The day the Russians stormed into Ukraine, Uljana Zamaslo wrestled with the identical determination that tens of millions of different Ukrainians concurrently grappled with: ought to she threat her life to remain in her house or flee with out figuring out if she would ever return?
The 48-year-old yearned to stay in her cozy condominium in Lviv, in western Ukraine, with all of its conveniences. However then got here a name at 4:15 a.m. from a Ukrainian pal.
“The bombing began,” she stated.
It was a terrifying flip to a journey that had begun three many years earlier for the New Jersey native. Zamaslo grew up in a Ukrainian household. She first visited her ancestral homeland in 1991 because the Soviet Union was dissolving and Ukraine was rising from many years beneath totalitarian management. In 2008, she determined to make her house there, excited to be a part of a nation rebuilding itself.
However two weeks in the past, the Russians returned. The invasion despatched Zamaslo, her 9-year-old daughter and a thrown-together assortment of refugees on a dangerous flight towards the Polish border.
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Recounting her journey to NorthJersey.com, a part of the The USA TODAY Community, this week, Zamaslo stated she thought-about what can be finest for her 9-year-old daughter, Dzvinka, in addition to for a home visitor staying along with her in Lviv, an aged American with well being points. If the air raid siren blared, she feared, he would not make it down the 4 flights of stairs in her constructing to the bomb shelter.
“It is not going to get any higher, and it is going to be on my conscience if one thing dangerous occurs,” she advised herself.
So she determined to depart. Zamaslo would not sleep from dawn on Thursday, Feb. 24, when the Russian incursion started, till two days later.
She packed a couple of luggage into her automotive. However within the rush, she uncared for to take meals, an oversight that might be felt all through her arduous two-day journey to the Polish border.
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They left at evening however nonetheless discovered the roads busy. “We acquired caught within the line for hours exterior the border,” Zamaslo stated. “It took us three hours to get by way of the primary kilometer and it saved getting worse after that.”
On the way in which, the trio spied two moms strolling alongside the facet of the street with young children. They have been headed to Sweden. With empty seats in her automotive, Zamaslo thought, she may as effectively assist others fleeing to security.
“I’m grateful to my pals who stayed up with me the complete time and saved texting me so I would not go to sleep behind the wheel,” she recalled.
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Zamaslo left Vladimir Putin’s shelling behind her however discovered extra hazard forward.
“Native mafia bandits had turned the border crossing into their private money-making machine, and we bumped into certainly one of their street blocks each few miles,” she stated. Some tried to crash their autos into her automotive, hoping to wreck it after which drive her to pay them for transportation.
The group survived these threats however on the border discovered extra criminals delaying passage.
“Individuals would pay them to get by way of the strains faster as a result of they have been scared to demise. It was mainly bribes to get by way of to the border. They’d vehicles leaping out into my path, and making an attempt to hit me from the again. It took me 37 hours to get to the precise border. Lots of people walked these 10 kilometers [6.2 miles].”
Again in New Jersey, Zamaslo’s father, Peter, tried to maintain in contact, though his daughter’s cellphone saved working out of energy.
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“In fact I used to be anxious about her, however there weren’t many choices,” he stated. “She was seeing fighter planes overhead. Had she stayed, she would have been locked in.”
Zamaslo’s father stated he and his spouse are kids of Ukrainians who have been pressed into compelled labor throughout World Warfare II and born in Germany. They emigrated to the U.S. however have retained a detailed connection to their mother and father’ tradition, instructing Ukrainian to their kids and touring again to the nation incessantly.
After reaching Poland, Zamaslo did not have a spot to remain. By pals, she discovered an area who would take them in for the primary evening. One other pal helped her to search out everlasting housing in Warsaw.
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“The inns in Poland are all packed,” she stated. “The primary lodge with a emptiness was over 80 kilometers away from the border.”
The Polish folks “have been incredible,” she stated. “They’ve welcome stations at each border crossing with fundamental necessity objects like cleaning soap and shampoo. They’ve buses taking folks locations.” A number of the refugees have locations to go and simply want rides whereas others want shelters which can be arrange with cots and meals.
Zamaslo studied political science on the College of Massachusetts Amherst and subsequently turned a registered nurse. After she paid off her scholar loans, she made her strategy to Ukraine.
“I assumed it might be fascinating to witness the beginning of this new, trendy nation in mild of the truth that they’d been compelled to evolve to Soviet considering for thus lengthy,” she stated.
“I don’t suppose anybody acknowledged the quantity of psychological, collective trauma that Soviet rule left on folks. You’ll be able to’t sit on a sofa in New Jersey to witness this.”
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Zamaslo, who’s divorced, discovered that she and her daughter could not stay on a nurse’s wage in her new house, so she started working as an English instructor and translator. She additionally volunteers as a nurse on the facet.
“Life right here would not differ a lot from life within the USA,” she stated. “Earlier than the invasion, it was fairly peaceable. Individuals listed here are resilient. That’s one of many constructive legacies the Soviet Union left. You’ll be onerous pressed to search out folks that didn’t have family who have been despatched to the gulag or that didn’t must endure one thing horrible.”
She spoke to a reporter this week from Warsaw and stated her daughter is adjusting effectively to her new environment. “She’s doing fairly effectively. She tends to have a look at issues in a constructive manner. She’s making an attempt to be taught Polish.”
Within the meantime, she’s working odd jobs to help herself, serving to out different refugees, and dreaming of the day she will return.
“Our plan is to return to Ukraine as quickly as we will and assist rebuild.”
Roula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.
The co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany has called for mass deportations of immigrants as the party launched its programme for next month’s nationwide elections.
In a fiery speech to supporters in the small town of Riesa in Saxony, east Germany, Alice Weidel said that under the AfD — which is second in the polls with a record vote share of around 20 per cent — Germany would witness “repatriations on a large scale”.
Weidel, AfD’s candidate for chancellor in the elections, used the controversial term “remigration” to describe the policy.
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The word was coined by right-wing Austrian ideologue Martin Sellner, who defines “remigration” as forcibly removing immigrants who break the law or “refuse to integrate”, regardless of their citizenship status — an idea that critics say is akin to ethnic cleansing.
On Saturday Weidel said: “I have to tell you quite honestly: if it’s called remigration, then it’s called remigration.”
She was met with loud applause from party delegates who also repeatedly shouted “Alice für Deutschland” — a play on the forbidden Nazi-era slogan “Alles für Deutschland”, meaning “everything for Germany”.
Weidel, a former Goldman Sachs analyst, has positioned herself as the more presentable face of a party that includes ultraradicals who have been classified as right-wing extremists by Germany’s domestic intelligence agency.
Earlier this week in a joint appearance on X with Elon Musk, Weidel used the unprecedented public platform to argue that the AfD — which also promotes normalisation of relations with Moscow and the tearing down of wind turbines — had become a mainstream political force.
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However, it has little chance of coming to power in the upcoming elections because all of Germany’s other major parties have ruled out going into coalition with it.
Weidel’s embrace of remigration was seen by some in the party as a nod to Björn Höcke, the flag-bearer of the radical right who led AfD to a historic first-place finish in regional elections in the east German state of Thuringia in September.
“It is a concession to Björn Höcke,” said Kay Gottschalk, a member of the German Bundestag who belongs to the more moderate flank of the party. “It is a word, of course. I would express it in another way — sending them back — but that is what delegates want.”
Weidel also used her speech to repeat her call for the Nord Stream gas pipeline from Russia to Germany to be brought back into operation, to bring back nuclear power and to rail against gender studies programmes.
The party gathering was met with large-scale protests. Around 10,000 anti-AfD demonstrators turned up and police put Riesa, a town of 30,000 people, under lockdown, delaying the start of the conference by two hours.
Los Angeles has Frank Gehry’s glorious Walt Disney Concert Hall, the space-age wonder of the LAX Theme Building and the stack-of-vinyl needle drop that is the Capitol Records building. For some design geeks, however, the heart and soul of L.A.’s architecture resides not just in its museums and office towers but also in its exalted, often otherworldly houses.
Those homes — especially those designed by Midcentury greats such as John Lautner, Richard Neutra, Ray Kappe, and Charles and Ray Eames — have been the obsession of those tracking the threats posed by firestorms laying waste to the wooded canyons and grassy hillsides that are the scenic backdrops for these residences.
Beloved landmarks by Frank Lloyd Wright, Rudolph Schindler and others stand outside of the immediate fire threat, but other notable houses have not been so lucky. Here’s a partial accounting of the confirmed losses:
Zane Grey Estate, Altadena: This home, with elements of Spanish, Mission and Mediterranean Revival design on 1.2 acres west of Lake Avenue, was built by architects Myron Hunt and Elmer Grey in 1907 for Chicago business machine manufacturer Arthur Herbert Woodward. At the time of its construction, it was called the first fire-proof structure in Altadena because it was built of reinforced concrete. (Woodward’s wife had lived through the devastating 1903 Iroquois Theater fire in Chicago, which erupted during a performance, killing more than 600.) The author Zane Grey bought the home in 1920, and he and his wife built a 3,500-square floor addition, including a library and office where Grey used to write. The 7,240-square-foot home was put on the market for about $4 million in 2020 and was listed as having eight bedrooms, four bathrooms, a commercial kitchen with a 15-foot ceiling, as well as a main kitchen, wine cellar and massive basement. Original cast-iron sconces, iron handrails and chandeliers remained in the house, which is on the National Register of Historic Places.
The Andrew McNally House: Architect Frederick L. Roehrig built this Queen Anne-style mansion for Rand McNally Publishing Co-founder and President Andrew McNally in 1887. McNally paid Roehrig $15,000 to design the mansion at East Mariposa Street and Santa Rosa Avenue, in an area that would soon be called Millionaire’s Row. The home had a three-story rotunda with views of the San Gabriel Mountains, and McNally kept a private railway car there. He had a gardener who nurtured the deodar cedars along a part of Santa Rosa that became known as Christmas Tree Lane.
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The Keeler House: In 1990 modernist architect Ray Kappe remodeled a home for jazz singer Anne Keeler and her then-husband, Gordon Melcher. The 4,142-square-foot cantilevered post-and-beam structure, nestled in a woodsy hillside with canyon and coastline views, went on the market for $12 million in April. With four bedrooms and three bathrooms, the house had walls and floors of concrete complemented by a palette of redwood, teak, fir and glass block. Kappe founded the Southern California Institute of Architecture in 1972 and died in 2019 at age 92.
Janes Village: This cluster of historic English cottages was built between 1924 and 1926 by architect Elisha P. Janes (known professionally as E.P. Janes). Janes built at least 270 English- and Spanish-style cottages in the area. These were mostly single-story stucco-finished homes with six rooms, arranged in one of four floor plans and priced to be accessible to the middle class.
Gregory Ain’s Park Planned homes: Designed in 1948 by Ain with the help of the era’s premier modernist landscape architect, Garrett Eckbo, this strip of 28 Midcentury Modern homes was built as part of a social experiment conceived by a modernist architect focused on cost-effective, prefabricated design for working people. The area was created to look like a park with no front fences and continuous landscaping. The homes had side-facing garages and interior courtyards and glass walls, making them feel a bit like mini estates.
Bridges House: Anyone who has driven down Sunset Boulevard toward the coast will remember the Brutalist Bridges House, by architect Robert Bridges. After working on homes including his own, Bridges became a professor of real estate finance at the USC Marshall School of Business, where he is professor emeritus. His striking home was perched above the boulevard, its wood and glass cantilevered over a concrete base.
Will Rogers’ home: The actor’s ranch house, part of Will Rogers State Historic Park, was destroyed in the Palisades fire. In the 1920s Rogers built a 31-room residence with 11 bathrooms, a guesthouse, a golf course, stables and a corral on about 360 acres. In 1944 the compound and grounds became a park and museum after his widow, Betty, donated them to the state. “The Rogers family is devastated by the loss of the California ranch and the overwhelming loss of the community,” Jennifer Rogers-Etcheverry, the actor’s great-granddaughter, said in a statement. “Our hearts go out to all those neighbors who have lost their homes.”
The Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921, in which a prosperous Black neighborhood in Oklahoma was destroyed and up to 300 people were killed, was not committed by an uncontrolled mob but was the result of “a coordinated, military-style attack” by white citizens, the Justice Department said in a report released Friday.
The report, stemming from an investigation announced in September, is the first time that the federal government has given an official, comprehensive account of the events of May 31 and June 1, 1921, in the Tulsa neighborhood of Greenwood. Although it formally concluded that, more than a century later, no person alive could be prosecuted, it underscored the brutality of the atrocities committed.
“The Tulsa Race Massacre stands out as a civil rights crime unique in its magnitude, barbarity, racist hostility and its utter annihilation of a thriving Black community,” Kristen Clarke, assistant attorney general for civil rights, said in a statement. “In 1921, white Tulsans murdered hundreds of residents of Greenwood, burned their homes and churches, looted their belongings and locked the survivors in internment camps.”
No one today could be held criminally responsible, she said, “but the historical reckoning for the massacre continues.”
The report’s legal findings noted that if contemporary civil rights laws were in effect in 1921, federal prosecutors could have pursued hate crime charges against both public officials and private citizens.
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Though considered one of the worst episodes of racial terror in U.S. history, the massacre was relatively unknown for decades: City officials buried the story, and few survivors talked about the massacre.
The Justice Department began its investigation under the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act, which allows the agency to examine such crimes resulting in death that occurred before 1980. Investigators spoke with survivors and their descendants, looked at firsthand accounts and examined an informal review by the Justice Department’s Bureau of Investigation, the precursor to the F.B.I. In that 1921 report, the agency asserted that the riot was not the result of “racial feeling,” and suggested that Black men were responsible for the massacre.
The new 123-page report corrects the record, while detailing the scale of destruction and its aftermath. The massacre began with an unfounded accusation. A young Black man, Dick Rowland, was being held in custody by local authorities after being accused of assaulting a young white woman.
According to the report, after a local newspaper sensationalized the story, an angry crowd gathered at the courthouse demanding that Mr. Rowland be lynched. The local sheriff asked Black men from Greenwood, including some who had recently returned from military service, to come to the courthouse to try to prevent the lynching. Other reports suggest the Black neighbors offered to help but were turned away by the sheriff.
The white mob viewed attempts to protect Mr. Rowland as “an unacceptable challenge to the social order,” the report said. The crowd grew and soon there was a confrontation. Hundreds of residents (some of whom had been drinking) were deputized by the Tulsa Police. Law enforcement officers helped organize these special deputies who, along with other residents, eventually descended on Greenwood, a neighborhood whose success inspired the name Black Wall Street.
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The report described the initial attack as “opportunistic,” but by daybreak on June 1, “a whistle blew, and the violence and arsons that had been chaotic became systematic.” According to the report, up to 10,000 white Tulsans participated in the attack, burning or looting 35 city blocks. It was so “systematic and coordinated that it transcended mere mob violence,” the report said.
In the aftermath, the survivors were left to rebuild their lives with little or no help from the city. The massacre’s impact, historians say, is still felt generations later.
In the years since the attack, survivors and their descendants and community activists have fought for justice. Most recently, a lawsuit seeking reparations filed on behalf of the last two known centenarian survivors was dismissed by Oklahoma justices in June. In recent years, Tulsa has excavated sections of a city cemetery in search of the graves of massacre victims. And in 2024, the city created a commission to study the harms of the atrocity and recommend solutions. The results are expected in the coming weeks.