Massachusetts
The Globe located more than half of the migrants flown to Martha’s Vineyard by Ron DeSantis. Two years later, many are still in limbo. – The Boston Globe
The car breakdown this summer derailed his life. Arcaya could no longer drive his wife, Eduviges Cedeño, to her job at a Venezuelan restaurant. And he lost his only source of income, driving for UberEats.
It was a harsh reminder: The life he had managed to assemble here was still so fragile.
It had taken the family nearly two years to settle into this taxing yet remarkably ordinary existence — especially considering the strangeness of Arcaya’s arrival in Massachusetts.
He was one of the 49 migrants flown from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard by Florida Governor Ron DeSantis in September 2022. That surprise airlift was designed to make northern states feel the sting of surging immigration at the southern border. DeSantis operatives had promised Arcaya and his fellow travelers, mostly Venezuelan nationals who had crossed the border without authorization, that they would find free housing, jobs, and legal aid at the other end of the flight.
It was a deliberate deception, but there was also something to it. At the time, Massachusetts billed itself as a safe haven for undocumented migrants. It was the only state in the nation with a right-to-shelter law that guaranteed housing, immediately, to any family that needed it.
When the Martha’s Vineyard migrants arrived here, they benefited from an extraordinary outpouring of attention and support. State officials and Good Samaritans rushed to donate food and clothing, and helped them find places to stay. They wanted to prove DeSantis wrong: Northern liberals would not turn their backs on migrants showing up unexpectedly in their own backyard.
Two years later, at least 20,000 more migrants have arrived, and the landscape has shifted dramatically. The shelter system’s budget has ballooned to $1 billion a year. Governor Maura Healey has capped its capacity. State officials are telling migrants to stay away and instructing families to leave state shelters. Children are sleeping on the street.
The Martha’s Vineyard migrants are living with the consequences of this new reality.
A Globe review, which included locating more than half of the members of the original Martha’s Vineyard group, found that the special status they enjoyed in their first weeks here has largely faded away. They have become part of this much larger group of newcomers, navigating the same overburdened state and federal programs meant to help resettle them.
There are success stories. Four have settled on the Vineyard and become part of the island community that first welcomed them. Two men who initially stayed with host families have managed to bring their wives and children to Massachusetts and now have steady work and apartments.
Most have not been so lucky. Some have struggled to secure work permits. Others have languished in state shelters. Many are still scraping by with the wages from odd jobs, as delivery drivers, construction workers, or landscapers. Few, if any, have had the time or resources to become fluent in English.
At least 13 have left the state altogether, after finding it bereft of affordable housing and accessible jobs. They scattered to New Hampshire, Rhode Island, North and South Carolina, New York, Chicago, Detroit, and Atlanta. One man returned to his hometown of Caracas.
Most of the Martha’s Vineyard 49 feel stuck in a kind of limbo, unsure how to advance their lives in the United States and unwilling to return to the political strife and economic collapse they fled in their home country.
Despite his struggles here, Arcaya, like many members of the group, said he does not regret coming to the US — and leaving Venezuela’s turmoil behind. “I won’t go back,” he said.
The two private jets chartered by the DeSantis administration took off from a San Antonio airstrip on Sept. 14, 2022.
Estrella, a Peruvian woman traveling with her 7-year-old daughter, Gabriela, and her boyfriend, Eduardo, thought she was headed to New York City. For the first time in months, she felt hopeful, buoyant even. She imagined that Gabriela would have opportunities in the United States that would never have been available at home.
Estrella had left her hometown, Piura, a city of half a million in northern Peru, in the summer of 2022. She boarded a bus with Gabriela and Eduardo, leaving behind a modest but comfortable life. She owned a home and had a restaurant job shucking shellfish. But Eduardo was determined to come to the US, and Estrella didn’t want to lose him. (Estrella asked that the Globe identify her, her daughter, and her boyfriend by their middle names due to their unauthorized immigration status.)
The journey north was hellish. In Mexico, Estrella said, she, Gabriela, and Eduardo were kidnapped. While they were captive, she said, she heard what sounded like beatings in nearby rooms. They were released when the kidnappers realized they couldn’t pay a ransom.
After they reached Texas, a woman they didn’t know approached them at a McDonald’s and offered them a gift card. Then she asked if they would like to fly north.
After several hours in flight, she looked out the plane’s window and saw nothing but water to the horizon. She was alarmed, as were other passengers who started wondering aloud what was happening. A monitor in the plane’s cabin showed the flight was heading east, apparently straight out to sea, Estrella recalled in interviews this summer.
Not long after, land came into view — an island. After the plane rolled to a stop on the runway of the Vineyard’s tiny airport, Estrella, Gabriela, and Eduardo descended a staircase onto the tarmac and looked around. Where were they?
During the next two days, it seemed as if the world had descended on the Martha’s Vineyard migrants.

A church in Edgartown, the island’s ritziest village, opened its doors to serve as a makeshift shelter. There, volunteers from nonprofits, local families, and the island high school set up buffets of food, donated clothes, and even handed out cellphones. The press came, too, with television cameras and notepads and a thousand questions about where the migrants had come from and what they thought of DeSantis’ gambit.
Estrella and the others saw themselves on social media posts and international news broadcasts, and pieced together what had happened to them. Many felt preyed upon by DeSantis, and intensely grateful to the people of Martha’s Vineyard and Massachusetts who now seemed to be taking them in.
There was just one problem. When they asked locals if they could stay on the island, the answer was, more or less, no. There was not enough inexpensive housing nor enough jobs for migrants without work permits. It would be better if they went to the mainland.
After two days, state officials ferried Estrella and the others to a Cape Cod military base where case workers, lawyers, and local church groups helped them all find a place to stay.
That’s when the group began to disperse.
Some of the families entered the state’s emergency shelter program, which placed them in homes in Lowell or Boston. Many of the single men went to homeless shelters or a hotel. A lucky few left the base to live with host families on the Cape.
Estrella, Eduardo, and Gabriela ended up in an apartment in Newburyport. The state-funded home was a godsend, especially since, without work permits, Estrella and Eduardo could not find jobs. For Estrella, though, life there was also frustrating. She was used to supporting herself. Now, she was dependent on a social worker who delivered groceries every other week. She couldn’t pay back a loan she had taken from her aunt to fund her journey. When the three college-age sons she had left behind in Peru asked her to send money, she had nothing to share.
The sense of powerlessness was maddening. She had been working continuously since she was 9, about Gabriela’s age. She had been confident she could make her own way here, just as she always had.
After half a year of frustrating dependence — “I didn’t come here to have the government support me,” she said — she was antsy.
So last spring, when Eduardo told Estrella he had heard from a friend that there were jobs and cheap housing in a place called Detroit, Estrella was intrigued. Should they go?
She asked her pro-bono immigration lawyer for advice. The answer was clear. If Estrella left Massachusetts, the lawyer said, she would lose her legal representation.
But the alternative was to keep waiting. Estrella and Eduardo started to pack.

Other members of the Martha’s Vineyard group, confronted with the same frustrations, decided to stay put. But many of them remain, two years later, stuck on the margins of society.
Four of these men now live in a white clapboard boarding house on a busy road in downtown Stoughton. On summer days, the house — and the small, single-occupancy bedrooms inside — seem to absorb the heat radiating from the concrete surroundings. So the home’s residents gather on the house’s front deck, smoking cigarettes, hoping for a breeze.
The other residents of house, who receive government rental assistance, are mostly US citizens. They are kind to the newcomers. But they are also troubled: They have mental illnesses or addiction. At least two of them have died — one of an overdose inside the home — since the Martha’s Vineyard men moved in. Police have responded to the home multiple times per month for drug overdoses, medical emergencies, arrests, and drunkenness.
Leonel, a 47-year-old single father from Caracas, developed insomnia shortly after moving into the home. He has lived there rent-free since he and seven other men were bused from the Cape Cod military base to Stoughton. He doesn’t know who pays the bill.
Leonel left Venezuela “out of necessity,” he said. Under the autocratic regime of President Nicolás Maduro, the economy had collapsed and antigovernment protests — followed by brutal state crackdowns — had rocked Venezuelan cities. In the past decade, a third of the country’s citizens have left. Leonel set out alone, leaving his two teenage daughters with his parents. He was hoping, somehow, to establish himself in the US, and then send for them. (Leonel asked the Globe to identify him by only his first name because he fears being identified if he ever returns to Venezuela.)
“I want them to be here, to stay here,” he said of his daughters in an interview this summer.
But first he needs a proper home and, before that, a job.
During his first months in Stoughton, he knocked on the office doors of nearby landscaping companies and contractors. When he got lucky, it meant he’d spend a long day roofing or working in a suburban yard.
After about a year in Massachusetts, Leonel received a work permit. He believes he got it through an asylum claim he was pursuing. (Other members of the Martha’s Vineyard group received work permits this year through a special visa program available to victims of crimes after a San Antonio sheriff said said they had been subject to unlawful restraint.)
But even with the work permit in hand, he found looking for a job bewildering. “The gringo goes on the internet and, according to his skills, he applies for work,” he said. “But I don’t have a computer and I don’t know how to apply.”
In September, the home’s managers told Leonel and the other Martha’s Vineyard men that they will soon have to start paying rent. Leonel doesn’t know what he will do.
He is now working a part-time landscaping job. But it doesn’t pay enough for him to move out of the boarding house and live on his own. Better options seem out of reach to him. He was a private driver in Venezuela but here his car is too old for Uber or Lyft. He can’t decipher most job postings, and, even if he could, he worries he lacks the language skills he’d need on the job.
“You’re not a human being if you don’t speak English here,” he said.
Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff
Just after 6 a.m. on a recent morning in Detroit, Estrella stood fully dressed in her basement bedroom listening for footsteps.
The room smelled earthen and just a few shafts of light came through the windows. Estrella was waiting for her housemate, Carlos, to wake up and drive her to the car factory, where they both worked. Gabriela, now 9, was splayed on a mattress fast asleep. When the floorboards creaked, Estrella put on her backpack and went upstairs. She would call Gabriela around noon to make sure she ate lunch.
The move to Detroit had not gone as planned.
When Estrella, Eduardo, and Gabriela arrived in May 2023, they found many of the same problems they thought they’d left behind in Massachusetts. The housing wasn’t as cheap and the jobs were not as plentiful as Eduardo’s friend had promised. Without work permits and with limited English, they struggled to find jobs. They were also cut off from the networks of friends and supporters they had begun to build in Massachusetts.
And Eduardo? He was gone now. He’d left Estrella for another woman.
Alone with her daughter in a new city, she found herself living an increasingly cloistered life. After losing her lawyer, she still had no legal immigration status, and she didn’t know how to keep track of her case.
“My fear is I go out and Immigration spots me,” she said. “Then, my daughter, where does she end up?”
She felt like her immigration case was haunting her life, omnipresent but out of sight. She did not know, until a Globe reporter informed her in September, that a judge in Boston had closed her case after she failed to show up for a hearing in Boston. The case could be reopened at any time.
So she stayed inside as much as she could.
Estrella plans to teach Gabriela how to call a pastor they met back in Massachusetts. She wants her to be able to get help in case the day comes when Estrella doesn’t make it home. But she hasn’t been able to bring herself to do it yet.
Returning to her life in Peru is technically an option, but Estrella won’t consider it. If she went home — if she gave up, that is— then everything she and Gabriela have been through would be for nothing.
“So many ugly things happened,” she said.
Estrella’s closest companion these days is Carlos, her housemate upstairs. She calls him Viejo — Old Man — and they bicker like siblings. Estrella cooks with him and he, in turn, drives her to work and the grocery store.
On a Saturday afternoon this summer, Estrella and Gabriela climbed into his car. He drove them to a Meijer supermarket on the outskirts of Detroit that looked like it was the size of a baseball stadium. As they walked the aisles together, Gabriela ran up to Estrella holding a box of ice cream cones, and smiled.
Estrella looked at the price and paused.
Rent was coming due. School would start soon and Gabriela would need clothes and new supplies. There was a consultation with an immigration lawyer — if she could finally swing it — and she was saving to buy a car. She put the box in her cart anyway.
It was summer and they were overdue for something sweet.
It was almost time for Arcaya to begin his nighttime delivery shift.
Standing in the living room of his Dorchester apartment, he opened his UberEats app, looking for work, while he finished eating a leftover empanada. The walls were bare. A single rose, a gift for his wife, Cedeño, from one of their teenage daughters, stood in a plastic water bottle on the kitchen pass-through. The family had moved into the state-subsidized apartment just two months earlier and had had little time — or money — to decorate.
A few minutes later, his phone emitted a familiar ding. An order was ready for pickup. He said goodbye to Cedeño and the girls, and walked into the night.
Like so many of the men on the Martha’s Vineyard flights, Arcaya had come to the US with the hope of someday bringing his family here. He was one of the few who had managed to do it. Last spring, Cedeño and their two teenage daughters flew to Boston and entered the country legally under a humanitarian program created by the Biden administration.
At the time, he was living in the Stoughton house, alongside Leonel, the single father from Venezuela. His family’s arrival was his ticket out. It made him eligible for the state’s emergency shelter system and soon he, Cedeño, and the girls moved into a Holiday Inn in Marlborough. They stayed there for a year, waiting for work papers and a more permanent place to live, while their daughters attended Marlborough Public Schools.
Then, early this summer, a case worker told them they could soon move into a state-subsidized apartment in a multifamily home in Dorchester. The house was green, a little crooked, and full of life. A couple of other families lived there, also migrants with children of their own.
Cedeño received a work permit and soon landed her restaurant job. Although Arcaya’s work permit still hadn’t arrived, he was able to supplement the family’s income by driving for UberEats on a friend’s account.
There were moments when he felt like he had finally arrived, that his family was settled. One morning, this summer he took his daughters to a school building in Roxbury to enroll them in Boston Public Schools for the upcoming year. When he got home, he waved at some of his neighbors who had gathered on their front deck. Then he hosed down his car in the driveway. It was a simple life, exactly what he had hoped for when he fled from Venezuela’s strife.
Until the car broke down. His demeanor, even his appearance changed during the weeks he was struggling with the car, tension visible in his shoulders and his face. The costs mounted. A $400 labor charge one day, an expensive trip to AutoZone the next.
After a month, finally, it was fixed. But the ordeal left a hole in the family’s finances that he is still working long hours to repair. The state subsidy that allows them to live in the Dorchester apartment is limited. The less they contribute to rent every month, the sooner the money will run out. Then what?
Arcaya keeps driving. The other night, he picked up an order at a Jamaican restaurant near his house and wended his way through the evening traffic, looking for the right address. His phone dinged again with an order for pizza. He would go as long as he could, usually well past midnight.
And then he’d wake up and do it all over again.
Mike Damiano can be reached at mike.damiano@globe.com. Esmy Jimenez can be reached at esmy.jimenez@globe.com. Follow her @esmyjimenez.
Massachusetts
Marijuana prices have been taking a nosedive. What comes next? – The Boston Globe
Grocery prices are rising. Rents are up. There is one product, though, that’s actually getting cheaper: marijuana.
The price of a gram of weed — the amount in a large joint — was down to just above $4, on average, in January, the latest continuation of a years-long nose-dive that has brought prices plummeting over 70 percent since pot stores first opened in Massachusetts in 2018. In those days, a gram cost more than $14.
“I’m taking advantage definitely,” Tori Wells, a Boston customer, said of current rock-bottom prices as she left downtown dispensary Pure Oasis one recent afternoon.
While consumers are happy, low prices have launched the industry into turmoil. It’s a far cry from the visions of wealth in cannabis that laid the foundation for many entrepreneurs to enter the industry and the state’s efforts at enriching Black and Latino communities that were targeted by the war on drugs.
“Profitability is tough to reach,” said Gabriel Vieira, CEO of Zyp Run, the first cannabis delivery service to open in Greater Boston in 2023. Delivery business licenses remain exclusive to equity operators, but many have struggled to find success. Just last month, Vieira’s company had to settle a state tax debt of more than $410,000 in order to continue operating this year, he said.
Marijuana growers and manufacturers said retail businesses are increasingly stiffing them on payments as money runs thin across the industry. There are signs that lawsuits, debts, and unpaid taxes are piling up, while business closures accelerate. Last fiscal year, 13 retail stores closed after either having their licenses revoked or choosing not to renew their licenses operations — more than in all previous years of legalization combined. And of the 71 cannabis business licenses of all kinds surrendered since recreational pot sales began, almost half were given up in the most recent fiscal year.
“Every state has a bottom, and we are in it,” said Derek Ross, CEO of Nova Farms, a company with six dispensaries across Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maine, and New Jersey, and hundreds of cultivation acres in the Northeast. “If we didn’t have opportunities in other states, we’d be struggling to keep our head above water.”
The industry’s dismal state is the result of an oversaturated market with too many marijuana plants being grown, said Commissioner Kimberly Roy, of the Cannabis Control Commission.
The commission is considering whether to freeze new cultivation licenses, with a public hearing on the matter likely soon. It’s a measure Roy supports.
“We need to hit the brakes,” Roy said. “Quite frankly, it’s overdue.”
By the end of 2025, the industry had the capacity to grow over 4.5 million square feet of cannabis plant canopy, up from 3.65 million in 2023.
Now cultivator competition is driving “razor-thin margins,” Roy added, and becoming a pain point for the entire industry.
Andrew Kazakoff, of Fathom Cannabis, a cultivator in West Boylston, said he supports a freeze on new growers.
“We need to take a halt,” Kazakoff said, adding: “Let the industry settle, work on itself, and come to equilibrium.”
As companies jockey for business there is also a “race to the bottom” on prices in the retail market that has led to “a lot of these businesses kind of cannibalizing each other,” said Ryan Dominguez, executive director of the Massachusetts Cannabis Coalition, a trade group. He added that a freeze could be a necessary step in righting the industry.
What’s happening in Massachusetts is something that other states have experienced, said Beau Kilmer, co-director of the RAND Drug Policy Research Center.
Cannabis prices have fallen nationwide, particularly in early legalizing states such as Colorado, California, and Oregon, whose head start in infrastructure building has quickly turned to rampant oversupply. Oregon has imposed various pauses on its cannabis licensing dating back to 2018, with new license approvals of any kind currently banned.
“If you’re not going to limit the amount that’s produced, you should expect to see these price declines,” Kilmer said. Likewise, other New England states, including Connecticut and Maine, have retained higher prices than Massachusetts, the first pot stronghold on the East Coast and still its largest grower, since going legal.
The low prices mean cannabis businesses are mired in money problems, even as demand has continued to grow for their products. The number of cannabis sales that occurred last year increased by 8 percent over 2024, but revenues from those sales essentially plateaued, totaling around $1.65 billion for both 2024 and 2025.
Ross, the CEO of Nova Farms, said he cut 25 percent of his multi-state workforce in the last 18 months, as even diversified outfits have had to become “lean and mean,” to weather today’s market.
Two dozen companies, including four cultivators and 12 retailers, were in court-appointed receivership, the state’s legal alternative to bankruptcy, in January, according to commission data. More have been added since. Bankruptcy isn’t an option for cannabis companies as long as the drug remains federally illegal.
Designated as participating in “trafficking,” cannabis sellers also pay significantly more in federal taxes, often at rates of 60 to 80 percent, and are barred from making some regular deductible expenses.
Brian Keith, cofounder of Rooted In, said his Newbury Street dispensary, which opened in 2022, would be profitable if it weren’t for the heavy burden of the federal tax code, which places the most strain on retail stores.
Brian Keith, owner of Rooted In, is one of many small cannabis shops facing plummeting retail prices on cannabis and a compression that is making it difficult for local owners to stay afloat.
A future VIP social consumption private room is set up downstairs at Rooted In.
(David L. Ryan/Globe Staff)
(David L. Ryan/Globe Staff)
He filed his taxes on time this year but didn’t have the funds, he said, and now it may take over 12 months to settle over $170,000 in outstanding debts through a payment plan with the IRS.
“We’re seeing the same number of people walking through the door, but less revenue,” Keith said.
Keith is a member of the state’s social equity program, aimed at helping communities disproportionately impacted by the war on drugs build wealth.
His company has raised more than a quarter million dollars from communities of color in Dorchester, Roxbury, and Mattapan to fund its initial operations, he said, but the profits he planned to bring back to those communities haven’t materialized because of the prices plummeting.
Keith’s business is one of about 100 owned by people in the state’s two equity programs — about 15 percent of all open businesses in the state. Many of these entrepreneurs are struggling to make ends meet, the Globe has reported.
The CCC has approved a framework to allow the opening of marijuana lounges, giving exclusive access to equity entrepreneurs and smaller operations, though that rollout is just getting off the ground.
Many cannabis cultivators and manufacturers are seeing an escalating issue of unpaid debts.
Kazakoff, the grower in West Boylston, said half his orders last year were not paid on time by retailers, and a few not at all. That was barely a problem before 2025, he said.
“I grapple with the fact every single month of: Do I stay in business when I’m not getting paid by dispensaries?” he said. “Or how am I going to pay my employees?”
Currently, the CCC has no authority to police these business-to-business transactions, Commissioner Roy said, though she said it’s time for them to try and address it. Cannabis reform bills pending in the State House and Senate look to reshape cannabis regulations, including by mirroring alcohol enforcement, by restricting delinquent companies to having to pay their bills as soon as they receive products and publishing their names. Both versions of the legislation would also dissolve the current five-member cannabis commission, replacing it with a smaller three-member body.

Cultivators such as Kris Foley, CEO of Berkshire Roots, have taken matters into their own hands, initiating legal action to retrieve funds he said he is owed from around a half dozen retailers.
“A lot of partners that we worked with early on, they were good payers,” but that changed suddenly, said Foley, who runs two Pittsfield cultivation facilities and a nearby dispensary, as well as another shop in East Boston. He hasn’t been paid on time for between $150,000 and $200,000 worth of product since 2024.
Nova Farms has been shorted payment for an estimated $4.5 million in product in Massachusetts in the past two years, far more than its other states, Ross said.
Steve Reilly, co-owner and head of government relations at INSA, a large cannabis operator in Massachusetts and four other states, worries that debt issues in the industry have driven away investment.
“Most of these companies are just struggling to keep the lights on and they’re doing what they can do,” he said. “But as they’re doing that, they’re dragging everybody else down.”
Bryan Hecht can be reached at bryan.hecht@globe.com. Follow him on Instagram @bhechtjournalism.
Massachusetts
Pedestrian hospitalized after being hit in Waltham
A person was hit by a vehicle Tuesday morning in Waltham, Massachusetts.
Police responded just after 10 a.m. to the crash at the intersection of Elm Street and Carter Street.
Officers began treating the pedestrian, who was then taken to an area hospital with unspecified injuries.
The driver stayed at the scene, the Waltham Police Department said.
The cause of the crash is under investigation.
Massachusetts
People are moving out of Massachusetts but the population still grew
Is support for Trump waning due to immigration policy?
A growing backlash to ICE tactics is fueling a major shift in public opinion on Trump’s immigration strategy.
More people left Massachusetts than moved in from 2024 to 2025, with the state ranking fourth in the nation for net domestic migration loss, according to data from the U.S. Census Bureau.
Thousands of residents left the Bay State for other states during that period. Regionally, the Northeast experienced a net domestic migration loss of 205,552, according to the data.
Despite the domestic outflow, Massachusetts’ population still grew by 15,524 when factoring in births, deaths, and international migration.
Here’s what to know about the states with the highest and lowest net domestic migration across the country:
Massachusetts’ net domestic, international migration from 2024 to 2025
From July 1, 2024, to July 1, 2025, Massachusetts had a net domestic migration of -33,340, with 33,340 more people moving out of the state than moving in, according to data from the U.S. Census Bureau.
Meanwhile, the state had a net international migration of 40,240, as 40,240 more people moved into Massachusetts from abroad than left.
States with highest net domestic migration from 2024 to 2025
Here were the states with the highest net domestic migration from July 1, 2024, to July 1, 2025, according to U.S. Census data:
- North Carolina: 84,064 residents
- Texas: 67,299 residents
- South Carolina: 66,622 residents
- Tennessee: 42,389 residents
- Arizona: 31,107 residents
- Georgia: 27,333 residents
- Alabama: 23,358 residents
- Florida: 22,517 residents
- Idaho: 19,915 residents
- Nevada: 14,914 residents
States with lowest net domestic migration from 2024 to 2025
Here were the states with the lowest net domestic migration from July 1, 2024, to July 1, 2025, according to U.S. Census data:
- California: -229,077 residents
- New York: -137,586 residents
- Illinois: -40,017 residents
- New Jersey: -37,428 residents
- Massachusetts: -33,340 residents
- Louisiana: -14,387 residents
- Maryland: -12,127 residents
- Colorado: -12,100 residents
- Hawaii: -8,876 residents
- Connecticut: -5,945 residents
New England states’ net domestic migration from 2024 to 2025
Here’s how New England states ranked on net domestic migration from July 1, 2024, to July 1, 2025, according to U.S. Census data:
- Maine: 7,406 residents (ranked 18th nationally)
- New Hampshire: 6,554 residents (ranked 22nd nationally)
- Vermont: -726 residents (ranked 34th nationally)
- Rhode Island: -1,551 residents (ranked 36th nationally)
- Connecticut: -5,945 residents (ranked 42nd nationally)
- Massachusetts: -33,340 residents (ranked 47th nationally)
Census regions with highest net domestic migration from 2024 to 2025
Here’s how the four Census regions ranked on net domestic migration from July 1, 2024, to July 1, 2025, according to U.S. Census data:
- South: 357,790 residents
- Midwest: 16,040 residents
- West: -168,278 residents
- Northeast: -205,552 residents
-
Wisconsin1 week agoSetting sail on iceboats across a frozen lake in Wisconsin
-
Massachusetts1 week agoMassachusetts man awaits word from family in Iran after attacks
-
Pennsylvania6 days agoPa. man found guilty of raping teen girl who he took to Mexico
-
Detroit, MI5 days agoU.S. Postal Service could run out of money within a year
-
Miami, FL7 days agoCity of Miami celebrates reopening of Flagler Street as part of beautification project
-
Sports6 days agoKeith Olbermann under fire for calling Lou Holtz a ‘scumbag’ after legendary coach’s death
-
Virginia7 days agoGiants will hold 2026 training camp in West Virginia
-
Culture1 week agoTry This Quiz on the Real Locations in These Magical and Mysterious Novels