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The Globe located more than half of the migrants flown to Martha’s Vineyard by Ron DeSantis. Two years later, many are still in limbo. – The Boston Globe

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The Globe located more than half of the migrants flown to Martha’s Vineyard by Ron DeSantis. Two years later, many are still in limbo. – The Boston Globe


The car breakdown this summer derailed his life. Arcaya could no longer drive his wife, Eduviges Cedeño, to her job at a Venezuelan restaurant. And he lost his only source of income, driving for UberEats.

It was a harsh reminder: The life he had managed to assemble here was still so fragile.

It had taken the family nearly two years to settle into this taxing yet remarkably ordinary existence — especially considering the strangeness of Arcaya’s arrival in Massachusetts.

He was one of the 49 migrants flown from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard by Florida Governor Ron DeSantis in September 2022. That surprise airlift was designed to make northern states feel the sting of surging immigration at the southern border. DeSantis operatives had promised Arcaya and his fellow travelers, mostly Venezuelan nationals who had crossed the border without authorization, that they would find free housing, jobs, and legal aid at the other end of the flight.

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Migrants boarded a jet bound for Martha’s Vineyard in San Antonio, Texas. Florida Department of Transportation via Boston Globe public records request

It was a deliberate deception, but there was also something to it. At the time, Massachusetts billed itself as a safe haven for undocumented migrants. It was the only state in the nation with a right-to-shelter law that guaranteed housing, immediately, to any family that needed it.

When the Martha’s Vineyard migrants arrived here, they benefited from an extraordinary outpouring of attention and support. State officials and Good Samaritans rushed to donate food and clothing, and helped them find places to stay. They wanted to prove DeSantis wrong: Northern liberals would not turn their backs on migrants showing up unexpectedly in their own backyard.

Two years later, at least 20,000 more migrants have arrived, and the landscape has shifted dramatically. The shelter system’s budget has ballooned to $1 billion a year. Governor Maura Healey has capped its capacity. State officials are telling migrants to stay away and instructing families to leave state shelters. Children are sleeping on the street.

The Martha’s Vineyard migrants are living with the consequences of this new reality.

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A Globe review, which included locating more than half of the members of the original Martha’s Vineyard group, found that the special status they enjoyed in their first weeks here has largely faded away. They have become part of this much larger group of newcomers, navigating the same overburdened state and federal programs meant to help resettle them.

Donations were distributed to migrants at the state’s new emergency overflow shelter at the Melnea A. Cass Recreational Complex in February 2024.Craig F. Walker/Globe Staff

There are success stories. Four have settled on the Vineyard and become part of the island community that first welcomed them. Two men who initially stayed with host families have managed to bring their wives and children to Massachusetts and now have steady work and apartments.

Most have not been so lucky. Some have struggled to secure work permits. Others have languished in state shelters. Many are still scraping by with the wages from odd jobs, as delivery drivers, construction workers, or landscapers. Few, if any, have had the time or resources to become fluent in English.

At least 13 have left the state altogether, after finding it bereft of affordable housing and accessible jobs. They scattered to New Hampshire, Rhode Island, North and South Carolina, New York, Chicago, Detroit, and Atlanta. One man returned to his hometown of Caracas.

Most of the Martha’s Vineyard 49 feel stuck in a kind of limbo, unsure how to advance their lives in the United States and unwilling to return to the political strife and economic collapse they fled in their home country.

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Despite his struggles here, Arcaya, like many members of the group, said he does not regret coming to the US — and leaving Venezuela’s turmoil behind. “I won’t go back,” he said.

Estrella and her daughter gathered at the Vineyard Haven ferry terminal in Martha’s Vineyard on Sept. 16, 2022. The group was transported to Joint Base Cape Cod in Buzzards Bay.Carlin Stiehl for The Boston Globe

The two private jets chartered by the DeSantis administration took off from a San Antonio airstrip on Sept. 14, 2022.

Estrella, a Peruvian woman traveling with her 7-year-old daughter, Gabriela, and her boyfriend, Eduardo, thought she was headed to New York City. For the first time in months, she felt hopeful, buoyant even. She imagined that Gabriela would have opportunities in the United States that would never have been available at home.

Estrella had left her hometown, Piura, a city of half a million in northern Peru, in the summer of 2022. She boarded a bus with Gabriela and Eduardo, leaving behind a modest but comfortable life. She owned a home and had a restaurant job shucking shellfish. But Eduardo was determined to come to the US, and Estrella didn’t want to lose him. (Estrella asked that the Globe identify her, her daughter, and her boyfriend by their middle names due to their unauthorized immigration status.)

The journey north was hellish. In Mexico, Estrella said, she, Gabriela, and Eduardo were kidnapped. While they were captive, she said, she heard what sounded like beatings in nearby rooms. They were released when the kidnappers realized they couldn’t pay a ransom.

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After they reached Texas, a woman they didn’t know approached them at a McDonald’s and offered them a gift card. Then she asked if they would like to fly north.

After several hours in flight, she looked out the plane’s window and saw nothing but water to the horizon. She was alarmed, as were other passengers who started wondering aloud what was happening. A monitor in the plane’s cabin showed the flight was heading east, apparently straight out to sea, Estrella recalled in interviews this summer.

Not long after, land came into view — an island. After the plane rolled to a stop on the runway of the Vineyard’s tiny airport, Estrella, Gabriela, and Eduardo descended a staircase onto the tarmac and looked around. Where were they?

During the next two days, it seemed as if the world had descended on the Martha’s Vineyard migrants.

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Migrants and volunteers celebrated together outside of St. Andrew’s Parish House in Martha’s Vineyard on Sept. 16, 2022.Carlin Stiehl for The Boston Globe
Students from Martha’s Vineyard Regional High School and migrants helped to bring donated food into St. Andrew’s Parrish House in Edgartown on Sept. 15, 2022.Jonathan Wiggs/Globe Staff

A church in Edgartown, the island’s ritziest village, opened its doors to serve as a makeshift shelter. There, volunteers from nonprofits, local families, and the island high school set up buffets of food, donated clothes, and even handed out cellphones. The press came, too, with television cameras and notepads and a thousand questions about where the migrants had come from and what they thought of DeSantis’ gambit.

Estrella and the others saw themselves on social media posts and international news broadcasts, and pieced together what had happened to them. Many felt preyed upon by DeSantis, and intensely grateful to the people of Martha’s Vineyard and Massachusetts who now seemed to be taking them in.

There was just one problem. When they asked locals if they could stay on the island, the answer was, more or less, no. There was not enough inexpensive housing nor enough jobs for migrants without work permits. It would be better if they went to the mainland.

After two days, state officials ferried Estrella and the others to a Cape Cod military base where case workers, lawyers, and local church groups helped them all find a place to stay.

That’s when the group began to disperse.

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Some of the families entered the state’s emergency shelter program, which placed them in homes in Lowell or Boston. Many of the single men went to homeless shelters or a hotel. A lucky few left the base to live with host families on the Cape.

Estrella, Eduardo, and Gabriela ended up in an apartment in Newburyport. The state-funded home was a godsend, especially since, without work permits, Estrella and Eduardo could not find jobs. For Estrella, though, life there was also frustrating. She was used to supporting herself. Now, she was dependent on a social worker who delivered groceries every other week. She couldn’t pay back a loan she had taken from her aunt to fund her journey. When the three college-age sons she had left behind in Peru asked her to send money, she had nothing to share.

The sense of powerlessness was maddening. She had been working continuously since she was 9, about Gabriela’s age. She had been confident she could make her own way here, just as she always had.

After half a year of frustrating dependence — “I didn’t come here to have the government support me,” she said — she was antsy.

So last spring, when Eduardo told Estrella he had heard from a friend that there were jobs and cheap housing in a place called Detroit, Estrella was intrigued. Should they go?

She asked her pro-bono immigration lawyer for advice. The answer was clear. If Estrella left Massachusetts, the lawyer said, she would lose her legal representation.

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But the alternative was to keep waiting. Estrella and Eduardo started to pack.

Martha’s Vineyard resident Jeff Whipple hugged Leonel, a single father from Venezuela, outside the St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church on Martha’s Vineyard on Sept. 15, 2022.Dominic Chavez for The Washington Post via Getty Images

Other members of the Martha’s Vineyard group, confronted with the same frustrations, decided to stay put. But many of them remain, two years later, stuck on the margins of society.

Four of these men now live in a white clapboard boarding house on a busy road in downtown Stoughton. On summer days, the house — and the small, single-occupancy bedrooms inside — seem to absorb the heat radiating from the concrete surroundings. So the home’s residents gather on the house’s front deck, smoking cigarettes, hoping for a breeze.

The other residents of house, who receive government rental assistance, are mostly US citizens. They are kind to the newcomers. But they are also troubled: They have mental illnesses or addiction. At least two of them have died — one of an overdose inside the home — since the Martha’s Vineyard men moved in. Police have responded to the home multiple times per month for drug overdoses, medical emergencies, arrests, and drunkenness.

Leonel, a 47-year-old single father from Caracas, developed insomnia shortly after moving into the home. He has lived there rent-free since he and seven other men were bused from the Cape Cod military base to Stoughton. He doesn’t know who pays the bill.

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Some men from the Martha’s Vineyard group moved into a boarding house in Stoughton.Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff
Leonel chatted with friends from the Martha’s Vineyard group outside the Stoughton boarding house on Sept. 4.Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

Leonel left Venezuela “out of necessity,” he said. Under the autocratic regime of President Nicolás Maduro, the economy had collapsed and antigovernment protests — followed by brutal state crackdowns — had rocked Venezuelan cities. In the past decade, a third of the country’s citizens have left. Leonel set out alone, leaving his two teenage daughters with his parents. He was hoping, somehow, to establish himself in the US, and then send for them. (Leonel asked the Globe to identify him by only his first name because he fears being identified if he ever returns to Venezuela.)

“I want them to be here, to stay here,” he said of his daughters in an interview this summer.

But first he needs a proper home and, before that, a job.

During his first months in Stoughton, he knocked on the office doors of nearby landscaping companies and contractors. When he got lucky, it meant he’d spend a long day roofing or working in a suburban yard.

After about a year in Massachusetts, Leonel received a work permit. He believes he got it through an asylum claim he was pursuing. (Other members of the Martha’s Vineyard group received work permits this year through a special visa program available to victims of crimes after a San Antonio sheriff said said they had been subject to unlawful restraint.)

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But even with the work permit in hand, he found looking for a job bewildering. “The gringo goes on the internet and, according to his skills, he applies for work,” he said. “But I don’t have a computer and I don’t know how to apply.”

In September, the home’s managers told Leonel and the other Martha’s Vineyard men that they will soon have to start paying rent. Leonel doesn’t know what he will do.

He is now working a part-time landscaping job. But it doesn’t pay enough for him to move out of the boarding house and live on his own. Better options seem out of reach to him. He was a private driver in Venezuela but here his car is too old for Uber or Lyft. He can’t decipher most job postings, and, even if he could, he worries he lacks the language skills he’d need on the job.

“You’re not a human being if you don’t speak English here,” he said.

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Estrella left for work after placing a cellphone beside her sleeping daughter so that she could call if something happened while she was away in Detroit on July 26.
Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

Just after 6 a.m. on a recent morning in Detroit, Estrella stood fully dressed in her basement bedroom listening for footsteps.

The room smelled earthen and just a few shafts of light came through the windows. Estrella was waiting for her housemate, Carlos, to wake up and drive her to the car factory, where they both worked. Gabriela, now 9, was splayed on a mattress fast asleep. When the floorboards creaked, Estrella put on her backpack and went upstairs. She would call Gabriela around noon to make sure she ate lunch.

The move to Detroit had not gone as planned.

When Estrella, Eduardo, and Gabriela arrived in May 2023, they found many of the same problems they thought they’d left behind in Massachusetts. The housing wasn’t as cheap and the jobs were not as plentiful as Eduardo’s friend had promised. Without work permits and with limited English, they struggled to find jobs. They were also cut off from the networks of friends and supporters they had begun to build in Massachusetts.

And Eduardo? He was gone now. He’d left Estrella for another woman.

Alone with her daughter in a new city, she found herself living an increasingly cloistered life. After losing her lawyer, she still had no legal immigration status, and she didn’t know how to keep track of her case.

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Estrella and her 9-year-old daughter ate lunch in the kitchen of their shared house in Detroit on July 27. They still do not have legal immigration status and are figuring out how to make a new life in the US. Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

“My fear is I go out and Immigration spots me,” she said. “Then, my daughter, where does she end up?”

She felt like her immigration case was haunting her life, omnipresent but out of sight. She did not know, until a Globe reporter informed her in September, that a judge in Boston had closed her case after she failed to show up for a hearing in Boston. The case could be reopened at any time.

So she stayed inside as much as she could.

Estrella plans to teach Gabriela how to call a pastor they met back in Massachusetts. She wants her to be able to get help in case the day comes when Estrella doesn’t make it home. But she hasn’t been able to bring herself to do it yet.

Returning to her life in Peru is technically an option, but Estrella won’t consider it. If she went home — if she gave up, that is— then everything she and Gabriela have been through would be for nothing.

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“So many ugly things happened,” she said.

Estrella’s closest companion these days is Carlos, her housemate upstairs. She calls him Viejo — Old Man — and they bicker like siblings. Estrella cooks with him and he, in turn, drives her to work and the grocery store.

Estrella looked at the cashier as he asked her what kind of produce was in a bag. But she couldn’t understand the question because it was in English.Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff
Estrella and her 9-year-old daughter held hands as they walked from the park back to their apartment in Detriot.Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

On a Saturday afternoon this summer, Estrella and Gabriela climbed into his car. He drove them to a Meijer supermarket on the outskirts of Detroit that looked like it was the size of a baseball stadium. As they walked the aisles together, Gabriela ran up to Estrella holding a box of ice cream cones, and smiled.

Estrella looked at the price and paused.

Rent was coming due. School would start soon and Gabriela would need clothes and new supplies. There was a consultation with an immigration lawyer — if she could finally swing it — and she was saving to buy a car. She put the box in her cart anyway.

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It was summer and they were overdue for something sweet.

Ubaldo Arcaya glanced at the UberEats app to see what jobs might be available as he and his wife, Eduviges Cedeño, and their daughter heated up dinner in the kitchen of their Dorchester apartment on Sept. 5. Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

It was almost time for Arcaya to begin his nighttime delivery shift.

Standing in the living room of his Dorchester apartment, he opened his UberEats app, looking for work, while he finished eating a leftover empanada. The walls were bare. A single rose, a gift for his wife, Cedeño, from one of their teenage daughters, stood in a plastic water bottle on the kitchen pass-through. The family had moved into the state-subsidized apartment just two months earlier and had had little time — or money — to decorate.

A few minutes later, his phone emitted a familiar ding. An order was ready for pickup. He said goodbye to Cedeño and the girls, and walked into the night.

Like so many of the men on the Martha’s Vineyard flights, Arcaya had come to the US with the hope of someday bringing his family here. He was one of the few who had managed to do it. Last spring, Cedeño and their two teenage daughters flew to Boston and entered the country legally under a humanitarian program created by the Biden administration.

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At the time, he was living in the Stoughton house, alongside Leonel, the single father from Venezuela. His family’s arrival was his ticket out. It made him eligible for the state’s emergency shelter system and soon he, Cedeño, and the girls moved into a Holiday Inn in Marlborough. They stayed there for a year, waiting for work papers and a more permanent place to live, while their daughters attended Marlborough Public Schools.

Then, early this summer, a case worker told them they could soon move into a state-subsidized apartment in a multifamily home in Dorchester. The house was green, a little crooked, and full of life. A couple of other families lived there, also migrants with children of their own.

Cedeño received a work permit and soon landed her restaurant job. Although Arcaya’s work permit still hadn’t arrived, he was able to supplement the family’s income by driving for UberEats on a friend’s account.

Arcaya picked up a pizza order in Dorchester to deliver for UberEats.Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

There were moments when he felt like he had finally arrived, that his family was settled. One morning, this summer he took his daughters to a school building in Roxbury to enroll them in Boston Public Schools for the upcoming year. When he got home, he waved at some of his neighbors who had gathered on their front deck. Then he hosed down his car in the driveway. It was a simple life, exactly what he had hoped for when he fled from Venezuela’s strife.

Until the car broke down. His demeanor, even his appearance changed during the weeks he was struggling with the car, tension visible in his shoulders and his face. The costs mounted. A $400 labor charge one day, an expensive trip to AutoZone the next.

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After a month, finally, it was fixed. But the ordeal left a hole in the family’s finances that he is still working long hours to repair. The state subsidy that allows them to live in the Dorchester apartment is limited. The less they contribute to rent every month, the sooner the money will run out. Then what?

Arcaya keeps driving. The other night, he picked up an order at a Jamaican restaurant near his house and wended his way through the evening traffic, looking for the right address. His phone dinged again with an order for pizza. He would go as long as he could, usually well past midnight.

And then he’d wake up and do it all over again.

Arcaya delivered a food order in Dorchester.Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

Mike Damiano can be reached at mike.damiano@globe.com. Esmy Jimenez can be reached at esmy.jimenez@globe.com. Follow her @esmyjimenez.

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Massachusetts

MIT professor Nuno F.G. Loureiro, a 47-year-old physicist and fusion scientist, shot and killed in his home in Brookline, Mass. | Fortune

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MIT professor Nuno F.G. Loureiro, a 47-year-old physicist and fusion scientist, shot and killed in his home in Brookline, Mass. | Fortune


A professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology was fatally shot at his home near Boston, and authorities said Tuesday they had launched a homicide investigation.

Nuno F.G. Loureiro, a 47-year-old physicist and fusion scientist, was shot Monday night at his home in Brookline, Massachusetts. He died at a local hospital on Tuesday, the Norfolk District Attorney’s Office said in a statement.

The prosecutor’s office said no suspects had been taken into custody as of Tuesday afternoon, and that its investigation was ongoing.

Loureiro, who joined MIT in 2016, was named last year to lead MIT’s Plasma Science and Fusion Center, where he aimed to advance clean energy technology and other research. The center, one of the school’s largest labs, had more than 250 people working across seven buildings when he took the helm.

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Loureiro, who was married, grew up in Viseu, in central Portugal, and studied in Lisbon before earning a doctorate in London, according to MIT. He was a researcher at an institute for nuclear fusion in Lisbon before joining MIT, it said.

“He shone a bright light as a mentor, friend, teacher, colleague and leader, and was universally admired for his articulate, compassionate manner,” Dennis Whyte, an engineering professor who previously led MIT’s Plasma Science and Fusion Center, told a campus publication.

The president of MIT, Sally Kornbluth, said in a statement that Loureiro’s death was a “shocking loss.”

The homicide investigation in Brookline comes as police in Providence, Rhode Island, about 50 miles away, continue to search for the gunman who killed two students and injured nine others at Brown University on Saturday. The FBI on Tuesday said it knew of no connection between the crimes.

A 22-year-old student at Boston University who lives near Loureiro’s apartment in Brookline told The Boston Globe she heard three loud noises Monday evening and feared it was gunfire. “I had never heard anything so loud, so I assumed they were gunshots,” Liv Schachner was quoted as saying. “It’s difficult to grasp. It just seems like it keeps happening.”

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Some of Loureiro’s students visited his home, an apartment in a three-story brick building, Tuesday afternoon to pay their respects, the Globe reported.

The U.S. ambassador to Portugal, John J. Arrigo, expressed his condolences in an online post that honored Loureiro for his leadership and contributions to science.

“It’s not hyperbole to say MIT is where you go to find solutions to humanity’s biggest problems,” Loureiro said when he was named to lead the plasma science lab last year. “Fusion energy will change the course of human history.”



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Massachusetts

ICE agents are staking out local courthouses. As they’ve roamed the halls, Mass. court arrests tripled

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ICE agents are staking out local courthouses. As they’ve roamed the halls, Mass. court arrests tripled


Immigration enforcement agents have become a common fixture around courthouses in Massachusetts this year — plainclothes officers idle outside in black cars, chat with clerks and monitor hearings to find people to arrest.

While lawyers say U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement has long apprehended immigrants at courthouses, the numbers have ballooned under the second Trump administration.

In the past, “You didn’t have a sense that immigration was always in the building. Now it’s like that’s the first thing you think about,” said public defender Antonio Vincenty.

The increased presence is not only in federal courts, but also at dozens of district courthouses in the state. Vincenty handles cases in East Boston, Chelsea and downtown Boston, and said he has had three clients arrested in court this year.

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“We want those that commit crimes to be punished. I don’t think any criminal lawyer feels differently,” Vincenty said. “But we want the system to work. We want the system to live up to its rules — to treat people with fairness, to treat people with justice and due process.”

Courthouse arrests in Massachusetts have surged nearly three-fold over Trump’s first nine months in office, according to ICE data compiled by the Deportation Data Project at the University of California Berkeley School of Law.

A WBUR analysis of the data found 386 arrests at 46 courts across the state — including 147 at the federal courthouse in Boston — from January through mid-October. That’s up from 131 over the same period last year under the Biden administration.

And the latest data is almost certainly an undercount. In East Boston, for instance, ICE recorded only six courthouse arrests, while lawyers and immigration advocates report having seen far more.

Suffolk County District Attorney Kevin Hayden said ICE activity has impacted hundreds of cases prosecuted by his office — noting instances in which defendants got detained during proceedings, as well as times when victims and witnesses were afraid to cooperate because of agents’ presence.

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“The ultimate concern is that it has a chilling effect on our ability to deliver public safety for victims and witnesses of crime,” Hayden said.

He acknowledged ICE has legal authority to operate in courts here, but, “Do I wish they would stay out of our courthouses?” he said. “Absolutely.”

“Do I wish they would stay out of our courthouses? … Absolutely.”

Suffolk County District Attorney Kevin Hayden

Assistance for ICE in East Boston

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With immigration enforcement mounting, the Massachusetts Trial Court released a policy in May on how court staff are to interact with ICE. Court officers must provide public information to agents when asked — as that information is available to the public — but they can’t initiate communication with ICE.

According to the court rules, agents can enter court lockups to take people into custody, but court staff cannot assist in, nor impede ICE arrests. That was put to the test on the afternoon of Nov. 21 in East Boston — in an alley behind the district court — after Alejandro Orrego Agudelo’s arraignment.

Video taken by an immigration advocate in East Boston and shared with WBUR showed Orrego on the ground — shirtless, barefoot and shackled. Orrego cried out for help as two agents in black hoodies and blue jeans struggled to control him.

A crowd began to form, and a court officer in a white shirt and court badge helped the agents subdue the 27-year-old. At one point, the officer helped shove him into the back of a black SUV.

A woman in the crowd shouted: “Where are you taking him? He was released in court.”

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One of the agents responded: “He needs to go to immigration court.”

Sandy Wright, a volunteer with the LUCE Immigrant Justice Network of Massachusetts, was off camera, challenging the second court officer: “Who do you work for? Are you Trial Court? I thought you’re not supposed to be cooperating with ICE.”

In the video, a second court officer stood before the crowd with her hand up, signaling the crowd to stop, and made a phone call: “This is East Boston district court, we need assistance from Boston Police Department. We have ICE here collecting somebody and we have a large crowd.”

Nine Boston police officers arrived on the scene that day. The police report said Orrego was “violently resisting the agent.” The video showed him struggling, with his hands and feet cuffed.

Orrego was in court facing charges that included assault and battery on a police officer and resisting arrest, as well as malicious destruction of property and disturbing the peace. He’d been arrested that morning after a neighbor called police to report an altercation with him. A communication with court officials shared with WBUR says ICE had a “detainer” to take him into custody.

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But the incident represented a violation of the Massachusetts Trial Court’s policy not to help in an ICE arrest, according to Trial Court spokeswoman Jennifer Donahue.

She said in a statement, “Measures are being taken to address this violation.”

Donahue said the East Boston incident prompted the Court’s security leadership to meet with court officers across the state to reinforce its policy to neither help nor impede ICE arrests. She would not say if anyone has been disciplined for the violation.

The Executive Office of the Trial Court declined requests to interview Chief Justice of the Trial Court Heidi Brieger, who oversees all departments, and Trial Court Administrator Thomas Ambrosino.

East Boston District Courthouse. (Jesse Costa/WBUR)

Some scoff at measures that limit collaboration between court staff and ICE.

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Retired ICE agent Albert Orlowski worked in immigration enforcement for more than two decades. He questioned how court officers could stand by while federal agents struggle to apprehend someone who’s resisting.

“Law enforcement agencies should cooperate with each other,” Orlowski said. “Assisting another officer — that’s called professional courtesy.”

The rationale for courthouse arrests is clear, Orlowski explained: It’s an obvious place to find people facing criminal charges, and it’s safer than most locations, as suspects typically have had to pass through metal detectors.

“It’s so much easier to arrest somebody from a courthouse — when they’re in a controlled environment — than it is to arrest somebody out on the street,” Orlowski said.

Spokespeople for Boston-area ICE and the Department of Homeland Security in Washington D.C. did not respond to requests for comment.

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Evading ICE at courthouses

In a separate incident at East Boston District Court in late November, an 18-year-old high school student appeared for a summons. WBUR is referring to him by his middle name, Josué, as he fears retaliation by ICE.

Josué said the judge first heard the cases of non-Latinos, then called matters involving Latinos, all of whom spoke Spanish and required an interpreter. That’s when ICE agents showed up.

Local advocates outside the courthouse that day said ICE arrested at least two people during the proceedings. Josué said as he waited for his case to be called, he could hear the commotion and it was clear people were being grabbed as they left the court. He said he was afraid the agents would arrest him.

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“For sure,” he said in Spanish. “But thank God, no.”

Josué said he’s undocumented and has been in the U.S. since he was 15.

When he walked out of the courthouse, Josué said the agents were distracted detaining someone else, and he managed to get into a car waiting around the block. Now he’s trying to keep his head down — he wants to finish high school, and not think too much about getting sent back to Honduras.

“God willing, that won’t happen,” he said.

ICE reported the highest number of Massachusetts district court arrests in Lynn, Woburn, Framingham and Waltham. At the Waltham District Court, west of Boston, an auto repair shop has a front row seat on the action.

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Manuel Arias owns the shop across from the courthouse. He recounted seeing at least a dozen ICE arrests over the last few months as people left in cars or on foot. Arias said his staff filmed a number of the arrests, but they’ve become so commonplace that the mechanics stopped taking video.

“The way people have been grabbed has been savage,” Arias said in Spanish. Often, multiple agents grabbed a single person, he said.

In one case, a man bolted from the courthouse, he recalled, then ran across a busy intersection and got away.

Video from Arias, reviewed by WBUR, showed an agent giving chase, then giving up after the man jumps over a guardrail.

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Calls for more restrictions on ICE activity in courthouses

In front of the Waltham courthouse steps, there are signs taped to lampposts: “ICE took our neighbor from this spot.”

“Unfortunately our courthouse has become an ICE trap,” said Jonathan Paz, founder of a group called Fuerza Community Defense Network, which monitors ICE activity in the city.

The group’s volunteers have witnessed dozens of ICE arrests in Waltham, Paz said. And in his view, the court system is bolstering the work of agents.

“Why [are] our taxpayer dollars, here in Massachusetts, being used to facilitate and better carry out these arrests in our courthouse?” Paz said.

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“It’s remarkable to see just how complicit this whole system is.”

A poster from the Fuerza Community Defense Network on a telephone outside of Waltham District Court warning people of the potential presence of ICE at the courthouse. (Jesse Costa/WBUR)
A poster from the Fuerza Community Defense Network on a telephone outside of Waltham District Court warning people of the potential presence of ICE at the courthouse. (Jesse Costa/WBUR)

This week, the 32-year-old Waltham resident announced he’s running for Congress. He’s among those calling on the state to put more limits on ICE activity at courthouses.

Paz said he’s waiting for the Trial Court — or the Legislature, or the governor or the attorney general — to keep ICE from interfering with people’s legal proceedings. They can’t stop agents from being on court property, but they can take steps to help people have their day in court without fear of being arrested.

ICE’s policy on courthouse arrests dictates that agents must observe local laws. Some states require agents to present judicial warrants; Massachusetts requires only a form known as a detainer, signed by an ICE officer.

State Sen. Lydia Edwards, of East Boston, co-chairs the Legislature’s judiciary committee. She said she’s in contact with court officials about the spate of ICE arrests, and is considering whether to propose rules requiring agents to present a warrant signed by a judge. A similar initiative was recently enacted in Illinois, as well as in Connecticut.

“While we require a civil detainer, I think it’s worth us talking to the courts about what it means to require a judicial warrant,” Edwards said.

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Edwards said any solution — even a state law — should have buy-in from court officials if it’s going to be properly implemented.

Another suggestion, she said, is to broaden access to remote hearings. Not having to go to a courthouse means ICE can’t arrest you there.

“I would love nothing more than for our courts to be a welcoming, safe place for justice, regardless of your immigration status,” she said. “That’s what I want.”

WBUR’s Patrick Madden contributed to this story.





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Massachusetts

Haverhill man charged in deadly wrong-way crash on Route 128 in Danvers

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Haverhill man charged in deadly wrong-way crash on Route 128 in Danvers


A Massachusetts man is facing charges after a wrong-way crash that killed a New Hampshire resident last week.

The crash happened around 9:49 p.m. Friday on Route 128 in Danvers. A Hyundai Elantra was traveling in the wrong direction when it hit a Nissan Sentra on the southbound side of the highway.

A passenger of the Sentra, identified as 58-year-old David Mackey of Sandown, New Hampshire, was pronounced dead at the scene.

The Elantra’s driver, 42-year-old Jerry Andujar Bodden of Haverhill, is charged with motor vehicle homicide by reckless operation and improper operation of a vehicle, the Essex County District Attorney’s Office said, adding that prosecutors intend to bring more charges for allegedly operating under the influence of alcohol.

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Bodden pleaded not guilty at an arraignment Monday in Salem District Court, according to prosecutors.

Judge Randy Chapman ordered Bodden held on $50,000 bail. Conditions include a monitored bar on alcohol consumption, GPS monitoring and home confinement with the exceptions of work, legal and medical appointments, prosecutors said. He is also prohibited from driving while the case is ongoing.

Bodden is due back in court Jan. 21, according to the district attorney’s office.

The highway was shut down for several hours for the investigation but has since reopened.

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