Maine
Lucas: The Maine drain: Progressives in Maine and Massachusetts seem determined to antagonize Trump
“As Maine goes, so goes the nation,” was once a maxim in U.S. politics, meaning that it was at one time a bellwether for presidential elections.
Now it risks becoming a backwater in the face of federal budget cuts imposed by President Donald Trump.
And Massachusetts is not far behind. The Maine maxim could soon read, “As Maine goes, so goes Massachusetts” when it comes to similar, but larger, elimination or cutbacks in federal funding.
Another thing in common is that both Gov. Janet Mills of Maine and Gov. Maura Healey are both progressive Democrats who are “standing up” to Trump no matter what it costs their state and the people who live there.
Their stand is a perfect example of self-indulgent politicians putting politics over common sense, particularly when it comes to supporting men in women’s sports, transgender issues, DEI and other looney, left-wing progressive nonsense.
A Maine example of what is in store for Massachusetts was no-nonsense U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi’s decision last week to pull funding from Maine’s Department of Correction over a man transgendering into a woman being housed in a women’s prison.
The person is serving a 40-year sentence for murdering his/her parents and the family dog.
“We will pull your funding, we will protect women in prison, we will protect women in sports, we will protect women throughout this country,” Bondi said, in reference to Mill’s stubborn defiance of Trump’s mandate banning men from competing in women’s sports.
Things will be worse for Massachusetts because, not only is there is more at stake, but the attacks on Trump have never subsided even after he was elected in 2024 in a solid victory.
In fact, they have gotten worse as Healey, Boston Mayor Michelle Wu and Attorney General Andrea Campbell in a triple team offense seem to be competing over who can hate and taunt Trump more.
Campbell, for instance, appears out to break Healey’s record of suing Trump some one hundred times in four years when she was attorney general.
Even before he was sworn in as president the second time around, Campbell warned that she would be “on the front lines to protect our fundamental rights” from Trump. She so far she has sued him nine times.
Mayor Wu’s attacks on Trump are a bit more understandable since she is running for reelection and is counting on anti-Trump votes in Boston, no matter how much it will cost the city by challenging Trump’s mandates, particularly on illegal immigration.
And while Gov. Healey, the third spoke in the women’s progressive anti-Trump trifecta, has said she would work with Trump whenever possible, the Trump administration is not listening, doesn’t care or does not believe her.
That is because too many bridges have been burned.
Even as Trump pulled off a remarkable pause and switch turnabout with his tariff crusade, isolated China, and saw the stock market rise to amazing heights, Healey and the Democrats had nothing good to say, except to complain about the “chaos” Trump caused.
Trump could teach Democrats a lesson in diplomacy.
While he isolated China, our main adversary, from the rest of the world and banged it with tariffs, he had kind things to say about his “friend,” Communist Chinese President Xi Jinping.
“XI is a smart guy and we’ll end up making a deal,” Trump said. “Xi is a man who knows exactly what has to be done. He loves his country.”
Contrast that to the names prominent Democrats call Trump, their adversary.
They defiantly call him Hitler, a Nazi, a fascist, a dictator and a king and then expect him to continue shower them, their states, their cities and their interests with money the way hapless Joe Biden did.
Healey, following generally accepted happy news that Trump had paused higher tariffs for most countries, except China, and that countries were lining up for a deal under Trump’s terms, was still critical of him.
“We are still left in a state of chaos and uncertainty,” she said.
But her killer quote came when she added, “At the end of the day, I wish somebody could reach the president and get him to stop, because enough is enough.”
Governor, that is your job.
Veteran political columnist Peter Lucas can be reached at: peter.lucas@bostonherald.com

Originally Published:
Maine
Maine among states suing Trump administration to release November SNAP benefits
Maine and about two dozen other states are suing the Trump administration in an attempt to have federal food assistance benefits released next month in the midst of an ongoing government shutdown.
The complaint, filed in federal district court in Massachusetts, alleges that the suspension of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, benefits is illegal. The attorneys general say the U.S. Department of Agriculture has access to billions of dollars in contingency funds and can use them pay for the November benefits.
USDA has said it cannot use those contingency funds.
“The contingency fund is not available to support FY2026 regular benefits, because the appropriation for regular benefits no longer exists,” the department said late last week in a memo.
Contingency funding must be available for other purposes, USDA added, including disaster relief.
The attorneys general, however, argue that because states are responsible for administering the federal food assistance program, suspending SNAP benefits is a violation of the Administrative Procedure Act.
And in a statement, Maine Attorney General Aaron Frey said USDA is “simply refusing” to release the food assistance benefits.
“It is unconscionably cruel and unlawful,” he said. “My colleagues and I are going to court to insist that the Trump administration follow the law and use the funds Congress appropriated to ensure SNAP can continue through the shutdown.”
The attorneys general say they will also seek a temporary restraining order asking that the court immediately distribute upcoming SNAP benefits.
Roughly 170,000 Mainers, or about 12% of the state’s population, rely on SNAP benefits. About 75% of Maine of households that receive the food assistance benefits include at least one working adult; more than half include a person with a disability. More than one-third of households include children.
Maine
Maine, USA: Waters at Risk Amid the Rise of Industrial Fish Farming
Kingfish Maine Comes to Town
In the spring of 2020, Kingfish Maine (KM)—a US subsidiary of the Norwegian company Kingfish—set out to build a $110 million on-shore fish farm in Jonesport, Maine, a small fishing town of roughly 1,245 people. KM’s representatives quickly set about embedding themselves in the community, hosting meet-and-greets at local hangouts and the town library to build support for their project.
KM representatives worked tirelessly to win over Jonesport’s most influential figures in support of building a land-based facility to raise sushi-grade fish, known as a Recirculating Aquaculture System, known as “RAS” for short. Key backers included two members of the Board of Selectmen and the individual who sold KM the 92-acre parcel where the industrial complex will be constructed.
Serious Ecological Water Problems
KM planned to build its industrial complex on 92 acres along Chandler Bay, calling it a “Recirculating Aquaculture System” (RAS)—a name that might suggest the system is fully self-contained. In reality, it is far from a closed-loop. The facility will use four massive, four-foot-diameter pipes: two extending nearly half a mile into the Chandler Bay to draw in water, and two slightly shorter pipes to return it. Altogether, the system will pump more than 28 million gallons of Chandler Bay water every day; roughly 324 gallons per second. Over six million gallons of that water will be heated to 78–80°F—bear in mind that Chandler Bay has a mean temperature of less than 60 degrees F, and barely reaches 65 degrees in mid-summer. According to a KM representative, water returning to the Chandler Bay could be up to five degrees cooler than the surrounding Bay, but calculations using basic physics (Q = mCΔT) show this is impossible.
The implications of this massive water movement are significant, but they are only the beginning. Equally concerning are the nutrients/biotoxins the system will release. The outflow is projected to dump 1,583 pounds of nitrogen and 393 pounds of phosphorus into Chandler Bay every day. These nutrients act like fertilizer, fueling faster and denser algae growth and increasing the risk of frequent, severe red tides. As algae proliferates, it blocks sunlight from reaching shallow-water plants, which need light to photosynthesize. When these plants die, their decomposition consumes oxygen in the water, creating low-oxygen zones that can suffocate fish, shellfish, and other marine life: C₆H₁₀O₅ + 6O₂ → 6CO₂ + 5H₂O
In short, what might seem like a simple discharge of water and nutrients could trigger a cascade of ecological problems, threatening Chandler Bay’s entire ecosystem. Yet, most residents—trusting the company’s apparent expertise—are unlikely to question these claims, despite the enormous stakes for the environment.
The ecological consequences would be disastrous. In shallower areas of Chandler Bay, where sunlight reaches the seafloor, eelgrass grows, providing food and shelter for young marine animals like lobsters and scallops. One can easily imagine the domino effects of excessive surface algae growth and the severe impact this would have on the Bay’s delicate ecosystem.
The Planning Board and the Unlikely Challenge
Imagine you’re a member of a small-town Planning Board. You earn $18 a month for your service. Maybe you’re a lobster fisherman, a teacher, a diesel mechanic, or a retired store owner. Most of the time, your work involves approving modest permits—garages, sheds, additions, the occasional new house with a gravel driveway. Every so often, someone wants to upgrade a work shed on the shore to tend to their lobster boat.
Then one day, someone walks into the Town Office and picks up an application to build a $110 million industrial fish farm. Are the five members of the Planning Board prepared for something so far outside their usual scope? The answer is likely no—and that’s where the trouble began.
The Jonesport Planning Board started holding weekly meetings to hear from both proponents and opponents of the Kingfish Maine (KM) project. At first, meetings were held in the small Town Office, but attendance quickly outgrew the space, forcing a move to the Jonesport-Beals High School gymnasium.
Before long, residents called for a town vote on a six-month moratorium to give the Planning Board time to strengthen local zoning ordinances. Nearly 320 people turned out to vote. The moratorium was defeated nearly two to one. Many townspeople, encouraged by local leaders, believed voting “no” meant supporting Kingfish Maine. In reality, the measure was meant to give the town breathing room to prepare—something few residents understood.
A high school student later told me her mother had voted “no” because “that’s what everyone said to do,” not realizing what the vote was actually about.
Lawyers, Loopholes, and the “Ringer”
As the meetings grew in size and tension, time limits were imposed on public comments. Lawyers representing the company, the town, and local opponents filled the room. Testimony was recorded, reviewed, and dissected.
Among the Planning Board members was an alternate—a highly educated nuclear scientist—who seemed unusually skilled at countering criticism of the project. Many wondered how this “ringer” from KM had ended up on the Board.
The dynamic between the Planning Board, the town’s attorney, and KM’s legal team began to look increasingly cozy. Opponents often felt outmatched. One example came when residents raised concerns about electrical power. KM admitted it couldn’t use existing lines because of the plant’s massive energy needs. When asked for proof of how they’d secure power, company representatives replied, “That’s not our problem; it’s the local electrical provider’s.” The Board simply accepted this answer.
Then came the question of shoreland zoning. Under the Shoreland Zoning Ordinance (SLZ), KM couldn’t place any fish farm structures within the restricted area. But KM’s attorney argued that the only building in the shoreland zone was the pump house—which, they claimed, didn’t count as part of the industrial complex. The Planning Board accepted this as well.
The Fight Over Table 15
The final showdown centered on Table 15 of Jonesport’s Land Use and Development Ordinance (LUDO)—a matrix that indicates which types of development are allowed, restricted, or prohibited. Opponents were confident: under “Industrial Buildings,” the table clearly said “NO.” By that logic, the KM installation should have been prohibited.
Earlier, KM had tried to classify itself as agricultural, arguing that fish farming was akin to farming. That effort failed. The LUDO clearly defined “industrial” as any operation involving both growing and processing—exactly what KM intended to do.
But further down Table 15 was a section labeled “Marine-Related Activities” and a subcategory for “functionally water-related uses.” Normally, Maine towns interpret ordinance conflicts in favor of the most restrictive rule—in this case, the “NO” under the section titled, Industrial Buildings. Yet KM’s lawyer and the town’s attorney agreed to disregard that principle, offering no convincing reason.
The Planning Board sided with them, ruling that the project qualified as “functionally water-related” rather than industrial.
When the final vote came, opponents were momentarily elated: the Board voted 3–2 to reject KM’s application. But the victory evaporated almost instantly. One “no” voter, under visible pressure from the Chair, changed his vote. The reversal passed, and KM’s project was approved 3–2.
A Sensible Plan
After more than four years of meetings, research, legal motions, and appeals, I began to wonder whether there might be a more balanced way to handle such cases. What if an independent consortium of professionals—lawyers, scientists, and planners with no corporate ties—reviewed large-scale development proposals before they ever reached small-town boards?
This group could identify likely points of community resistance and recommend alternative approaches, helping companies like Kingfish avoid needless conflict while ensuring that towns aren’t blindsided.
But here’s the catch: law firms profit from conflict. Appeals and lawsuits generate revenue, so there’s little incentive to simplify the process. That reality brings us to the central question:
Even in the face of a changing climate, is economic development still considered more important than environmental integrity? So far, the answer remains yes—and that is the sad, distressing truth.
Concluding Remarks
Fast forward to May 2025. The Town of Jonesport’s attorney—who ostensibly represents the town and has been accused of overstepping or sidestepping his role—sent a letter to the Planning Board proposing amendments to the LUDO to accommodate KM, citing time lost during the company’s recent court appeals. KM, of course, won all those appeals, despite numerous well-founded environmental concerns.
Opponents were stunned. The proposed changes would effectively give KM a three-year extension to secure investors and move forward with construction—despite the company’s current financial struggles.
To many, this looks less like due process and more like a quiet partnership between economic ambition and political convenience. Meanwhile, the environmental stakes remain dire: more than a ton of nitrogen and phosphorus released into Chandler Bay every day, compounded by models predicting dangerous nutrient buildup. The Bay is also home to endangered Atlantic salmon and vulnerable bird species such as the razorbill auk and purple sandpiper.
For locals who depend on the Bay—for fishing, for tourism, for identity—the situation feels less like progress and more like betrayal. And so, the question lingers: behind the curtain, whose interests are truly being served?
Richard W. Aishton is currently an independent consultant and the President of Protect Downeast. His previous assignment was for the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) as the Program Coordinator for the ENPI FLEG Program (Forest Law Enforcement and Governance) in six Eastern European countries and Russia. This program concentrated on rural development and resource dependency; and ecosystem management and governance, using the context of ecosystem destruction. Dr. Aishton focuses on quantifying the relationship between rural communities and their natural resource base. His skills include the application of technical science; remote sensing and use of satellite and aerial images; rural energy development and use; evaluation of ecosystem services from the perspective of what is actually used; and conflict management in a multi-lingual, multi-cultural setting. A strong academic background and over 40 years of experience in foreign and domestic ecosystem management form the foundation that enables Dr. Aishton to conduct and manage international and domestic projects that work with culturally diverse groups; manage large budgets; and develop new project opportunities. Dr. Aishton holds a Master of Science in Environmental Policy, a PhD in Environmental Dynamics, and has completed coursework at the Maine School of Law.
Opinions expressed in JURIST Commentary are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JURIST’s editors, staff, donors or the University of Pittsburgh.
Maine
Police searching for missing 16-year-old girl
Authorities in Maine are seeking a missing 16-year-old girl.
Lilyanna Rose Cook was last seen in Roque Bluffs, the Washington County Sheriff’s Office said. She may possibly be with a male and heading out of state.
Cook is described as 5’2 and about 120 pounds. She has blonde hair and blue eyes, as well as a nose ring, ear piercings and a rose tattoo.
She was last seen wearing black and white Jordan shoes, a white sweater off the shoulder, and a black and pink backpack with a rose on it.
Anyone with information is asked to contact the Washington County Sheriff’s Office at 207-255-8308.
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