Maine
A new threat emerges at Superfund sites in Maine
SACO, Maine — Duane Choquette hesitated when he discovered the property he wanted to buy to create a small homestead is a quarter mile from a Superfund site containing capped-over pits holding arsenic, chromium and other heavy metal waste dumped by a former tannery.
He researched how the site was cleaned up and found no contaminants when he tested the Saco property’s well water, which he would need for irrigation. Choquette bought the home on Hearn Road in 2014.
“Luckily, I happen to work as an ecologist for an environmental consulting company where a lot of other people do remediation work, so they deployed me to the right documents,” he said. “That helped, and the fact that we are uphill from the site.”
Now, 10 years later, a new potential threat is emerging at the location, known as the Saco Waste Pits Superfund Site. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency notified Choquette and other neighbors by letter recently that it had discovered high levels of forever chemicals in some locations both on the site and in a few residential wells nearby. It will conduct additional testing over the next couple years to find the source of the PFAS and whether it might threaten nearby residences. That has renewed concern over the safety of that Superfund site and others across Maine and the country.
The federal agency has found forever chemicals at several Superfund sites in Maine and elsewhere in New England that could require new scrutiny, said spokesperson Vikram Lakshmanan. The EPA had not tested for the man-made forever chemicals, known as per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS, until the past five years, and regulations at the time did not mandate that the toxic chemicals be cleaned up.
That changed last July when a new federal regulation designated two of the most studied and commonly used PFAS as hazardous substances, requiring them to be remediated if they exceed federal standards They are PFOA, or perfluorooctanoic acid, and PFOS, or perfluorooctane sulfonic acid, both used in tanneries to hydrate and degrease hides and for leather finishing. Exposure to the chemicals may increase the risk of some cancers.
“They’re going to have to start this testing at current Superfund sites across the board,” said Jared Hayes, senior policy analyst at the nonprofit Environmental Working Group in Washington D.C. “This is kind of a new undertaking by the EPA, to have regular testing for PFOA and PFOS. Previously they were only doing it in select locations where there were already chances for concern.”
The EPA has tested Choquette’s well, which did not have PFAS. He expects it to conduct more testing.
Monitoring an emerging chemical
The EPA first tested for and discovered PFAS at the Saco pits Superfund site in June 2019. The nine groundwater monitoring wells at the dump site all showed PFAS levels higher than what was then the drinking water standard, according to the agency’s most recent safety review of the site released in January.
After those results, the Maine Department of Environmental Protection tested 38 residential wells near the Saco pits for several PFAS from 2019 to 2023. Four residential wells topped the drinking water standard at the time.
Last April, the EPA cut by fivefold the allowable limits for PFOA, PFOS and other PFAS in drinking water to 4 parts per trillion. That means more wells both on the Saco pits site and at neighboring residences could now top the new limit, meaning the water is not safe for consumption.
The recent report said the EPA has two years to investigate the PFAS source and whether it may be migrating to private, offsite wells. This year it will conduct soil borings, and test ground and surface water, soil and some residential wells, Lakshmanan said. Depending on results, PFAS might be added to its current list of contaminants that the EPA regularly monitors at the site, which includes arsenic, chromium and lead.
“There could be potential that groundwater conditions have changed,” the report said. “The capped tannery waste may contain elevated concentrations of PFAS.”
Meantime, Choquette said he is watching for the results and will read them carefully. He said he will be satisfied “as long as the caps hold on the site.”
The EPA is requiring additional tests at several other Superfund sites where PFAS has been found, including Loring Air Force Base in Limestone and at Naval Air Station Brunswick. Some 1,400 gallons of toxic firefighting foam containing PFAS spilled at and around Brunswick Executive Airport last summer, worrying residents that their well water might be contaminated. PFAS also was found at the former Eastland Woolen Mill in Corinna, which is a Superfund site, during the last EPA review in 2020, but the levels were below the maximums allowed at the time. The EPA plans to review all three locations by the end of September.
Living near a Superfund site

The Saco Tannery, which operated from 1959 until 1981, dumped 23 million gallons of its process waste at the site in two large lagoons, about two acres in size each, and 57 smaller waste pits, according to federal estimates. Located on 212 acres, the pits site is surrounded by the Maine Turnpike, Flag Pond Road and Hearn Road.
After the Saco Tannery shuttered, the EPA found three acidic pits posed immediate and significant human health risks. The pits became a Superfund site in 1983. The EPA extracted the liquids, neutralized the sludge and capped the pits with clean soil and a nonpermeable membrane.
The site is now a wildlife refuge owned by the quasi-state Finance Authority of Maine and is not open to the public. FAME has been working cooperatively with the EPA and Maine DEP on testing and remediation at the site, said Bill Norbert, a FAME spokesperson. He said it is unclear and premature to say which entity might need to pay for any possible additional cleanup.
The area looks the same now as it did when the trucks were dumping tannery waste there, said Anatole Brown, education manager at the Saco Museum. It is heavily wooded and not possible to see the covered pits and lagoons from the road. Still, the area developed a reputation from the dumping operation.
“Flag Pond Road was always considered a toxic zone, and not until recently did you see houses starting to get built along that road,” Brown said.

In the past decade or so, homes and housing developments have sprung up around the Superfund site, with some neighbors barely aware it is there. So far, the city has not received any complaints about the discovery of the high levels of PFAS nor the two-year timetable for more tests, said Saco City Administrator John Bohenko. He said environmental regulators have been communicating about their review of the site and any necessary actions, and he will wait for their results.
But the PFAS news has some residents paying more attention. Kathleen Pierce, who lives on Hearn Road, said her family bought a house 11 years ago about a mile from the pits and didn’t hear too much about the Superfund site at the time.
“Now, hearing about the PFAS, it is an impetus for me, as a homeowner in the area, to take it seriously and get my water tested,” she said.
On the other road bordering the site, Tim Leary, the seventh-generation owner of Leary Farm, remembers when waste was still being dumped. He said many people at the time didn’t realize that the tannery, located about four miles away in Saco, was dumping acids and heavy metals into the pits.
“The primary concern at the time was the organic waste, because the smell was horrendous,” said Leary, 65, who has lived at the farm his entire life. “Before it was fenced off, we used to go skating on the ponds, on the lagoons. In retrospect, that probably was not a great idea.”
Leary tests the milk from his dairy cows and water to process his vegetables every year. So far, there have been no PFAS readings, and he would like it to stay that way.
“If I hear that the plume is moving, I might be concerned,” Leary said.
Lori Valigra is an investigative environment reporter for the BDN’s Maine Focus team. She may be reached at lvaligra@bangordailynews.com. Support for this reporting is provided by the Unity Foundation, a fund at the Maine Community Foundation, and donations by BDN readers.
Maine
As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?
Almost exactly one year ago, Graham Platner, who has no political experience, was cherry-picked by out-of-state political activists.
According to a person familiar with the campaign, Daniel Moraff and Leanne Fan, who have made a name for themselves by recruiting populist candidates across the country, traveled to Maine and rented a house near Platner’s home in Sullivan to convince him to run for the US Senate. Throughout the process, Moraff became Platner’s “right-hand man”, the person described, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of backlash.
But homing in on Platner as a newcomer to oust long-serving Republican Susan Collins came at a cost. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Moraff asked for an expedited, cheaper background check to be completed in a matter of days. The firm Moraff and his team contracted with also did not do a candidate interview or questionnaire, per the Journal’s report.
The fallout of those decisions happened on a colossal scale. In a midterm year with record spending across the country, the Democratic party had come to pin its hopes on Platner to help clinch Senate control with his meteoric campaign and ability to unite independent and progressive voters alike with a clear, anti-establishment message.
Controversies ensued, bringing with them straight-to-camera videos of Platner explaining and denying various scandals. Finally, an allegation that broke the dam this week: a woman he dated accusing him of sexual assault, of drunkenly forcing her to have sex with him after coming to her house uninvited. Asked in an interview on CNN whether Platner raped her, the woman, Jenny Racicot, replied: “By definition, yes, absolutely.”
His support collapsed. Platner waited days as calls grew for him to withdraw. Then on Wednesday, he released an 11-minute video announcing the end of his campaign that left Maine voters scrambling and betrayed, and the country wondering: how did this happen?
“It feels like some of the first rules of politics may have been broken here,” said Andrew Feldman, a national progressive strategist. “We were seeing rookie mistake after rookie mistake, and now we find ourselves in this situation.”
David Farmer, a Democratic strategist based in Maine, said the vetting process for Platner was tantamount to “malpractice”.
“I’ve had to have these conversations with candidates in the past – where you sit down and you ask them really tough questions,” Farmer said. “What drugs have you used? Have you ever had an affair? You ever cheated on your wife? You ever cheated on anybody? It’s really uncomfortable and probing, and a miserable event for everybody involved.”
The person familiar with the campaign said that Moraff and Fan “fell in love with an aesthetic without knowing the state” that ultimately did a “disservice” to Maine’s working-class voters.
Platner’s campaign did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment on the methods used to check the former nominee’s background.
A rising star and an early redemption arc
Platner’s early campaign days – after he announced his run in August of last year – saw a rare rush of grassroots excitement as he criss-crossed the state for town halls, with backing from Bernie Sanders and an ad produced by Zohran Mamdani’s 27-year-old media strategist, Morris Katz.
An oyster farmer and marines veteran, Platner issued plain-spoken warnings that Maine’s working class had been hollowed out – healthcare was unaffordable, young people couldn’t buy homes – and said he’d survived only because of the veterans’ benefits he receives from being “blown up” too many times in combat. His searing indictment of the political establishment matched the anti-Washington mood and anger many Democrats felt toward their party’s leaders.
“His tone, his look, his voice, his message captured a frustration with Washington, a frustration with economic injustice,” Farmer noted.
Democratic leaders had someone else in mind: the 78-year-old term‑limited governor Janet Mills. But Mills hadn’t yet announced her run. In the meantime, 41-year-old Platner positioned himself as the gruff local businessman hardened by tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, pushing for generational change. Once Mills entered, he quickly framed her as emblematic of the status quo, arguing that a Chuck Schumer‑backed candidate would mirror Collins‑style “fake moderation”.
The Democratic establishment was skeptical of Platner from the outset, concerned that he brought too much baggage to the race against a seasoned incumbent. But progressives say the party is also to blame for pushing Mills as an alternative. If she had been elected, Mills would have been the oldest freshman in Senate history.
Platner brushed off his earlier scandals: Reddit posts from 2013 to 2021 where – among other things – he called white rural Americans “stupid” and “racist”, questioned why “Black people didn’t tip” and said sexual‑assault survivors should “take some responsibility … and not get so fucked up”. While apologetic, he characterized the posts as side-effects of severe PTSD and disillusionment from combat.
He tried to get ahead of more controversy by revealing a covered-up skull-and-crossbones tattoo that resembled a Totenkopf, a symbol known for its use by the Nazi SS. Platner said it came from a night drinking with military buddies in Croatia 18 years earlier. “I’m not a secret Nazi,” he told the Pod Saves America hosts.
Platner and his allies in Congress argued the uproar was overblown. At the time, Platner told the Guardian that Mainers related to his struggle and didn’t see the posts or tattoo as disqualifying. Many voters also said they could look past his mistakes and viewed his redemption arc as genuine. “If what the voters wanted were people who were grown in vats and had never done or said anything that they might regret their entire lives, we’d have a very different country,” Moraff told the Journal in May.
But inside his campaign, cracks had started to appear. In October, Platner’s political director, Genevieve McDonald, and his finance director both left his team. The latter, Ronald Holmes III, said his “professional standards” no longer “fully aligned with those of the campaign”. McDonald said Platner’s failure to fully disclose the extent of his Reddit posts led to her departure. She went on to question whether Platner really didn’t know the meaning of his tattoo.
Bracing for the worst
There was lingering concern among Maine locals and political operatives that more would come out about Platner’s past. One voter at a town hall in April asked him – point‑blank – if there were examples of sexual misconduct in past relationships that could emerge and endanger his chances. Another said that she was extremely wary about how untested Platner was.
Ultimately, his star continued to outshine the septuagenarian governor’s lackluster campaign. Mills, citing dwindling financial resources, eventually dropped out of the race, giving Platner a glidepath to the nomination.
And then – 10 days before the Democratic primary – reports revealed that Platner’s wife, Amy Gertner, had confided in McDonald about sexually explicit messages he’d sent outside their marriage, disclosures she made in an attempt to get ahead of any opposition research.
In extraordinary fashion, Platner was summoned to Washington DC to answer lawmakers’ questions about the latest controversy. Shortly after the meeting, the New York Times reported that previous partners described “unsettling” and “toxic” behavior. One of the women, Lyndsey Fifield, a conservative operative who dated Platner from 2013 to 2015, alleged he frequently grabbed her by the shoulders, once yanked her out of a taxi by her wrist, and during one argument twisted her arm behind her back, shoved her into a bedroom and held the door shut until she was “calm”. Fifield also cast doubt on Platner’s claim that he was unaware that his tattoo was a Nazi symbol, telling the Times that he referred to it as “my Totenkopf”.
Platner rejected Fifield’s claims and branded them as “politically motivated”.
While some voters were deterred, Platner still ended up clinching more than 70% of the vote in the primary. National Democrats, however, were left to grapple with a catch‑22: what would be an insurmountable scandal? And would it be worse than if Collins, who had helped overturn Roe v Wade and backed several key Trump policies, was re‑elected to a sixth term?
“It’s like a frog being in a pot of boiling water. If you raise the temperature slowly, you don’t know it’s boiling until it’s too late,” said Farmer.
The final straw
When Politico published their story on Monday, outlining Jenny Racicot’s claims that Platner raped her nearly five years ago, the condemnation came hard and fast. Endorsements evaporated and calls for Platner to withdraw were immediate. As he denied the allegations in a lo-fi self tape, it became clear this would be the red line for those who had stood by him until this point.
“The messenger was not the right person to match the inspiring message,” said Adam Green, executive director of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “It is really unfortunate for the overall project of trying to challenge corporate power and shake up a broken political system.”
It would be another two days before Platner published another video announcing his decision to end his campaign, claiming the allegations against him were part of a coordinated political attack.
Troy Jackson, who campaigned alongside Platner while running for the Democratic nomination in the Maine gubernatorial race, and is now one of several candidates running to replace him, told MS Now: “Graham told me point-blank that there was nothing in his past that I had to worry about. And he lied to me. And he lied to a lot of us.”
Now, as Democrats battle with the feeling of deja vu from Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the 2024 presidential race, it’s left some unnerved about whether the Maine Senate race is still winnable. “It’s so upsetting because it feels like we’ve been completely bamboozled by a candidate that so many people believe in,” said Feldman.
Maine
Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact
LEWISTON (WGME) Nearly three years after the Lewiston mass shooting, the Maine Resiliency Center is asking the public to share how the tragedy has affected them and the community.
The nonprofit has launched a survey to better understand the impacts of the mass shooting in October 2023 and to help guide future support efforts.
The director of the Maine Resiliency Center said the ripple effects have spread widely and the organization wants to hear from anyone who has been affected.
“You could have been a service provider who is providing therapy or counseling for people; you could have been a funeral home director or city employee; you could be someone who lives in this community and knows somebody who is directly impacted or you could be directly impacted yourself. All of those opinions and information are really valuable to us as we look to support the broader community moving forward,” the director said.
To take part in the survey, go to maineresiliencycenter.org.
Maine
Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot
Politics
Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.
AUGUSTA, Maine — The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Friday upheld Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision to keep a referendum banning transgender girls from female school sports off the November ballot.
The high court ruled Bellows was “not only authorized but was constitutionally bound” when she moved in May to throw out more than 1,500 signatures gathered by out-of-state circulators who never agreed to submit to Maine’s jurisdiction.
The unanimous ruling from the six-justice panel closes out a monthslong legal fight that began when Bellows’ office invalidated more than 12,000 signatures submitted by Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, leaving the petition 532 signatures short of the 67,682 needed to qualify.
The group, backed heavily by Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein, had argued Bellows overstepped her authority by enforcing a settlement that ended a 2023 First Amendment lawsuit over Maine’s ban on out-of-state circulators, rather than letting Maine voters decide whether to loosen the state’s residency rules for petition circulators.
The court rejected that argument, finding Bellows was bound by the Maine Constitution’s residency requirement for circulators except where a federal injunction narrowly excused her from enforcing it, and that four nonresident circulators who never checked a box consenting to Maine jurisdiction fell outside that carveout.
Justices also rejected the campaign’s fallback argument that one circulator’s belated affidavit, filed months after the Feb. 2 filing deadline, should have salvaged her roughly 61 signatures, citing a state law requiring circulator affidavits to be filed when the petition is.
The decision effectively ends the campaign’s bid for the 2026 ballot, though the court noted proponents could still gather the roughly 500 additional signatures needed to try again for the 2027 ballot.
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