New Hampshire
How a school-choice request in N.H. led to questions about state board’s authority – The Boston Globe
“We didn’t want to do this,” Lempster Superintendent James M. Lewis said, “but this is the route we have available to us now.”
If the Lempster School District prevails, this dispute could help to clarify the limits of the state board’s authority, according to Barrett M. Christina, executive director of the New Hampshire School Boards Association.
And if the state’s legal team prevails?
“I think it would give the state board of education unfettered authority to overrule decisions made at the local level,” Christina said.
Last fall, Leite asked the Lempster School District to sign a tuition contract with Mount Royal Academy, a Catholic school in nearby Sunapee. That way, high school students from Lempster — which doesn’t have a high school of its own — could opt to attend the private school at taxpayer expense.
The district already has contracts with a few public high schools in the area. Leite sought to add Mount Royal to the menu of options. That has been permissible since 2021, when state law was changed to allow districts that lack a public school for a particular grade level to approve tuition contracts with private religious schools.
As of last spring, a couple of students were already attending Mount Royal through such a tuition arrangement with the town of Croydon, according to headmaster Derek Tremblay.
Lempster’s school board met with Mount Royal representatives in January to discuss Leite’s request, but decided in February not to pursue the contract, according to school board meeting minutes. The board voiced concerns about the narrower scope of services that Mount Royal provides, particularly with regard to special education.
“After all consideration, the board said, ‘You know … it doesn’t match with what we’re looking for,’” Lewis said. “And the board has that right.”
Leite, however, didn’t give up and filed the appeal.
The state scheduled hearings on the matter, but then the Lempster school board filed suit in April, claiming the state board has a pattern of asserting jurisdiction where it legally has none, forcing public schools to spend time and money on appellate processes that lack any basis in state law.
“Sometimes you have to say ‘no,’ and this is a situation where we’re not going to roll over,” Lewis said.
The presiding judge granted a preliminary injunction on July 30, with a ruling that suggests Lempster’s claims seem potentially persuasive.
State claiming very broad authority
Lawyers in the attorney general’s office, who represent the state board, have refuted the Lempster School District’s allegations. They argue state lawmakers clearly intended the state board to supervise, manage, and direct local school districts. They cite a law that gives the state board jurisdiction over a range of appeals.
One of those lawyers, Rory S. Miller, argued in a court filing in May that the state board has “complete authority” to act when disputes arise between individuals and school districts unless state law offers a specific command to the contrary. That, he added, means the state board has the discretion to direct public schools to approve tuition agreements with private schools on an appeal-by-appeal basis.
But that argument drew a skeptical line of questioning from Merrimack County Superior Court Judge Daniel I. St. Hilaire during a July 31 hearing on a motion to dismiss Lempster’s lawsuit.
“How can they upend a decision by a local school board and force them to enter into a contract?” he asked. “I don’t understand that.”
Miller replied that local school boards are subordinate entities that must obey the state board’s edicts. That’s how it’s been in New Hampshire for more than a century, he said.
St. Hilaire has yet to rule on the state’s motion to dismiss, but his order granting a preliminary injunction rebuffed key pieces of Miller’s case. He wrote that the Lempster School District can pursue contracts “in whatever way it wishes,” that the district was “under no obligation to comply with Leite’s request,” and that the attorney general’s office has cited laws that don’t actually give the state board authority to review this particular decision.
Christina, of the school boards association, said the state Board of Education clearly has legal authority to hear certain types of appeals, but the attorney general’s office is advancing an overbroad argument that would give the state board too much discretion.
Christina said the state board — all seven members were appointed by Republican Governor Chris Sununu and confirmed by the state’s five-member Executive Council — has taken an expansive view of its power in the past six or seven years. Members often seem to side with appellants just because they dislike what the local school board decided, he said.
“Anybody with any complaint seems to be getting their way, regardless of the merits or legalities of the case before the state board,” he said.
Andrew C. Cline, chairman of the state board, disputed that claim. He said the state board has ruled against parents several times because what they requested would have been inappropriate for the state board to impose.
“The board cannot and does not exceed the authority given to it by statute, and we consult with legal counsel in every contested case between a parent and school district to make sure we do not exceed our granted authority,” he said in an email.
Cline noted that parties can file an appeal in court if they believe the state board has overstepped.
But the appellate process itself can put resource-constrained school districts in a tough spot, Christina said.
“They can appeal an unfavorable decision from the state Board of Education, but that’s time, effort, money,” he said.
Religious discrimination not the crux
During the July 31 court hearing, Leite told the judge she assumes the Lempster school board’s refusal to ink a contract with a private religious school must be discriminatory and based on the board members’ personal beliefs.
But others said the school board members had asked questions and articulated concerns unrelated to Mount Royal’s religious affiliation.
“I don’t think the religion aspect had anything to do with it,” Superintendent Lewis told The Boston Globe.
Tremblay, the Mount Royal headmaster, said the Lempster school board members were “cordial” and “sincere” when he met with them in January.
“It seemed to me like they were asking all the questions that really mattered to them,” Tremblay told the Globe, “and I don’t remember religion being a dominating influence. … I don’t even remember the question being asked.”
Leite, who has not granted the Globe’s interview requests, also told the judge she doesn’t believe it’s necessary for her family to pursue any alternative funding arrangement, such as by asking for a “manifest educational hardship” exception or tapping into the state’s “education freedom accounts” program.
“I am not looking for any handouts,” she said.
Under the EFA program, a family that earns up to 350 percent of the federal poverty level — that’s about $109,000 for a family of four — can use money the state would have spent on their child’s public school education to cover costs associated with private school or home-schooling. That EFA funding averaged $5,235 per student last year, according to the New Hampshire Department of Education.
Tuition for high school students at Mount Royal will be $10,700 this school year, Tremblay said.
Parents who send their children to Mount Royal do so knowing the school doesn’t have the same level of resources they could find at a government-run school, Tremblay added. The academy doesn’t have a school psychologist or specialists in speech or occupational therapy, he noted.
“We will not be able to support as much as you could receive in a public school,” he said, “but we’re certainly willing to do everything we can.”
The dispute between the Lempster School District and the state board is happening as policymakers have debated whether and how to expand New Hampshire’s school-choice policies, while also grappling with court orders that deemed major components of the state’s overall school funding apparatus unconstitutional.
The leaders who voters select in November could bring big changes.
Sununu’s successor will decide who to appoint to the state board of education as incumbents finish their four-year terms.
Exactly how much power those appointees can wield over locally elected school officials could depend on how the courts decide Lempster’s case.
Steven Porter can be reached at steven.porter@globe.com. Follow him @reporterporter.
New Hampshire
Hillary Clinton to return to New Hampshire | Fox News Video
Hillary Clinton is set to return to New Hampshire for a Democratic Party fundraiser while a progressive leader criticizes the party for being ‘tone-deaf’ by inviting her.
Hillary Clinton is returning to New Hampshire next month to headline the state’s Democratic Party’s annual spring fundraising dinner. A progressive leader criticizes the party as ‘tone-deaf’ for inviting Clinton, stating she’s ‘yesterday’s news.’ Fox News contributor Joe Concha weighs in on Clinton’s perceived comeback tour and discusses President Trump’s recent remarks about John F. Kennedy Jr.’s political ambitions.
New Hampshire
NH lawmakers approve bill that would make judges’ job evaluations public
A bill that would add elements to judicial performance evaluations for all state judges and make those evaluation reports public, cleared the New Hampshire House along party lines Thursday.
The bill’s backers, including Rep. Bob Lynn of Windham, former Chief Justice of New Hampshire Supreme Court, promoted the new requirements as a way to “invigorate” judicial performance, and said fully disclosing the reports is crucial.
“I have to emphasize this provision in the bill as well as the other provisions of the bill were adopted in consultation with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,” Lynn said
Under the bill, which was written with input from Supreme Court Chief Justice Gordon MacDonald, all judges – including part-time judges and retired judges who sometimes hear cases – would undergo evaluation at least every three years. Evaluations would include courtroom observations and analyses of how efficiently they process cases. Right now, judicial performance reviews remain confidential unless a judge receives two consecutive subpar evaluations.
The proposal comes at a time of tension between the judicial branch and lawmakers, spurred by recent court rulings finding the state isn’t meeting school funding obligations, and by judicial branch spending and management practices.
Democrats who criticized the new judicial evaluation bill say it goes too far and that the legislature should resist the urge to meddle in court operations.
“Many of us have been frustrated by recent activities coming out of the judicial branch – this is probably a bipartisan sentiment,” said Rep. Mark Paige of Exeter. “But to the extent that this bill appeals as a means to scratch your judicial frustration itch, consider other available remedies.”
Democrats also argued that making judicial reviews public could pose safety risks in an era of increased political violence including against judges.
“Publication would do real harm, inviting harassment of judges as violent threats against U.S judges have surged 327 percent since last year,” said Rep. Catherine Rombeau of Bedford, citing research from the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism.
But Republicans disputed such arguments, and said public reviews are also one of the few tools lawmakers have to make sure judges are performing their duties effectively.
“Judges are appointed once and serve until the age of 70,” said Rep. Ken Weyler of Kingston.
“All employees, including judges, benefit from constructive evaluation.”
New Hampshire
AI posts, selfies, and dank memes: The very online politics of NH’s Joe Sweeney
The New Hampshire State House, where tradition often reigns supreme, is scarcely more technologically savvy than a couple of still cameras streaming hearings to YouTube.
But like a lot of places these days, political power — and attention — there is increasingly shaped by what’s happening online.
And while plenty of New Hampshire lawmakers maintain busy Facebook feeds and X accounts, perhaps no public official better exemplifies the high speed, high volume, digital-ready approach to politics than Republican Rep. Joe Sweeney.
As the House’s deputy majority leader, Sweeney’s job is to make sure fellow Republicans show up in Concord and support caucus priorities. In many ways, it’s about as old-fashioned as political work gets in 2026. And to see Sweeney in action is to observe a politician who still embraces plenty of his party’s traditional priorities.
“Let the voters see that we oppose income taxes now and forever,” Sweeney proclaimed from the House floor earlier this month.
But Sweeney didn’t stop at merely pledging to oppose income taxes inside the walls of the State House. Soon after, he also posted the video of himself doing so to social media. Sweeney isn’t the first — or only — state politician bent on cultivating an online presence. But his position of power in the Republican Party means he is well-positioned to amplify what he chooses. It could be AI-generated graphics promoting nuclear power, photoshopped images supporting ICE, or Sweeney himself talking straight into a camera.
According to Sweeney, to succeed on social media in politics, it’s best to keep messages short, sharp — and sometimes trollish.
“It’s kind of this perverse incentive to present that sort of profile online, because that’s what’s going to get people engaged,” Sweeney said in an interview last week.
Politics as personal
At 32, Sweeney came of age in politics and on the internet. He started earning paychecks for political work in 2012, on the campaign of former Congressman Charlie Bass. Sweeney was a University of New Hampshire student at the time, and won election to the New Hampshire House that same year. Back then, he courted voters on social media with an earnestness that seems far removed from the politics of 2026, welcoming voters of all stripes to reach out and support his candidacy.
“I am running as a Republican, but I promise to represent all of my Salem constituents when elected,” a baby-faced Sweeney said in a YouTube video from that race.
A lot has changed for Sweeney since then. He’s now a top Republican lawmaker in Concord, vice chair of Salem’s town council, and also operates Granite Solutions, a political advocacy and fundraising group.
According to filings with the state, Granite Solutions’ purpose is “Electing Fiscal Conservatives in New Hampshire.” It essentially operates as Sweeney’s personal PAC, raising money, running ads, pushing policies, and urging lawmakers to sign pledges.
As New Hampshire PACs go, Granite Solutions is not exactly flush with cash: It’s reported raising about $60,000 over the past few years. Notable receipts include a $10,000 donation from a trust connected to Joe Faro, the developer of Salem’s Tuscan Village; a contribution from Churchill Downs, which owns the casino at the Rockingham Park Mall; and a smattering of Concord lobbyists.
A state lawmaker running what amounts to a one-man political advocacy organization is unusual, to say the least. But Granite Solutions also serves to boost Sweeney’s personal brand.
Last week, after Sweeney debated tax policy on WMUR’s political talk show, he sent an email to the Granite Solutions’ mailing list, urging people to stream the debate and donate to Granite Solutions.
Sweeney says he sees the work of his personal political committee as an extension of his public service: “I view Granite Solutions as supporting the economic agenda of Republicans in the state.”
‘Until the voters don’t want me’
The GOP fiscal agenda — from tax cuts to eliminating red tape for development projects — is a steady focus for Sweeney.
On other political issues, his social media-forward approach can serve to capture attention, more than enact measurable change. When lawmakers debated higher education funding last year, Sweeney strenuously alleged that undocumented students were depriving eligible Granite Staters from admission to UNH. After university officials released data that undercut his claims, Sweeney moved on.
Last fall, Sweeney told reporters to expect him and other Republicans to target specific state judges for misconduct. But such plans never materialized.
There was also Sweeney’s push to impeach Democratic Executive Councilor Karen Liot Hill over her use of a state email account to assist a legal challenge to a voter registration law — even though the New Hampshire Attorney General had cleared Liot Hill of any wrongdoing. Just hours before a public hearing on Sweeney’s impeachment effort, he scuttled the bill without bothering to show up for the hearing.
To hear Sweeney tell it, when his political ideas lose traction, he’s willing to let them slide.
“Some things can start off with a lot of fire and passion and then as it goes through the system it just sort of dies out,” he said.
But as Sweeney’s shown in Concord, and as a town councilor, he can also push policies that others see as provocative or radical — or even theatrical. When Salem’s town council and budget committees were at odds over the town budget, Sweeney proposed eliminating the budget committee altogether.
“I thought it was the most ridiculous proposal I’ve ever heard. It was a bad idea, said Steve Goddu, a Republican who sits on Salem’s budget committee, and generally considers Sweeney a political ally. “It was a bad idea, and sometimes we make bad ideas and suggestions, and I think this was just his folly on this one.”
But not everybody who’s been on the receiving end of Sweeney’s politics, folly or otherwise, is as forgiving. Liot Hill says she had to waste time and money to prepare for potential impeachment proceedings that she always saw as frivolous, and believes Sweeney’s style of politics is destructive.
“There is a price to our politics when politics becomes more focused on spectacle than on substance and really it’s really the public that pays,” Liot Hill said.
Sweeney, for his part, says he sees himself pursuing his approach to politics — in real life and online — for the foreseeable future.
“I have an ability to create solutions for folks. I have an ability to sort of understand things and kind of communicate with people on it, Sweeney said. “I feel this responsibility to continue to be involved until the voters don’t want me to be involved anymore.”
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