Northeast
I'm Bob Casey: This is why I want Pennsylvania’s vote for Senate
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Every day I’ve had the honor of representing the people of Pennsylvania. I’ve fought for the people of our Commonwealth – our workers, children, seniors and people with disabilities. I’ve worked to protect American workers, to make our border more secure, and to lower costs. I have fought corporate greed and supported working families. And I have always put Pennsylvania first, no matter what.
That means being willing to work across the aisle to deliver for Pennsylvanians. I have been ranked one of the most effective and bipartisan senators in Washington because of the work I have done to cap the cost of insulin at $35 a month for seniors, provide healthcare to veterans who were exposed to toxic burn pits, and help create tens of thousands of jobs in Pennsylvania.
I took on the insurance and pharmaceutical companies to cap out-of-pocket costs for those on Medicare and allowed Medicare to negotiate lower prescription drug costs for the first time ever. I also fought back against efforts to cut Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid benefits, and I am currently working to protect and expand Social Security benefits for more than 1 million Americans.
FOX NEWS POLL: IT’S NECK-AND-NECK IN PENNSYLVANIA PRESIDENTIAL RACE
Our veterans have made the greatest sacrifices, and they deserve the highest level of care and respect, which is why I joined with Pennsylvania veterans to pass the PACT Act. It has since helped more than 32,000 veterans in Pennsylvania get access to the health care they deserve after being exposed to toxic burn pits. More than 1 million veterans across the country have taken advantage of the expanded benefits.
Senator Bob Casey, D-Pa., is fighting against what he calls corporate greedflation. FILE: Casey speaks before President Joe Biden about his infrastructure agenda while announcing funding to upgrade Philadelphia’s water facilities and replace lead pipes, Friday, Feb. 3, 2023, at Belmont Water Treatment Center in Philadelphia. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, File)
I have made sure that Pennsylvania is able to take advantage of opportunities to bring jobs to our communities. I fought against an administration plan and saved 1,200 jobs for energy workers at Cleveland Cliffs in Butler.
Now, I’m fighting for lower costs for Pennsylvania families by taking on corporate greed that has hurt working families. There is no question families are seeing higher prices at the grocery store. Big companies have been getting away with increasing the price of food and household items while raking in record profits.
For two years during the pandemic, corporate profits were up 75% – that’s five times the rate of inflation. I call it greedflation, and I’m fighting back with legislation to crack down on corporate price gouging and go after companies that deceptively shrink their products at the grocery store, making families pay more for less product.
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I am also fighting to secure the border, a critical part of keeping our country safe. I have voted more than 25 times to invest in border security, like more border patrol agents, additional fencing, and screening technology to detect fentanyl in vehicles — unlike my opponent, who opposed a bipartisan border deal that was supported by border patrol and called one of the toughest immigration laws in modern history.
I also helped pass the FEND Off Fentanyl Act this year, which hits fentanyl traffickers where it hurts — their bottom line. And I worked with Republicans to pass the bipartisan STOP Act to combat the smuggling of fentanyl and other drugs from China.
While I have been fighting for Pennsylvania, my opponent, David McCormick, has been fighting for himself and his wealthy friends. He said he lived in Pennsylvania, when in reality he was taking a private jet from Connecticut for multiple campaign events. He didn’t even vote in Pennsylvania for 15 years.
As the CEO of Bridgewater, my opponent invested millions in Chinese military companies that produced fighter jets, bombers, aircraft carriers, and missiles. He invested in China’s largest producer of fentanyl, when we know most of the fentanyl that is trafficked in Pennsylvania originates in China.
I have made sure that Pennsylvania is able to take advantage of opportunities to bring jobs to our communities. I fought against an administration plan and saved 1,200 jobs for energy workers at Cleveland Cliffs in Butler.
While he was enriching himself, he was hurting Pennsylvanians. He shorted Pennsylvania companies like U.S. Steel and bet against their success. He laid off hundreds of workers in Pittsburgh and even helped teach other companies how to outsource jobs. The contrast between my opponent and I on women’s rights is clear. My opponent called overturning Roe v. Wade a “huge victory” and said that it made him “very, very happy.” I support restoring Roe v. Wade.
“All public service is a trust, given in faith and accepted in honor.” Those are the words inscribed on the Finance Building in Harrisburg where I started my work in public service, and the words that still guide me today. The people of Pennsylvania have an important choice to make between a proven fighter for the middle class and a Connecticut hedge fund executive who has only ever fought for himself, his own bottom line, and the billionaires funding his campaign. I will continue to work to lower costs, create jobs, and bring investments to Pennsylvania communities. I respectfully ask for your vote on November 5th.
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Connecticut
Looney announces he will not seek reelection; names his chosen successors
HARTFORD, Conn. (WTNH) — State Sen. Martin Looney, the longest serving Senate president in Connecticut’s history, announced Saturday that he will not seek reelection to another term in office.
“Serving the people of Connecticut in the General Assembly for 46 years has been the great privilege of my public life,” Looney said in a statement.
Looney announced his decision to a private meeting of the Senate’s Democratic office on Saturday afternoon, shortly before the chamber convened for a rare weekend session to approve adjustments to the state budget.
Raised in New Haven to parents who immigrated from Ireland, Looney has served in the legislature since 1981. He held a seat in the state House for 12 years before being elected to the Senate in 1992. In 2003, his colleagues elected him majority leader and then Senate president pro tempore a dozen years later.
Technically, the role of President pro tempore is to preside over the State Senate in the absence of the lieutenant governor. Practically, the role is the Senate’s prime leadership position and one of the most powerful public offices in the state. The Senate president wields immense influence over which bills are put up for votes, which senators receive desirable committee postings and which policies are prioritized by the caucus in each year’s legislative session.
From his perch atop the upper chamber, Looney has consistently preached and advanced an agenda firmly aligned with his party’s progressive wing.
“I was raised by New Deal Democratic immigrant parents and believe to my core that enlightened public policy can deliver positive transformation when government takes its obligations seriously,” Looney said.
In his years as the Senate’s top leader, Looney shepherded the passage of Connecticut’s $15 minimum wage law, helped establish paid family and medical leave, fought for tax relief for the working poor and negotiated a landmark budget framework that has defined the last decade of legislative debate over state spending.
The long arc of Looney’s career as a state lawmaker spans across the administrations of six governors: O’Neill, Weicker, Rowland, Rell, Malloy and Lamont. Throughout that time, he has variously played the role of ally, leader among the opposition and intraparty counterweight – always working to nudge Democrats in a more progressive direction.
His reputation as a labor-aligned man of the left made him at times the subject of Republican scorn, but those political disagreements were always accompanied by deep respect on the other side of the aisle.
“Marty Looney is one of the finest public servants I have ever met,” John McKinney, a retired state senator who led the Republican minority opposite Looney for eight years, said. “Marty never made it about himself. He wasn’t flashy or bombastic. He was always about policy and trying to make life better for his constituents and the people of Connecticut. When Marty rose to speak, you listened. Marty also cared deeply about the institution and protected it at every opportunity. And when it came to using the levers of power, whether as a Committee Chairman, Majority Leader or Senate President, no one did it better.”
Gov. Ned Lamont, a moderate Democrat who has occasionally found himself at odds with the more progressive Looney, echoed that sentiment.
“I am grateful for the service of Marty Looney, who has been a steady, principled voice in the Connecticut General Assembly for working families and the kind of patient, serious legislating that produces lasting results,” Lamont said.
The governor also noted another one of Looney’s most endearing qualities: a near encyclopedic knowledge of history.
“Marty and I would sit down to work through policy and inevitably find ourselves deep in a discussion about American history,” Lamont said. “We shared a particular appreciation for Calvin Coolidge, or ‘Silent Cal’ – a man who understood that not every moment required a speech.”
Looney’s impact on state politics extends far beyond the ornate halls of the Senate chamber. In New Haven, he has been a defining force in city politics, sitting near the center of a multigenerational tapestry of political alliances often rooted in family and lifelong relationships. Looney allies and friends dot the Elm City’s political landscape.
Vincent Mauro Jr., a longtime Looney aide and confidant, serves as chair of New Haven’s Democratic Town Committee. Dominic Balletto Jr., another Looney ally, served as state Democratic Party chairman. State Rep. Alphonse Paolillo Jr., a contemporary and longtime friend of Mauro’s, served on the Board of Alders before heading to Hartford.
Paolillo has Looney’s support to succeed him in the Senate. State Sen. Bob Duff, the current majority leader and second-in-command Democrat, has Looney’s support to be the next Senate president.
Looney’s announcement was accompanied by a reassurance that commemorations of his service would not slow down the final few days of the legislative session. Lawmakers will conclude their business on Wednesday at the strike of midnight. The speeches and ovations that typically accompany the retirement of a longtime legislator will be postponed until the end of the month, after the session is over.
Stay with News 8 for updates.
Maine
Maine fishermen’s bodies are breaking down. Where’s the help? | Opinion
Chris Payne of Cumberland is a graduate student at the University of New England.
Commercial fishing in Maine is breaking the people who sustain it.
Four out of five fishermen report overuse injuries — torn shoulders, damaged knees, chronic back pain — from work that hasn’t fundamentally changed in generations. Most don’t retire from the job. Their bodies give out first.
We know how to reduce that damage. What’s missing is consistent federal support. This isn’t an abstract policy debate — it’s being decided right now in the federal budget process.
Maine already has organizations doing the work. Groups like the Maine Coast Fishermen’s Association and Fishing Partnership Support Services provide injury prevention training, early access to physical therapy and practical equipment changes that reduce strain before injuries become permanent. They also address mental health and addiction — a critical need in a profession where chronic pain often leads to self-medication.
These programs are not theoretical. They are working. But they operate in a funding gap that federal policy has long promised to close and repeatedly failed to.
The urgency is growing. The administration’s proposed fiscal year 2026 budget would eliminate Maine Sea Grant and cut the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration by roughly one-third. That comes just months after the administration abruptly terminated Maine’s Sea Grant program in January 2025 — later partially reversed after intense pushback — following a political dispute that had nothing to do with fisheries, safety or workforce development.
Programs like Sea Grant do more than fund research. They support the training, safety systems and local partnerships that keep fishermen on the water longer and in better health. In 2023, Maine Sea Grant generated roughly $15 in economic activity for every federal dollar invested. Eliminating it is not cost savings. It is economic contraction.
Congress already has tools to address this. The FISH Wellness Act would expand existing fishing safety grants, add behavioral health support and remove cost-match requirements that currently exclude many small operators. These are practical, bipartisan solutions built on programs that already exist.
What they lack is stable funding and sustained attention.
That instability has real consequences. Without consistent investment in training and safety, fishermen enter one of the most physically demanding jobs in America without the support systems common in other industries. Injuries accumulate. Careers shorten. Knowledge leaves the water faster than it can be replaced.
This is not a niche issue. Commercial fishing is a cornerstone of Maine’s coastal economy and identity. The people doing that work are not asking for special treatment. They are asking for the same basic infrastructure other industries expect as standard: training, health support and a viable path into the profession that does not depend on physical sacrifice.
Maine’s congressional delegation has shown it can fight when funding is threatened. It helped restore Sea Grant once. But reacting after the fact is not enough.
In the months ahead, Congress will decide whether programs like Sea Grant survive and whether legislation like the FISH Wellness Act moves forward. Those decisions will determine whether fishermen get the training, health support and safety infrastructure that other industries expect as standard — or continue working until their bodies give out.
That makes this a test of priorities. Will Maine’s delegation push for sustained funding for fishing safety and workforce development before more cuts take hold? And will candidates seeking to represent Maine commit to making that funding permanent, not discretionary?
Fishing communities cannot rebuild their workforce or protect their health one budget fight at a time. If Maine wants a future on the water, Congress needs to fund it — deliberately and as policy.
Massachusetts
These 9 Towns in Massachusetts Have Beautiful Architecture
Massachusetts wears its history on every storefront, steeple, and weathered shingle. This is a state where you can sip coffee inside a 1700s tavern or wander past a witch trial-era home with a roof so steep it looks like it is still scowling at you. You will find Gothic chapels next to Gilded Age greenhouses, candy-colored downtowns, and lighthouses that have been guiding boats home since before your great-great-grandparents were born. These nine towns are the ones where the architecture really steals the show. Pack a camera, wear comfortable shoes, and prepare to crane your neck a lot, because in Massachusetts, the buildings have stories they are not shy to tell.
Newburyport
Newburyport sits on the northern coast of Massachusetts not far from the New Hampshire line, and with about 19,000 residents it splits the difference between small town and small city in a way that works in its favor. The architecture is classic New England through and through. Aged brick buildings line most of the town center, sharing the streets with locally run shops and restaurants that have grown roots over the decades. Market Square is the natural place to start exploring, and you can easily spend an afternoon there without checking your watch once.
The Newburyport Harbor Rear Range Light is a stop worth making, and it doubles as one of the more unusual dinner reservations in the state. Through the Lighthouse Preservation Society, parties can rent the tower and dine at the top with the harbor spread out below. The lighthouse has been a fixture of the town’s identity for generations, and it carries the kind of character that does not need any embellishment.
Rockport
Rockport sits at the northeastern tip of Cape Ann, north of Boston, and the harbor and wharves come alive once the warm weather arrives. Visitors browse the waterfront shops, watch the fishing boats unload, and grab a seat for fresh seafood with a view. The town hits every note you would expect from a New England fishing village, with a slow, easy pace reflected in the well-kept old buildings and homes scattered across the landscape.
One of the more underrated stops in Rockport is the Shalin Liu Performance Center. Its exterior leans into a colonial-era opera house aesthetic, while the inside is fitted out as a modern concert venue with a stage that frames a wall of windows looking out over the ocean. It is the kind of detail that sticks with you.
Williamstown
Williamstown sits in the far northwestern corner of the state. The population is only a few thousand, but the town punches well above its weight thanks to Williams College and a handful of architectural standouts that draw visitors year after year.
The range here is the appeal. Williams College anchors town with the Gothic stonework of Thompson Memorial Chapel, while just down the way the white clapboard First Congregational Church on Main Street offers the cleaner, more austere New England look. Both are easy to admire from the sidewalk and worth a closer look. When you have soaked up enough architecture, the Appalachian Trail and the renowned Clark Art Institute are right there to round out the day.
Northampton
Northampton is a town of about 30,000 sitting along the Connecticut River in western Massachusetts, and despite its modest size it carries one of the most active arts scenes in the state. The architectural standout is the Smith College Botanic Garden, a near two-story greenhouse built almost entirely of glass that throws back to the conservatory style of the late 19th century. It is striking from the outside and even better from within.
Smith College itself is hard to walk past without slowing down. The redbrick buildings trimmed in white feel definitively New England, and the Smith College Museum of Art has a Picasso in the collection for anyone who counts museum visits as part of the trip.
Pittsfield
Pittsfield is the largest city in the Berkshires, the long stretch of countryside running north to south through western Massachusetts and into Connecticut. The region is known for its rural beauty, especially in the fall, when the surrounding forests put on the kind of color show that books a hotel for you.
The town center is the right place to start if you want to take in the architecture. North Street holds a particularly good cluster of old theaters and art galleries that turn a casual stroll into a proper outing.
Make time for Hancock Shaker Village too. The living-history museum preserves a Shaker community that was founded in 1790 and remained active all the way to 1960, with original buildings, demonstrations, and exhibits that bring the lifestyle into focus.
New Bedford
Once a major center of the global whaling industry, New Bedford remains one of the most important fishing ports in the United States. Herman Melville shipped out from here on a whaling voyage in 1841, and the city’s maritime streets and landmarks ended up shaping the New Bedford scenes in Moby-Dick.
That long history is still etched into the cobblestone streets, gas lamps, and brick buildings, all of which wear their years without apology. The New Bedford Whaling National Historical Park is the obvious place to dig into the city’s past, with multiple sites and exhibits packed into a walkable downtown stretch.
For something a little less obvious, swing by St. Anthony of Padua Church. The Catholic parish is one of the most beautiful buildings in the city, and a strong contender for the prettiest in the state.
Amherst
Amherst sits in the Pioneer Valley of western Massachusetts and gets pegged as a college town more often than it deserves. Yes, it is a college town, but it is also full of the kind of history and architectural personality that has nothing to do with the campus crowd.
Amherst College is the obvious anchor. The campus dates back to the early 1800s and the architecture wears those years openly, leaning into a New England academic style that has aged remarkably well.
For a different angle on the town’s character, head over to the Emily Dickinson Museum. The poet’s childhood home is now a guided-tour attraction, and walking through the rooms and grounds delivers that quiet sense of slipping back into a slower era. It is small in scale but big on atmosphere.
Salem
Salem is best known for its role in the 1692 witch trials, when 20 people, men and women, were executed after being accused of witchcraft. The town has long since leaned into that legacy and now wraps it into a full Halloween season of festivals and events that build through October.
The downtown is more colorful than the dark reputation might suggest. Wooden storefronts get painted in whites, pinks, and reds, lifting the mood of the streets and giving the historic core a cheerful vibe.
For a deeper dose of the architecture, head to the Witch House (the Jonathan Corwin House, run by the City of Salem) and to the Custom House at Salem Maritime National Historical Park. The Witch House stands out from its colorful neighbors with its dark exterior, severely steep roof, and an overall look that does its job a little too well.
Chatham
Each summer, locals pour into Chatham to swap city noise for the town’s slower pace and a long stretch of beaches. Out on Cape Cod, Chatham holds up year-round, but it really hits its stride in warm weather.
The two main architectural draws are the Chatham Lighthouse and the Atwood Museum. The lighthouse stands tall and white along the town’s expansive beachfront, still guiding ships into safe waters and giving Chatham a steady piece of its identity.
The Atwood Museum is built around the Atwood House, a gambrel-roofed home from 1752 that has stayed largely intact, with electricity being the rare modern concession. Walking through gives you a real glimpse of what daily life looked like in rural New England all those generations ago.
Final Thoughts
New England, and especially Massachusetts, is one of the most history-rich parts of the United States. Its distinctly European style of architecture shows up in the brick buildings and landmarks across the state, giving it a charming and eclectic vibe that is hard to find anywhere else in the country.
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