A group of lawmakers, university administrators and the head of the Department of Education heard Tuesday about the possibilities — and perils — of tying public funding of state-related universities at least in part to their performance and students’ academic outcomes.

The Performance-Based Funding Council was created by the General Assembly last summer and tasked with making recommendations on a performance-based funding formula by the end of April. Members include four lawmakers, Interim Acting Secretary of Education Angela Fitterer and three non-voting members from the state-related schools that would be affected: Penn State, Temple University and the University of Pittsburgh. Lincoln University, an HBCU and a fourth state-related university, would not be affected.

Currently, the three state-related schools collectively receive more than $550 million in state funding annually. The move to a performance-based funding formula has been supported by lawmakers from both parties, as well as Gov. Josh Shapiro.

“These legislative hearings offer a unique opportunity to fundamentally reassess how we align public resources and educational outcomes,” said Rep. Jesse Topper (R-Bedford), the council chairperson. “I believe we need to show the public how those resources are used and why — why we invest in higher education.”

More than 30 states already use a performance-based funding model. According to testimony heard by the council, the most common academic targets in states with performance-based funding models include graduation rates, student retention and degree or credential completion. But a potential formula could also take into account factors like research output, administrative efficiency, and employment rates of graduated students.

While policies vary greatly around the country, about 10% of money sent to four-year schools in states with performance-based funding formulas is based on the targeted metrics, according to testimony by Andrew Smalley, a policy specialist who focuses on higher education at the National Conference of State Legislatures.

But experts warned that coming up with a comprehensive formula can be “daunting.”

“Everyone knows that colleges and universities subject to these formulas find themselves in a bit of a Catch-22,” said Charles Ansell, vice president of research, policy and advocacy at Complete College America, a nonprofit focused on best practices in higher education. “They need funds for their performance and improved graduation rates, but they cannot access funds without demonstrating improvement first.”

One potential solution, another expert testified, could be awarding funds based on improvements at an individual school over time instead of an arbitrary benchmark, like graduation rate, that applies to all schools.

Experts also warned that some performance-based funding models can exacerbate disparities in educational outcomes between high- and low-income students, and between white and minority students.

“Performance funding is typically tied to advantages for the advantaged students and disadvantages for the disadvantaged,” said Justin Ortagus, an associate professor of higher education administration and policy at the University of Florida. Though he noted that a funding formula can take these pitfalls into account by incentivizing enrollment and degree or certification attainment for students in impacted groups.

Speakers also highlighted the benefits of performance-based funding models. Ortagus noted that they can promote institutional accountability.

It could also provide predictability when it comes to school budgets.

As it stands, Pennsylvania’s method for funding these universities requires a two-thirds vote of the legislature, which has led to months-long delays in the past. Creating a predictable funding formula that would be distributed through the Department of Education would mean future appropriations would only require a simple majority.

Moreover, lawmakers could use performance metrics to encourage specific educational outcomes. Part of the funding formula, for example, could rely on students enrolling or graduating in programs of study that would lead to them entering high-demand fields in the job market.  

The state could also target specific outcomes based on goals like increasing low-income, veteran or minority student graduation rates, encouraging adult education and incentivizing students to enter high-demand jobs by focusing on particular majors. And the formula can be adapted when new needs or issues arise.

“It’s very common for states to revise these frequently,” Smalley said.

The council expects to hold three more hearings, some at the campuses of affected state-related universities.  Its recommendations are due to the legislature and governor April 30.

The Rhode Island Lottery offers multiple draw games for those aiming to win big. Here’s a look at Jan. 14, 2025, results for each game:

Winning Mega Millions numbers from Jan. 14 drawing

04-14-35-49-62, Mega Ball: 06, Megaplier: 3

Check Mega Millions payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Lucky For Life numbers from Jan. 14 drawing

03-06-17-26-39, Lucky Ball: 04

Check Lucky For Life payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Numbers numbers from Jan. 14 drawing

Midday: 0-8-1-0

Evening: 1-9-8-6

Check Numbers payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Wild Money numbers from Jan. 14 drawing

12-17-28-30-36, Extra: 06

Check Wild Money payouts and previous drawings here.

Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results

Are you a winner? Here’s how to claim your prize

• Prizes less than $600 can be claimed at any Rhode Island Lottery Retailer. Prizes of $600 and above must be claimed at Lottery Headquarters, 1425 Pontiac Ave., Cranston, Rhode Island 02920.
• Mega Millions and Powerball jackpot winners can decide on cash or annuity payment within 60 days after becoming entitled to the prize. The annuitized prize shall be paid in 30 graduated annual installments.
• Winners of the Lucky for Life top prize of $1,000 a day for life and second prize of $25,000 a year for life can decide to collect the prize for a minimum of 20 years or take a lump sum cash payment.

When are the Rhode Island Lottery drawings held?

• Powerball: 10:59 p.m. ET on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
• Mega Millions: 11:00 p.m. ET on Tuesday and Friday.
• Lucky for Life: 10:30 p.m. ET daily.
• Numbers (Midday): 1:30 p.m. ET daily.
• Numbers (Evening): 7:29 p.m. ET daily.
• Wild Money: 7:29 p.m. ET on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.

This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Rhode Island editor. You can send feedback using this form.

When Vermont Democrats lacked a gubernatorial candidate the afternoon of the primary deadline in August 1972, Rockingham lawyer Tom Salmon, in the most last-minute of Hail Mary passes, threw his hat in the ring.

“There could be a whale of a big surprise,” Salmon was quoted as saying by skeptical reporters who knew the former local legislator had been soundly beached in his first try for state office two years earlier.

Then a Moby Dick of a shock came on Election Day, spurring the Burlington Free Press to deem Salmon’s Nov. 7, 1972, victory over the now late Republican businessman Luther “Fred” Hackett “the biggest political upset in Vermont history.”

Salmon, who served two terms as governor, continued to defy the odds in subsequent decades, be it by overcoming a losing 1976 U.S. Senate bid to become president of the University of Vermont, or by entering a Brattleboro convalescent home in 2022, only to confound doctors by living nearly three more years until his death Tuesday.

Salmon, surrounded by family, died just before sundown at the Pine Heights Center for Nursing and Rehabilitation at age 92, his children announced shortly after.

“Your man Winston Churchill always said, ‘Never, never, never, never give up,” Salmon’s son, former state Auditor Thomas M. Salmon, recalled telling his father in his last days, “and Dad, you’ve demonstrated that.” 

Born in the Midwest and raised in Massachusetts, Thomas P. Salmon graduated from Boston College Law School before moving to Rockingham in 1958 to work as an attorney, a municipal judge from 1963 to 1965, and a state representative from 1965 to 1971.

Salmon capped his legislative tenure as House minority leader. But his political career hit a wall in 1970 when he lost a race for attorney general by 17 points to incumbent Jim Jeffords, the now late maverick Republican who’d go on to serve in the U.S. House and Senate before his seismic 2001 party switch.

Vermont had made national news in 1962 when the now late Philip Hoff became the first Democrat to win popular election as governor since the founding of the Republican Party in 1854. But the GOP had a vise-grip on the rest of the ballot, held two-thirds of all seats in the Legislature and took back the executive chamber when the now deceased insurance executive Deane Davis won after Hoff stepped down in 1968.

As Republican President Richard Nixon campaigned for reelection in 1972, Democrats were split over whether to support former Vice President Hubert Humphrey or U.S. senators George McGovern or Edmund Muskie. The Vermont party was so divided, it couldn’t field a full slate of aspirants to run for state office.

“The reason that we can’t get candidates this year is that people don’t want to get caught in the struggle,” Hoff told reporters at the time. “The right kind of Democrat could have a good chance for the governorship this year, but we have yet to see him.”

Enter Salmon. Two years after his trouncing, he had every reason not to run again. Then he attended the Miami presidential convention that nominated McGovern.

“I listened to the leadership of the Democratic Party committed to tilting at windmills against what seemed to be the almost certain reelection of President Nixon,” Salmon recalled in a 1989 PBS interview with journalist Chris Graff. “That very night I made up my mind I was going to make the effort despite the odds.”

Before Vermont moved its primaries to August in 2010, party voting took place in September. That’s why Salmon could wait until hours before the Aug. 2, 1972, filing deadline to place his name on the ballot.

“Most Democratic leaders conceded that Salmon’s chances of nailing down the state’s top job are quite dim,” wrote the Rutland Herald and Times Argus, reporting that Salmon was favored by no more than 18% of those surveyed.

(Gov. Davis’ preferred successor, Hackett, was the front-runner. A then-unknown Liberty Union Party candidate — Bernie Sanders — rounded out the race.)

“We agreed that there was no chance of our winning the election unless the campaign stood for something,” Salmon said in his 1989 PBS interview. “Namely, addressed real issues that people in Vermont cared about.”

Salmon proposed to support average residents by reforming the property tax and restricting unplanned development, offering the motto “Vermont is not for sale.” In contrast, his Republican opponent called for repealing the state’s then-new litter-decreasing bottle-deposit law, while a Rutland County representative to the GOP’s National Committee, Roland Seward, told reporters, “What are we saving the environment for, the animals?”

As Republicans crowded into a Montpelier ballroom on election night, Salmon stayed home in the Rockingham village of Bellows Falls — the better to watch his then 9-year-old namesake son join a dozen friends in breaking a garage window during an impromptu football game, the press would report.

At 10:20 p.m., CBS news anchor Walter Cronkite interrupted news of a Nixon landslide to announce, “It looks like there’s an upset in the making in Vermont.”

The Rutland Herald and Times Argus summed up Salmon’s “winning combination” (he scored 56% of the vote) as “the image of an underdog fighting ‘the machine’” and “an appeal to the pocketbook on taxes and electric power.”

Outgoing Gov. Davis would later write in his autobiography that the Democrat was “an extremely intelligent, articulate, handsome individual with loads of charm.”

“Salmon accepted a challenge which several other Democrats had turned down,” the Free Press added in an unusual front-page editorial of congratulations. “He then accomplished what almost all observers saw as a virtual impossibility.”

As governor, Salmon pushed for the prohibition of phosphates in state waters and the formation of the Agency of Transportation. Stepping down after four years to run for U.S. Senate in 1976, he was defeated by incumbent Republican Robert Stafford, the now late namesake of the Stafford federal guaranteed student loan program.

Salmon went on to serve as president of the University of Vermont and chair of the board of Green Mountain Power. In his 1977 gubernatorial farewell address, he summed up his challenges — and said he had no regrets.

“A friend asked me the other day if it was all worth it,” Salmon said. “Wasn’t I owed more than I received with the energy crisis, Watergate, inflation, recession, natural disasters, no money, no snow, a tax revolt, and the anxiety of our people over government’s capacity to respond to their needs? My answer was this: I came to this state in 1958 with barely enough money in my pocket to pay for an overnight room. In 14 short years I became governor. The people of Vermont owe me nothing. I owe them everything for the privilege of serving two terms in the highest office Vermont can confer on one of its citizens.”