoke on the condition of anonymity because she feared reprisal said that in June, she decided to pack a bag with blankets, mittens, hats and a sleep sack for her 1-year-old baby in case they wound up in a frigid detention center.
Teenagers said they have felt shocked to see families unravel around them. Some said they worried that losing a parent or a sibling would risk their academic pursuits or deplete their family’s income.
Fernanda Mejia, 16, is the daughter of a bagel store worker who was detained in June while agents were searching for another person. In a tearful plea to the Republican-controlled Nassau County Legislature in July, she said that she was heartbroken to lose her father and urged the governing body to stop helping ICE arrest migrants like him. She said her father had no history of criminal behavior, and The New York Times found no evidence of a criminal background.
“My name is Fernanda Mejia,” she said, her voice trembling as she approached the lectern while wearing a ruffled skirt and a pink bow in her hair. “My dad was taken by ICE.”
Howard J. Kopel, the presiding officer, cut her off, drawing protests from audience members who demanded to hear more. When Fernanda finished speaking, Mr. Kopel was terse.
“I wish you good luck,” Mr. Kopel said. “I hope it works out. All right, next.”
Mr. Kopel declined an interview request through a spokeswoman.
Fernanda’s father had been deported to El Salvador. In her messy bedroom, piled with stuffed animals, makeup brushes and Polaroids, she keeps the gifts he sent from detention — a bracelet that he spooled together with broken rosaries and a necklace made out of beads shaped from bread.
Many adults around Fernanda barely go outside. Some depend on Facebook posts from Mr. Canales, the neighborhood watch leader.
On that bright March morning, Mr. Canales drove for hours before he found out agents had quietly arrested someone. He stopped for lunch at a Mexican restaurant, where the owner thanked him with a free torta and lamented a lack of customers.
Defeated, Mr. Canales finished eating, climbed back into his Jeep and braced for the next day.
Sheelagh McNeill contributed research.
New York
N.Y.P.D. Narcotics Unit Under Review After a Beating Is Caught on Tape
The New York Police Department said on Tuesday that it was launching a three-month review of its narcotics division after two of its detectives were recorded brutally beating a man they had mistakenly arrested during a drug sweep last week.
As part of the review, the Police Department said it had disbanded the team responsible for the drug sweep, a small group within its narcotics unit in Brooklyn. That team was shut down on Friday, and its members have all been reassigned or placed on desk duty, the department said.
The overhaul of the division was announced a week after videos showing two narcotics detectives punching, kicking and dragging a man across the floor of a Brooklyn liquor store spread online.
The videos show the two detectives beating the man, a security guard named Timothy Brown, as they struggle to wrestle him into handcuffs for nearly eight minutes. The department said the arrest had been part of an undercover operation in the area and that the detectives had believed Mr. Brown to be involved in a drug deal. After beating and arresting Mr. Brown, the police determined that they had targeted the wrong man and that Mr. Brown had not been involved in the drug sale.
The police charged Mr. Brown with resisting arrest and obstructing governmental administration, but the Brooklyn District attorney’s office said it would decline to prosecute the case.
The footage, and news of the mistaken arrest, prompted immediate backlash from New York lawmakers, civil libertarians and police critics, some of whom described the behavior as extrajudicial punishment. Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who has been careful not to anger the city’s police force, last week condemned the conduct in his strongest words of criticism since taking office. “The violence used by N.Y.P.D. officers in this video is extremely disturbing and unacceptable,” Mr. Mamdani wrote in a post on social media on Wednesday.
The Police Department moved quickly to discipline the two men in the video, Volkan Maden and Michael P. Algerio, both of whom have served with the N.Y.P.D. for more than a decade. On Wednesday, Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch called the videos “deeply disturbing” and said that both detectives had been placed under investigation and stripped of their guns and shields.
In the following days, the department removed the sergeant who oversaw Detectives Maden and Algerio from his post and placed him on modified duty. By Friday, six more detectives on the team, as well as the lieutenant and captain who oversaw the entire North Brooklyn narcotics operation, had all been reassigned.
In interviews last week, several lawmakers praised Ms. Tisch and Mr. Mamdani for taking swift disciplinary action against what they called a shocking display of police brutality.
“This video looked like something from the 1990s,” Oswald Feliz, the chair of the City Council’s Public Safety committee, said. “This had nothing to do with public safety, it had everything to do with violence and that is violence that we will not and cannot accept.”
But for some, the behavior of the two veteran detectives raised concerns about how the unit and department was functioning.
Some critics have pointed out that Detectives Maden and Algerio appear to use cellphones, rather than police radios, to call for backup. Others noted that neither appeared to be wearing, or using, body cameras during the arrest.
Lincoln Restler, a city councilman who used to represent the Brooklyn district where the mistaken arrest happened, said the episode had concerned him enough to refer it to the city’s Department of Investigation. In his referral, Mr. Restler requested that the agency examine the Police Department’s communication practices for instances of unauthorized text and phone communication, according to a copy of the email obtained by The New York Times.
In the city’s policing community, reactions to the video have been more mixed. Union leaders and several former officers have chafed at the mayor’s response, defending the behavior of the two detectives and saying that Mr. Brown had no right to resist arrest. (It is not clear from the video whether Mr. Brown was in fact resisting arrest or if he was unable to comply while being beaten.)
“This is what happens when City Hall rushes to judge based on a viral clip instead of facts,” the detective union’s president, Scott Munro, said in a statement last week. “It’s reckless. It’s dangerous. And it’s a failure of leadership.”
The Police Department said on Tuesday that the 90-day review will aim to address and reform the kind of policy violations raised by Mr. Restler and others. It added that both detectives were being investigated by the department’s Internal Affairs Bureau, which looks into reports of police misconduct.
The review will be led by the chief of department, Michael J. LiPetri, and will examine the policies of the entire narcotics division to make sure that its officers are enforcing their duties “safely and effectively,” the department said.
As part of the process, the department will review the current training that narcotics detectives receive and will ensure that all officers in the unit use “appropriate equipment.” The department also said it would clarify its current policy to require detectives to use body cameras during drug operations.
The department also said it will require commanding officers to regularly check in on the narcotics unit to ensure that it is meeting departmental standards for professional conduct during its operations.
New York
Harvey Weinstein’s Third Trial on Rape Charge Opens in Manhattan
She testified last year that she first met the former producer when she was about 27, after moving to Los Angeles to pursue a career in acting. He pressured her into giving him a massage shortly after, she said.
In 2013, she was visiting New York and had planned a morning meal with friends and the producer. He arrived early and got a hotel room over her objections, Ms. Mann testified. Still, she went with him to the room, where he injected his penis with medication that produced an erection and then raped her, she said.
She tried to fight, she said, but eventually “I just gave up, I wanted to get out.”
In the years that followed, Ms. Mann said, she fell into a complex relationship with Mr. Weinstein, which included friendly email exchanges, phone calls and several consensual sexual encounters. In her testimony last year, she called it a “dance” in which she tried to keep him both happy and at a distance. At one point, Ms. Mann said, she decided to enter a romantic relationship with him.
During cross-examination, a lawyer for Mr. Weinstein questioned Ms. Mann about money — close to $500,000 — that she had received as settlement payments through a fund established as part of the bankruptcy of Mr. Weinstein’s company.
“This is not about money for me,” Ms. Mann testified.
For this trial, Mr. Weinstein has hired a new trial team of Jacob Kaplan, Marc Agnifilo and Teny Geragos.
The lawyers have already signaled that their defense will differ, at least slightly. They have indicated that they will not argue that Ms. Mann made the accusations against their client for financial gain.
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