New Jersey
The congressional rematch – New Jersey Globe
It’s been greater than 40 years since a New Jersey congressional candidate gained a rematch with an incumbent, some extent that gained’t essentially have an effect on 5 Home races this 12 months, aside from believers in political superstition.
5 candidates, all Republicans, are in search of rematches of races with Democratic congressmen they’ve beforehand challenged: Tom Kean, Jr. within the seventh district, Frank Pallotta within the fifth, Claire Gustafson within the 1st, Billy Prempeh within the ninth, and David Pinckney within the tenth.
Kean, the previous minority chief of the New Jersey State Senate, got here inside one share level of ousting Tom Malinowski in 2020. He’s the front-runner in a area of six GOP candidates in search of to tackle Malinowski this fall in a district that grew to become extra Republican after redistricting.
The final time a candidate gained a rematch was in 1980, when two Republicans who had run in 1978 – Christopher Smith and Marge Roukema — ousted Democratic incumbents.
Smith was the 25-year-old government director of New Jersey Proper to Life in 1978 when he gained 37% of the vote in opposition to Frank Thompson, Jr., the chairman of the Home Administration Committee who was first elected to Congress in 1954. Two years later, following Thompson’s indictment within the Abscam scandal, Smith beat him, 55%-41%. The 69-year-old Smith is now the longest-serving congressman in New Jersey historical past.
Democrat Andrew Maguire, who labored on the U.S. Division of State when Lyndon Johnson was president, ousted a 22-year GOP congressman, Invoice Widnall, within the 1974 Watergate landslide. Roukema, a former Ridgewood college board member, held Maguire to 52.5% in 1978 and defeated him by 4 factors, 51%-47%, in 1980.
Roukema served for 22 years within the seat Pallotta now desires to take from Josh Gottheimer on his second strive.
Gottheimer virtually confronted a rematch in 2020. John McCann, a former Cresskill councilman who gained 42% in opposition to Gottheimer in 2018, needed to run once more. However McCann misplaced the GOP major by 20 factors to Pallotta.
Gustafson, a former Collingswood college board member, is the favourite in a GOP major in opposition to Damon Galdo. She desires to tackle Donald Norcross once more after shedding 62%-38% two years in the past.
Pinckney gained 12% of the vote in opposition to Donald Payne, Jr. in 2016 and his making his second do that 12 months. He has the GOP group strains in Essex, Hudson and Union counties in his major in opposition to newcomer Garth Stewart.
With no major opponent, U.S. Air Power veteran Prempeh will get a rematch in opposition to 13-term incumbent Invoice Pascrell, Jr. Pascrell defeated him by 34 factors in 2020.
Outdated New Jersey rematches
One other Republican congressional candidate in 1980, Assemblywoman Marie Muhler, got here inside 2,085 vote (50%-49%) of unseating eight-term incumbent James Howard. Muhler’s 1982 rematch in a redrawn Monmouth-based district and in Ronald Reagan’s mid-term election, was much less profitable: she misplaced by a landslide 62%-36% margin.
Howard had two rematches throughout a profession than started when he rode LBJ’s coattails to an upset victory in 1964. He beat 26-year-old Nixon White Home aide Invoice Dowd in 1970 by 12 share factors and t hen once more in 1972 by six factors. Dowd handed on a 3rd run at Howard within the Watergate 12 months and went on to function an assemblyman and Monmouth GOP chairman.
Three Watergate Infants – Jim Florio, Invoice Hughes and Helen Meyner – had been winners on their second strive. (A fourth member of the Class of 1974 from New Jersey, Maguire, had run a robust race for Bergen County Freeholder in 1973.)
Florio was a 33-year-old two-term assemblyman from Camden County when he took on John Hunt, an genuine South Jersey conservative, in 1972. Hunt, a former Gloucester sheriff and state senator, defeated Florio by 10,158 votes, 52%-47%, in 1972. Two years later, Florio flipped the first district by 19 share factors, ending Hunt’s congressional profession after 4 phrases.
One other conservative, Charles W. Sandman, Jr. was well-known statewide as a former Senate President, four-term congressman, and three-time gubernatorial candidate. In 1973, Sandman beat incumbent Gov. William Cahill within the Republican major, however then misplaced the final election to Brendan Byrne by 738,378 votes, 67%-32%. Byrne carried 20 counties – in every single place however Sandman’s house county of Cape Could – and Democrats flipped 13 State Senate seats and 26 seats within the State Meeting.
Hughes, a former First Assistant Cape Could County Prosector, held Sandman to a 51.7%-48.3% win his 1970 Home re-election marketing campaign, a 4,150-vote margin. He skipped 1972 however returned in 1974 to oust Sandman by 30,699 votes, 57%-41%.
The thirteenth district had an attention-grabbing few cycles that began in 1970 when Republicans cleared the sphere for GOP State Chairman Nelson Gross to run for U.S. Senate. To get Joseph Maraziti, a state senator from Morris County, to drop out of the Senate race, Cahill and GOP legislative leaders supplied Maraziti the chairmanship of the congressional redistricting committee. (In these days, the maps had been drawn by the legislature).
Maraziti used the put up to attract a district for himself.
The brand new map mixed two Hudson County Democratic incumbents, Dominick Daniels and Cornelius Gallagher, right into a single Hudson congressional district, as a substitute forging a brand new western New Jersey seat.
The brand new thirteenth began in Maraziti’s hometown, Boonton, went by western Morris, included Hunterdon, Sussex and Warren counties, and a small a part of then-Republican western Mercer.
The Democratic nomination, with 42% of the vote, went to Joseph O’Doherty, a salesman from Chester and a political newcomer. However O’Doherty was pressured off the poll after the first when a decide decided that had not been a U.S. residents for the constitutionally-required seven years. O’Doherty was born in Eire and have become a citizen in 1967.
Democrats changed O’Doherty with a seemingly stronger candidate: former First Girl Helen Stevenson Meyner. She was the spouse of former two-term Gov. Robert Meyner and a cousin of two-time presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson.
Nixon gained 70% of the vote within the new thirteenth district in opposition to George McGovern and Maraziti defeated Meyner by a 56%-43% margin to win election to Congress.
Maraziti was assigned a seat on the Home Judiciary Committee, the place he grew to become higher identified to his constituents as a staunch defender of Nixon throughout nationally-televised impeachment hearings. He voted in opposition to all three articles of impeachment.
Maraziti additionally grew to become slowed down in a scandal.
He put his 35-year-old girlfriend, Linda Collinson, on his congressional payroll in a no-show job whereas she continued to work at Maraziti’s Morris County legislation agency.
Collinson was outed after she utilized for a mortgage with the Home Credit score Union. A staffer in Maraziti’s Washington workplace advised the credit score union that she had by no means heard of Collinson.
Reporters later found that Maraziti owned the home Collinson lived in.
Maraziti was additionally broken by studies {that a} Warren County newspaper fired their managing editor, Donald Thatcher, after studying that he was additionally on Maraziti’s congressional payroll. Later, information broke that Nicholas DiRienzo, the final supervisor of two New Jersey radio stations, was additionally on the congressman’s employees.
Meyner ran once more – she defeated O’Doherty within the Democratic major by a 47%-26% margin in a four-way race – and rode the Watergate wave to a 14-point, 21,877-vote win over Maraziti.
In 1976, three years after shedding his State Senate seat to Malinowski’s aunt, Anne Martindell, Republican Invoice Schluter took on Meyner. He got here inside 5,241 votes of unseating Meyner, 50%-48%.
Schluter needed a rematch with Meyner in 1978, however he misplaced the GOP major by 134 votes to Jim Courter, a former First Assistant Warren County Prosecutor. Courter defeated Meyner by a 52%-48% margin. He ran for governor in 1989, profitable simply 37% statewide in opposition to Democrat Florio, and didn’t search re-election in 1990.
In a race for an open Home seat in 1970 – Cahill had left to develop into governor – former Senate President Edwin Forsythe defeated Assemblyman Charles Yates by a 54%-44% margin. Yates challenged Forsythe once more within the 1974 Watergate 12 months, however misplaced by 10,837 votes, 52%-45%. Yates outed an incumbent in a Democratic major for State Senate in 1977 and served one time period earlier than retiring. (His brother, Edgewater Park Mayor Craig Yates, tried to run in opposition to Chris Smith in 1982 however misplaced the Democratic major to former Senate President Joseph Merlino by 16 factors.
Linda “Spender” Stender, a veteran assemblywoman from Union County, almost upset three-term GOP incumbent Mike Ferguson in 2006. She misplaced by simply 2,945 votes, 49%-48%. Ferguson retired in 2008 and Stender as a substitute confronted State Sen. Leonard Lance. Lance gained by 23,643 votes, 50%-42%.
In the identical seventh district seat, Fanwood Mayor Maryanne Connelly challenged three-term Republican Bob Franks in 1998 and misplaced by 11,975 votes, 43%-44%. Franks ran for the U.S. Senate in 2000 and Connelly’s GOP opponent was Mike Ferguson. She misplaced by 14,955 votes, 52%-46%.
Princeton College Plasma Physics Laboratory assistant director Rush Holt gained 23.5% within the 1996 Democratic major – the winner was Lambertville Mayor David DelVecchio – however unseated freshman Michael Pappas in 1998. Pappas needed a rematch with Holt in 2000 however misplaced the Republican major by a 2-1 margin.
Monmouth County Freeholder Anna Little frightened Frank Pallone somewhat bit in 2010 after a Monmouth College ballot confirmed a seven-point race. Pallone gained 55%-44%, after which defeated Little in a 2012 rematch by a 63%-36% margin.
Republican Brian Kennedy, who misplaced his Monmouth County State Senate seat to Pallone in 1983, ran for Congress in opposition to Howard in 1984 and misplaced by a 53%-46% margin. In a 1986 rematch, Howard beat Kennedy by 17 factors, 49%-41%. Pallone, who went to Congress in 1988 following Howard’s dying, walloped Kennedy in 2000 by 38 share factors, 68%-30%.
In a rematch, conservative broadcaster Charles Wiley got here inside 2,836 votes of upsetting eight-term Democrat Edward Patten, a former Perth Amboy mayor and Wilentz machine lieutenant concerned within the Koreagate scandal, in 1978. Patten had defeated Wiley by a 59%-39% margin 1976.
Patten retired in 1980 and Wiley misplaced the GOP major to Invoice O’Sullivan by a 64%-46% margin. Senate Majority Chief Bernard Dwyer, a former Edison mayor, beat O’Sullivan by 10 factors within the basic election.
Fred Bohen, a former White Home staffer underneath LBJ, gained simply 38% in opposition to Peter Frelinghuysen in 1972. He ran once more within the Watergate 12 months after Frelinghuysen retired and misplaced by ten factors in opposition to Millicent Fenwick in 1974.
The Second Strive Membership
Some congressmen have made it to Washington after beforehand shedding Home races, however not in rematches with earlier opponents:
* Donald Payne, Sr. misplaced Democratic primaries in opposition to Home Judiciary Committee Chairman Peter Rodino in 1980 and 1986 and gained the seat in 1988 when Rodino retired.
* Dick Zimmer, the previous New Jersey Frequent Trigger president, briefly sought the Republican nomination for Congress within the thirteenth district in 1978. After serving each homes of the New Jersey legislature, he gained Courter’s open seat in 1990.
* Frank LoBiondo was defeated in his 1992 problem to Hughes, however then took the open seat after Hughes retired in 1994.
* Rodney Frelinghuysen went to Congress in 1994 as a substitute candidate for five-term incumbent Dean Gallo; Gallo had dropped his re-election bid after the GOP major and died of prostate most cancers two days earlier than the final election. Frelinghuysen had misplaced Republican primaries for Congress in 1982 and 1990 however was capable of win his first Home race by wining a particular conference of the Morris County Republican Committee.
* Ferguson unsuccessfully challenged Pallone in 1998. Regardless of shedding by seventeen factors, Ferguson was making ready for a rematch with Pallone when Franks determined to surrender his seventh district Seat to run for U.S. Senate. Ferguson switched districts and gained the GOP nomination by a 41%-28% margin in opposition to Kean, Assemblyman Joel Weingarten (23%) and future West Virginia Lawyer Basic Patrick Morrissey (8%).
* Scott Garrett, a Sussex County assemblyman, challenged Roukema within the 1998 Republican major, shedding by 1,717 votes, 43%-47%. In a 2000 rematch, Roukema beat Garrett by 1,002 votes, 52%-48%. When Roukema retired in 2002 after Home Republicans handed her over of the chairmanship of the Monetary Providers Committee, Garrett gained the first with 45% of the vote after Bergen County Republicans cut up their votes between Assemblyman David Russo (26%) and State Sen. Gerald Cardinale (25%).
* Albio Sires obtained 27% of the vote because the Republican nominee for Congress in 1986, however then gained the Hudson-based seat 20 years later as a Democrat.
* Leonard Lance misplaced a GOP major for an open twelfth district Home seat in 1996. He was elected to Congress fourteen years later, after his hometown of Clinton Township was redrawn into the seventh.
* John Adler obtained 39% of the vote in opposition to three-term Republican Jim Saxton in 1990 after which ousted a four-term Republican state senator the next 12 months. He went to Congress in 2008 following Saxton’s retirement.
Rematches bids that didn’t work
There’s a line between unsuccessful rematches and perennial candidates:
* Agha Khan gained 18% in opposition to Sires in 2016 and 10% in his 2018 rematch. He’s additionally misplaced races for Hudson County Government (2007), Surrogate (2009), and State Senate (2021).
* Peter Jacob misplaced to Lance in 2016 by eleven factors and was overwhelmed by Malinowski within the 2020 Democratic major by a 67%-19% margin.
* Bob Patterson gained 37% in opposition to Norcross in 2016, however then misplaced a GOP major in opposition to Jeff Van Drew in 2020.
* Hector Castillo misplaced a 2012 GOP major within the ninth district after which gained 28% in opposition to Pascrell in 2016. He sought the Republican nomination for Congress in NJ-5 in 2020 however obtained simply 5.6% of the vote. Castillo additionally misplaced races for Paterson Mayor in 2002, governor as an impartial in 2005, and State Senate in 2013.
* Upendra Chivukula, a seven-term assemblyman, misplaced a 2012 Home bid in opposition to Lance and a 2014 Democratic major for Holt’s open seat in opposition to Bonnie Watson Coleman.
* Dale Glading misplaced back-to-back races in opposition to Rob Andrews within the 1st district in 2008 (26%) and 2010 (34%), after which misplaced a 2016 GOP major for state consultant in Florida.
* Theresa de Leon ran in opposition to Bob Menendez in 1998 (17%) and once more in 2000 (19%). She misplaced a race for Hudson County Clerk in 2003.
* Invoice Auer was the Democratic candidate in opposition to Marge Roukema twice. He gained 22% in 1994 and 25% in 1996.
* Fred Theemling gained 31% in opposition to Frank Guarini in 1988 and 29% in his 1990 rematch. Guarini didn’t search re-election in 1992 after the brand new map created a Hispanic majority district, and Theemling took 31% in opposition to the brand new congressman, Bob Menendez. However life labored out for Theemling, who served as Hudson County Prosecutor from 1997 to 2002 after which as a Superior Courtroom Choose from 2002 to 2014.
* Mount Holly Mayor James B. Smith ran for Congress thrice: he took 38% in opposition to Saxton in 1984 for the open seat created by the dying of Forsythe; 31% in opposition to Saxton in 1987, and 31% in opposition to Saxton in 1994. He additionally misplaced a State Senate race in 1987 and an Meeting bid in 1997.
* David Crabiel, a four-term Middlesex County Freeholder and Milltown mayor, misplaced a Democratic major to Thompson in 1974 by a 65%-35% margin, and was defeated by Courter in 1988 by a 63%-37% margin. His brother was J. Edward Crabiel, typically generally known as “Concrete Eddie,” a former Senate minority chief, Secretary of State, and candidate for governor.
* Frederick Busch misplaced race to Jim Florio in 1984 (28%) and 1986 (23%).
* Bob Davis, who helped arrange Ronald Reagan’s New Jersey marketing campaign in opposition to Gerald Ford in 1976, gained 34% in opposition to Joseph Minish in 1980. He sought a rematch in 1982 however completed third within the GOP major with 27% of the vote.
New Jersey
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New Jersey
New Jersey weighs making underage gambling no longer a crime
TRENTON (AP) — Should underage gambling no longer be a crime?
New Jersey lawmakers are considering changing the law to make gambling by people under the age of 21 no longer punishable under criminal law, making it subject to a fine.
It also would impose fines on anyone helping an underage person gamble in New Jersey.
The bill changes the penalties for underage gambling from that of a disorderly persons offense to a civil offense. Fines would be $500 for a first offense, $1,000 for a second offense, and $2,000 for any subsequent offenses.
The money would be used for prevention, education, and treatment programs for compulsive gambling, such as those provided by the Council on Compulsive Gambling of New Jersey.
“The concern I had initially was about reducing the severity of the punishment,” said Assemblyman Don Guardian, a Republican former mayor of Atlantic City. “But the fact that all the money will go to problem gambling treatment programs changed my mind.”
Figures on underage gambling cases were not immediately available Thursday. But numerous people involved in gambling treatment and recovery say a growing number of young people are becoming involved in gambling, particularly sports betting as the activity spreads around the country.
The bill was approved by an Assembly committee and now goes to the full Assembly for a vote. It must pass both houses of the Legislature before going to the desk of the state’s Democratic governor, Phil Murphy.
The council said recently that it conditionally supports the bill but has concerns about it.
SEE ALSO: Hostile takeover of NJ police department is illegal, court rules
Luis Del Orbe, the council’s acting executive director, said he is glad it will provide funding for gambling treatment and education programs. But he said fines alone are not enough without mandating education about problem gambling. He asked that such a requirement be added to the bill.
“When a young person is ‘fined,’ who actually pays the fine?” he asked.
In a statement submitted to the Assembly panel, the council said, “More and more of New Jersey citizens need help due to the ongoing expansion of gambling opportunities, and it is anticipated that the demand will only continue to grow. There is also an urgent need for expanded education and awareness about the harms that can come of gambling, particularly with respect to youth.”
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Celebrities who vowed to leave the United States after the election
Rumors are flying that Bruce Springsteen has vowed to leave the country if Donald Trump wins the 2024 election. He didn’t say it.
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Gallery Credit: Jeff Deminski
New Jersey
New Jersey State Police Gave a ‘Free Pass’ to Motorists with Courtesy Cards or Ties to Police, Investigation Finds – Insider NJ
The Office of the State Comptroller found even motorists suspected of dangerous driving offenses were let go by New Jersey State Police.
TRENTON—An investigation finds that New Jersey State Police troopers routinely gave preferential treatment to certain motorists who presented a courtesy card or asserted a personal connection to law enforcement—even when motorists were suspected of dangerous offenses, like drunk driving, according to a new report by the New Jersey Office of the State Comptroller.
OSC’s Police Accountability Project reviewed body worn camera footage of 501 no-enforcement stops by New Jersey State Police–meaning stops where New Jersey State troopers did not issue tickets or make arrests. In 139 or 27 percent of these no-enforcement stops, motorists presented a courtesy card, claimed to have a friend or relative in law enforcement, or flashed a law enforcement badge and then were let go, OSC’s report said. In some cases, the trooper released the motorist immediately, offering some version of “you’re good.” The report found that courtesy cards are in wide usage and function as “accepted currency” by state troopers. (In all but one case, the troopers gave the courtesy card back to the motorist, enabling the card to be used again.)
Reviewing more than 50 hours of body worn camera footage of the stops, which took place over ten days in December 2022, OSC found that troopers regularly decided not to enforce motor vehicle laws after receiving a courtesy card or being told the driver has ties to law enforcement. For instance, one motorist, who was stopped for driving over 90 miles per hour, admitted to drinking alcohol but was let go without a sobriety test after he presented two courtesy cards. Another motorist was stopped for driving over 103 miles per hour and was released after she volunteered that her father was a lieutenant in a local police department. The most significant consequence the troopers imposed in these stops was advising the motorists that they had left a voicemail message for the law enforcement officer named on the courtesy card or invoked as a friend or relative. OSC has released video excerpts of the footage.
“Our investigation shows that some people are being given a free pass to violate serious traffic safety laws,” said Acting State Comptroller Kevin Walsh. “Law enforcement decisions should never depend on who you know, your family connections, or donations to police unions. Nepotism and favoritism undermine our laws and make our roads more dangerous.”
Overall, close to half of the 501 non-enforcement stops reviewed by OSC involved speeding, many for more than 20 miles per hour over the speed limit. In three stops, drivers stopped for reckless driving, careless driving, and/or speeding, also admitted to drinking alcohol, yet were released without being asked to step out of the car for a field sobriety test. Both drunk driving and speeding are major causes of traffic fatalities. According to data compiled by the New Jersey State Police Fatal Accident Investigation Unit, in 2022, New Jersey recorded 646 fatal collisions that resulted in 689 deaths or 1.89 fatalities per day. This was among the highest number of traffic-related deaths in New Jersey in the past 15 years.
OSC initiated this investigation in response to reports that law enforcement officers’ decisions not to enforce motor vehicle violations were influenced by improper factors, including courtesy cards. Courtesy cards, often referred to as PBA cards, FOP cards, or gold cards, are given out by police labor associations to law enforcement officers. They also can be purchased through “associate memberships” with police associations and are sold by private companies.
OSC’s investigation found that courtesy cards are widely used. In 87, or 17 percent, of the no-enforcement stops OSC reviewed, motorists presented courtesy cards that came from municipal police departments, county and state agencies, as well as inter-state and out-of-state law enforcement agencies. They all appeared to be equally effective at getting motorists released without enforcement.
Asserting a relationship with law enforcement appeared to carry equal weight, OSC found. In 52 or 10 percent of the no-enforcement stops reviewed, the driver or passengers did not present a courtesy card but claimed a connection to law enforcement, and the trooper decided to let them go. In 29 of those stops, the motorist or passenger identified themselves as current, retired, or in-training law enforcement officers. Other stops resulted in no enforcement when the drivers or passengers claimed a relative, friend, or neighbor worked in a law enforcement agency.
In one stop, a trooper said he stopped a motorist for driving 97 miles per hour. After an extended conversation about the “friends” they had in common, the trooper told the driver to “stay safe” and let him go. In another stop, a trooper performed a computerized look-up of the driver’s credentials and discovered the driver had an active warrant for his arrest. But when the driver’s friend introduced himself, letting the trooper know that he was also an off-duty trooper, the stopping trooper walked back to the motorist, apologized for stopping him, and let him go without even mentioning the warrant. OSC was unable to determine from the footage what the warrant was for.
Other findings include:
- Providing preferential treatment to motorists who present courtesy cards or assert close personal relationships with law enforcement appears to have a discriminatory impact. Of the 87 courtesy cards observed in the sample, for instance, 69 were presented by White drivers.
- Even when courtesy cards were not present, racial disparities were observed in the sample. New Jersey State Police policy requires troopers to request all three driving credentials (license, registration, proof of insurance) when making motor vehicle stops, but OSC found overall, White and Asian drivers were less likely to have all three of their credentials requested and verified when compared to Black and Hispanic/LatinX drivers. Additionally, troopers conducted computerized lookups of Hispanic/LatinX drivers 65 percent of the time, while looking up White drivers only 34 percent of the time.
- In many stops, OSC was unable to ascertain why the troopers made the decision not to enforce motor vehicle violations because of the quality of the video footage or other factors. Still, OSC observed several of those stops involved dangerous offenses, underscoring the importance of reviewing no-enforcement motor vehicle stops, which are not routinely reviewed.
OSC made 11 recommendations, including that New Jersey State Police regularly review no-enforcement stops to better understand racial/ethnic trends in motor vehicle data and determine if additional training is needed. OSC also recommended that the Attorney General consider issuing a directive that would explicitly prohibit law enforcement officers from giving preferential treatment to motorists because of their ties to law enforcement or possession of courtesy cards.
Read the report.
Watch excerpts of the body camera footage.
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