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Will the feds block a grocery megamerger? Kroger and Albertsons will soon find out
Will America’s two largest grocery store chains get to become one?
That’s the question before U.S. regulators, who are deciding whether to block Kroger’s $24.6 billion purchase of Albertsons. Several state attorneys general, too, have signaled they might sue to halt the deal.
At stake is a shakeup of the U.S. grocery landscape, where the companies say they face stiffening competition from Amazon, Walmart, Costco and even dollar stores. Employees, state officials and some lawmakers have argued the tie-up would reduce options for shoppers and workers, farmers and food producers.
Kroger, the biggest U.S. supermarket operator with 2,719 locations, owns Ralphs, Harris Teeter, Fred Meyer and King Soopers. Albertsons, the second-largest chain with 2,272 stores, owns Safeway and Vons. Kroger employs about 430,000 people; Albertsons 290,000.
The chains overlap particularly in Western states. The companies tried to assuage regulators’ concerns about diminishing grocery competition in those markets by agreeing to sell up to 650 stores as part of the deal.
However, antitrust experts in the Biden administration in the past have expressed skepticism about whether divestitures can sufficiently protect competition — on prices, jobs or terms for suppliers, for example. The regulators have also pushed for tougher scrutiny of megadeals, making this merger a high-profile test.
The Federal Trade Commission has been reviewing the proposed deal for over a year and is expected to make its call as early as this month. A lawsuit to stop the deal would not be a shocker. In May 2023, Kroger CEO Rodney McMullen said the grocery chains “committed to litigate in advance” if federal regulators or state attorneys general rejected the deal.
Combining forces to compete with Walmart
Ohio-based Kroger and Idaho-based Albertsons say together, they’d be in a stronger position to compete against Amazon online and Walmart in physical stores. The latter is the nationwide leader in groceries, selling more than Kroger and Albertsons combined.
“This merger will help protect the local community grocery stores that people love,” Albertsons CEO Vivek Sankaran said in his testimony at a Senate antitrust hearing in 2022.
The companies also argue that together they would be able to lower prices and pay higher wages. They emphasize that they offer union jobs, in contrast to their rivals.
Yet, the United Food & Commercial Workers Union, which represents more than 350,000 workers across the two grocery chains, opposes the merger. At public forums around Colorado, for example, workers noted it could become more difficult to negotiate a union contract with an even bigger, more dominant employer.
“The areas [our members] are concerned with are what happens to competition and food prices,” UFCW International President Marc Perrone said, adding that his members also worried about the long-term prospects for their current collective bargaining agreements.
Will selling off stores satisfy regulators?
Grocery competition historically gets assessed on a local level: Will shoppers in a given area have fewer options after the merger? Trying to address this, Kroger and Albertsons in September agreed to sell at least 413 stores in locations where they overlapped to C&S Wholesale Grocers, a supplier company that also runs some Piggly Wiggly supermarkets.
C&S agreed to buy retail locations in Arizona, California, Colorado and Wyoming, as well as some private brands, distribution centers and offices. The company said it was “committed to retaining” the stores’ existing workers, pledging to recognize the union workforce and keep all collective bargaining agreements.
Perrone said his union welcomed this decision, but remains concerned about the merger’s approval hinging on the sale to the much-smaller C&S:
“Can they operate efficiently and be competitive to where the customers, over the long haul, will stay with them?” he said.
Many antitrust experts in recent years have questioned the effectiveness of such divestitures.
For instance, when Albertsons merged with Safeway in 2015, the FTC required it to sell off 168 stores as part of the deal. Within months, one of its buyers filed for bankruptcy protection and Albertsons repurchased 33 of those stores on the cheap.
“Over time, there has been some skepticism about how well divestitures work,” said Kathleen Bradish, acting president of the American Antitrust Institute, which advocates for tougher scrutiny of mergers. “The divestitures that were deemed acceptable in the past may not be acceptable 1704815830.”
Indeed, federal antitrust regulators last year updated their guidelines for policing mergers to include, for example, greater focus not only on how deals affect prices or consumer choice but also suppliers or workers.
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ICE Wants Local Police to Enforce Immigration Law. These Officers Signed Up.
Early on a Tuesday morning last month, the sky still black, a group of deputies from the Laramie County sheriff’s office set out to patrol two major interstates that cross their corner of southeast Wyoming. Over the course of five hours, they made 41 traffic stops, issued 12 citations, made two criminal arrests and — through a new partnership with Immigration and Customs Enforcement — detained seven immigrants.
One person was asleep in the backseat of a silver pickup truck stopped for a too-dim rear license plate light. Two passengers in a minivan that had been going 12 miles per hour over the limit were also taken into custody. Four others were detained after their pickup, too, was stopped for speeding.
All were booked into the county jail to await transfer to an ICE detention facility. The deputies working the immigration operation earned a combined $1,325 in overtime courtesy of the federal government.
The Trump administration has enlisted hundreds of state and local law enforcement agencies in its mass deportation campaign by deputizing their officers as immigration agents, extending ICE’s reach far beyond where the agency typically operates.
Living in the United States without authorization is a civil violation, not a criminal offense, and local police officers have no responsibility to enforce federal immigration law. But after completing a 40-hour virtual training, certified officers can inquire about the immigration status of people they encounter in the course of routine police work; call ICE if they suspect a person is undocumented; and, if given the go-ahead, take immigrants into custody.
Agencies that have signed agreements to participate in the federal 287(g) task force program.
Where state and local law enforcement work for ICE
Before President Trump returned to office, the program — named 287(g) for a section of federal immigration law — had largely consisted of agreements with local agencies to identify and process immigrants already held in jails. The Trump administration expanded the cooperation, and for the first time offered cash incentives to agencies to sign up and make arrests.
Participation has exploded, and de facto ICE officers are now on the ground in hundreds of cities and counties across 31 states. Several thousand officers have been credentialed — state troopers, sheriff’s deputies, police officers, constables — on top of the 12,000 new officers and agents that ICE hired last year. The rush to sign up and cash in has included some unusual agencies, too, like Louisiana’s State Fire Marshal and Florida’s Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission.
Perhaps most significantly, the program has the potential to turn highways and roads into sites of immigration enforcement.
“ICE does not have that generalized patrol authority, so it’s really great for ICE that they can use state and local police in this way,” said Naureen Shah, the director of immigration policy at the American Civil Liberties Union, whose Wyoming office is suing Laramie County over its agreement with ICE.
287(g) partnerships by type of agreement. Agencies may sign more than one agreement with ICE.
Hundreds of law enforcement agencies have joined ICE’s task force
Brian Kozak, the Laramie County sheriff, said the program allows his office to be more efficient and move detainees through his jail more quickly.
“If someone is undocumented, it’s faster for our deputies to book them on an ICE hold and not even do the local charges. Then they don’t have to sit in my jail waiting for those local charges to be adjudicated,” he said, though he added that more serious felony offenses would still be charged.
‘A tremendous asset’
Even though 1,200 local task force partners have signed on, the program is still ramping up. Fewer than 300 participating agencies had both credentialed at least one officer and received a payment for immigration enforcement work as of March, according to a payout ledger obtained by Ken Klippenstein, an independent journalist.
Researchers estimate that the share of people detained through any type of 287(g) program rose to about 10 percent in January, up from about 3 percent a year before. The Department of Homeland Security declined to answer detailed questions about the program or share more recent arrest or payment figures.
“The 287(g) program can be a tremendous asset to you and to the country,” Markwayne Mullin, the Homeland Security secretary, said this week at the National Sheriffs’ Association conference. “If we had the participation of all the county sheriffs that are in this building right now, think how much faster those arrests would move up.”
Over the course of a week in April, Laramie County was among the top arresting agencies in the country, alongside larger state authorities like the Florida Highway Patrol and the Oklahoma Department of Public Safety, according to snapshots of internal ICE data obtained by The New York Times. Together, the top five local partners made 162 immigration arrests that week; over a week in May, the top agencies made around 300 arrests.
Those are modest figures, considering ICE recorded about 7,000 arrests each week nationwide in recent months. The larger goal may be the perception of an ever more widespread immigration enforcement apparatus.
“The arrest numbers sometimes don’t matter to them if the message and rhetoric is strong enough — that any kind of day-to-day activity for an immigrant could lead to deportation,” said Nayna Gupta, the policy director for the American Immigration Council, a legal advocacy group that supports immigrants.
Financial incentives
For the local partners, the program comes with an enticing offer: a one-time payment of $100,000 for new vehicles and $7,500 in equipment funds per certified task force officer. ICE says it will pay the salary and benefits for officers who do immigration work full time, and overtime for up to 25 percent of an officer’s salary.
Agreements are most common in states where Republican leaders back the president’s immigration agenda. Last year, Florida became the first state to require local agencies’ participation in the 287(g) program, followed by Texas this year. Elsewhere, participation is more scattered — and Democratic lawmakers seeking to reign in ICE have succeeded in banning the agreements altogether in 11 states, most recently in New York.
287(g) task force agreements by state.
Local partnerships with ICE are most common in the South
Laramie County now has 30 credentialed task force officers. Since October, they have made 412 immigration arrests and the sheriff’s office has received about $300,000 for its participation.
Larger statewide agencies stand to be paid millions. Then there are the hundreds of smaller agencies with only a few task force officers, like the police department in Colebrook, N.H., which has three.
“It’s a huge thing for a small department like us to get that stipend,” said Chief Paul Rella, who said his department has made two ICE arrests since January and has received around $100,000. “But even if there wasn’t a stipend, we would’ve done it anyway. To be able to have the authority to detain someone that may be here illegally, it all comes down to community safety.”
Immigrant rights groups and critics of the program say it has the opposite effect: As more police officers work for ICE, immigrants may be discouraged from reporting crimes or avoid contact with local law enforcement for fear of deportation.
“It’s a balancing act,” acknowledged Benjamin Cox, the police chief in Duncan, S.C., a town of about 5,000 with two task force officers. “I need the people in our town, no matter their immigration status, to feel comfortable calling me. That’s the most challenging part of 287(g).”
Opponents of the program also say that it can lead to racial profiling. In 2011 and 2012, the Justice Department found that participating agencies in Arizona and North Carolina had engaged in patterns of discriminatory policing, leading the Obama administration to discontinue the task force program.
Sheriff Kozak is familiar with those risks. He worked as a police officer for 20 years in Mesa, Ariz., when Sheriff Joe Arpaio set up random checkpoints and neighborhood sweeps that targeted Latinos, and he said he saw firsthand that the sheriff was “crossing the line.”
“Our policy requires lawful contact following a violation of state law,” he said. “We’re focused on traffic enforcement and traffic safety, and then a side thing is the immigration.”
A D.H.S. spokesperson said accusations that 287(g) agreements encourage racial profiling are false and that ICE’s local partners fairly enforce immigration law.
From commute to detention
By late morning, the Laramie County deputies were preparing to head back to the jail when they stopped the speeding minivan. Four workers with a drywall company headed to a job site were inside. The driver and front-seat passenger had valid identification but told the deputies that the other passengers did not.
“We don’t typically ask other passengers unless there’s a reason, but nothing says you can’t ask” for identification, Chance Walkama, a chief deputy, explained. “That’s how things happen all the time.” Passengers who have not broken a law may decline to speak with the police, but many immigrants are unaware of this right.
Mr. Walkama texted the passengers’ information to his contact at the local ICE field office in Cheyenne. The ICE agent wrote back that one of their names matched someone with a criminal history and the same date of birth. After a few more questions, Mr. Walkama handcuffed the man, Christian Rodriguez, and loaded him into the deputies’ car.
He is now being held at an ICE detention facility in Aurora, Colo. “I don’t understand. I wasn’t driving, I had my seatbelt on,” Mr. Rodriguez said by phone from detention. “It’s not fair.”
Mr. Rodriguez, 29, arrived with his parents from Mexico as a minor and was about two years into the years-long process of applying for a green card. He is married to a U.S. citizen and has six children and step-children who are all U.S. citizens. He has no criminal convictions, records show; charges stemming from a domestic dispute with his ex-wife in 2020 were dropped.
Asked whether Mr. Rodriguez’s arrest reflected the purpose of Laramie County’s partnership with ICE, another chief deputy, Aaron Veldheer, said, “It weighs on me” — that a person who was riding in a car on his way to work is now separated from his family.
“Not that I wish somebody got hurt or there was a crime committed, but, yeah, it’s collateral,” Mr. Veldheer said. “But it’s part of the job. We can’t look the other way, either.”
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From left: Elon Musk, a person in a musical that there’s a question about; Nithya Raman.
Allison Robbert/AFP via Getty Images; Theo Wargo/Getty Images for Tony Awards Productions; JC Olivera/Getty Images for the National Wildlife Federation’s #SaveLACougars Campaign
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Allison Robbert/AFP via Getty Images; Theo Wargo/Getty Images for Tony Awards Productions; JC Olivera/Getty Images for the National Wildlife Federation’s #SaveLACougars Campaign
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