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They tried to reveal what life was like under Russian occupation. Then they disappeared

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So when 5 armed males in army uniform turned up at her home within the suburbs of Melitopol on March 21, she took a deep breath and allow them to in. After finishing up a room-by-room search, startling their sleeping teenage daughter and 4 cats, the Russians informed Olkhovska to come back with them.

The reporter, who works for the newspaper Melitopolski Vedomosti (MV), was loaded right into a minivan and pushed rapidly to her personal empty newsroom, which had been seized by Russian forces. In a surreal scene, she mentioned she was sat down in her editor’s workplace and interrogated for 5 hours.

“They mentioned to me, one thing like, ‘A brand new life is starting right here, and you may most likely have an interest to participate in constructing this new life. To not sit someplace on the sidelines, however be on the heart. We’re giving you a chance to work. We’d like goal folks, who can write, to doc this new life,’” Olkhovska informed CNN in a current cellphone name.

When the journalist made clear she would not collaborate, the Russians — one among whom had launched himself as a member of the brand new civil-military administration — replied coolly. “They mentioned they understood that I used to be scared, a bit confused, they usually did not demand a right away reply from me. They supplied to let me suppose a bit extra,” she recalled.

Per week after her launch, Olkhovska continues to be ready anxiously for one more knock on her door. After she and several other of her colleagues at MV — among the many most distinguished information shops within the metropolis of 150,000 folks — had been kidnapped, the overall director of the media holding determined to halt publication in print and on-line. It is a transfer that different main media organizations within the area have been compelled to make, as they weigh the unimaginable selection between safeguarding their folks and reporting on the menace that they, and different residents, now face. Entry to some web sites has merely been blocked.

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Their protection has been swapped for Russian propaganda, streamed from native TV towers, on radio stations and Telegram channels. After the kidnapping of Melitopol’s mayor on March 11, the pro-Russia politician who changed him, Galina Danilchenko, broadcast this assertion: “Our foremost activity is to regulate all of the mechanisms to the brand new actuality to be able to begin residing in a brand new method as quickly as doable.”

The Orwellian message was among the many first, chilling indicators of the following section in Russia’s battle: Occupation. It has been characterised by abducting native officers, appointing sham councils and enlisting collaborators to create a local weather of chaos and worry. That post-invasion playbook, which was utilized in 2014 by Russian President Vladimir Putin to annex Crimea, and in Donetsk and Luhansk — two Ukrainian areas the place pro-Russian separatists terrorized elements of the native inhabitants and arrange puppet regimes — is just not working as properly this time round.

“Many common individuals are being taken. We do not even know all of the names. As a result of individuals are scared and don’t flip to the media to report the kidnapping of their family members.”

Yulia Olkhovska

In Melitopol, Kherson and different areas now underneath Russian management, Ukrainians are combating again, taking to the streets in protest, elevating the alarm about arbitrary detentions, in addition to disinformation, and chipping away on the veneer of Moscow’s mastery in manipulation. They’ve additionally underlined a stark actuality for Putin, who believed he would win this battle swiftly: Even when he triumphs on the battlefield, holding on to the features is much much less sure. Ukrainians who rallied in a pro-democracy revolution in 2014 have hardened in opposition to Russia over the previous eight years, and present no indicators of backing down.

However those that are resisting Russian occupation are paying an extremely steep worth.

“Many energetic folks, like volunteers, have modified their locations of residence as a result of it is rather harmful to be at residence. Their addresses rapidly grew to become identified to the occupiers, they usually come to their properties. They’re needed, they’re kidnapped. Some are launched like me, quickly, after an interrogation, and a few are kidnapped for a very long time,” Olkhovska mentioned.

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“Many common individuals are being taken. We do not even know all of the names. As a result of individuals are scared and don’t flip to the media to report the kidnapping of their family members.”

‘I am scared simply to go outdoors’

Kherson, on the Dnieper River close to the Black Sea, was one of many first main cities to fall to invading Russian forces on March 2. Within the weeks since, its residents have routinely gathered in Liberty Sq., within the coronary heart of the port metropolis, to problem their new authority.

On March 22, Oksana went there along with her husband Dmitry Afanasyev, who’s a member of the Korabelny district council of Kherson, and their grownup daughter, to hitch an indication in assist of Ukraine. However the rally rapidly descended into disarray, with Russians firing rubber bullets and utilizing tear gasoline to disperse the crowds. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has accused Russian forces of taking pictures at unarmed folks, peacefully protesting for his or her freedom in Kherson. “Russian troopers don’t even know what it’s wish to be free,” he mentioned.

After the violence broke out, the Afanasyev household rapidly left the scene and had been on a facet road when Oksana mentioned Russian troopers drove up beside them in a minivan and tried to seize her. Dmitry, who’s a famend Ukrainian taekwondo athlete and coaches the nationwide group, was kicked within the face, however in some way managed to evade their grasp.

At their residence just a few hours later, round 6 p.m., tending to her husband’s swollen, bloodied face, Oksana mentioned that dozens of Russians wearing army garments rolled up outdoors in a number of vehicles. They raided the Afanasyev’s home, discovering Dmitry’s paperwork, council ID and merchandise from his European Solidarity social gathering, earlier than dragging him out the door. She mentioned the Russians got here again the following day to look their home once more, promising they might launch her husband that night. However practically every week later he is nonetheless lacking.

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Within the days after his kidnapping, Oksana went to an area hospital and a jail to attempt to piece collectively what had occurred to her husband. Now she is staying at residence, ready by her cellphone for any information. “I am afraid for my life, and I am scared simply to go outdoors,” she informed CNN.

The United Nations’ Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine informed CNN on Monday it had recorded at the very least 45 circumstances of disappearances and detentions because the battle started of native officers, activists, journalists and civilians. Some had been taken throughout protests in opposition to the Russian invasion or for brazenly expressing their assist for Ukraine, a spokesperson for the mission mentioned. A handful have subsequently been launched, the spokesperson mentioned, though precise numbers are nonetheless being verified by the mission.

Households are sometimes denied any details about the destiny of these being held. And most are too terrified to talk out concerning the disappearance of their kinfolk, for worry that it might set off a backlash in opposition to themselves or their family members.

“Those that are in occupied territories, they [the Russians] attempt to scare them with this terror in opposition to native energetic folks, native officers, councillors and mayors. It is a marketing campaign of terror, making an attempt to suppress individuals who transfer in opposition to occupation,” Ukrainian lawmaker Oleksiy Honcharenko, a member of Dmitry’s European Solidarity social gathering, mentioned in a name with CNN about his colleague’s detention.

On the night of Dmitry’s disappearance, Ukraine’s Deputy Prime Minister Iryna Vereshchuk mentioned in a televised tackle that Russians concerned within the kidnapping and torture of Ukrainians could be held accountable for his or her crimes.

“In current days, I’ve acquired many messages from individuals who managed to flee from the captivity of the occupiers. They report mass circumstances of torture of prisoners. I want to emphasize publicly that we are going to discover each Russian serviceman and each confederate who commit battle crimes and convey them to justice in The Hague tribunal and different courts,” she mentioned.

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“Don’t suppose that we have no idea your final names.”

Interrogations, beatings and threats

In Lviv’s worldwide media heart, housed in a transformed craft beer bar, Reporters With out Borders (RSF) and Ukraine’s Institute of Mass Data are documenting circumstances of arbitrary detention to undergo the Worldwide Felony Court docket. They not too long ago revealed the chilling nameless account of a Ukrainian journalist working for Radio France, who says he was tortured by Russian troopers with a knife and electrical energy, overwhelmed with metal bars and disadvantaged of meals.

“Being kidnapped, tortured for exhibiting what the scenario is in de-facto occupied territories of Ukraine, like Kherson, and different areas. It is simply Russian freedom of the press 101. It is an extension of what they already do in Russia,” RSF’s native coordinator Alexander Question, who can be a journalist for the Kyiv Unbiased, informed CNN in an interview on the heart.

Oleh Baturin, a journalist from the Kherson area, was launched on March 20, eight days after going lacking. Talking to CNN from his residence, the Novyi Den newspaper reporter mentioned that he was kidnapped at a bus station within the port metropolis of Kakhovka the place he had promised to satisfy a trusted activist supply. The supply, a former Ukrainian soldier who had been concerned in native protests in opposition to the occupation, had reached out to him — after posting on Telegram that he was fearful the Russians had been trying to find him — and mentioned he needed to satisfy.

“Interrogations, beatings, threats lasted for about two hours on the primary day … Then there was purely psychological stress. And interrogations on daily basis.”

Oleh Baturin

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Baturin agreed, however one thing concerning the name did not really feel fairly proper. “I felt anxious that day. I shared that anxiousness with my household … and once I left residence, I informed them I used to be going there, simply to satisfy this individual. I might be again in 20 minutes,” he recalled.

On the station, he mentioned he was swarmed by a gaggle of Russians, who dragged him right into a minibus and took him to a collection of various regional administrative buildings now underneath Russian management. “Interrogations, beatings, threats lasted for about two hours on the primary day,” mentioned Baturin, who described being remoted in a cell and chained to a radiator. “Then there was purely psychological stress. And interrogations on daily basis.”

Through the interrogations, Baturin mentioned that the Russians repeatedly questioned him about his sources: Who’re essentially the most distinguished activists within the Kherson area? What had been the names of the folks organizing pro-Ukrainian rallies? After he was launched, the Russians apparently having misplaced curiosity in him, Baturin realized that his supply had gone lacking the identical day he himself was kidnapped. He nonetheless hasn’t surfaced.

Viktoria Roshchina, a journalist with Hromadske Radio station who additionally disappeared on March 12, from the occupied seaside metropolis of Berdyansk, was freed 10 days later after she says she was compelled to document a video saying the Russian troopers “saved her life” and that she was “handled properly.”

Creating an alternate actuality

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The persecution of journalists like Baturin is a key a part of Russia’s occupation blueprint, based on Sergiy Tomilenko, president of Ukraine’s Nationwide Union of Journalists, who has documented circumstances like his since Putin’s invasion of Crimea eight years in the past.

“Their strategic purpose is to create an alternate actuality,” Tomilenko mentioned. “Russian occupiers suggest to native journalists, media, to be their protagonists. On this stage, after tanks, after combating and occupation, they work to attempt to contain journalists of their marketing campaign.”

“However many do not wish to collaborate, and so the second a part of their goal is to silence, to cease crucial media protection.”

That carrot and stick strategy was used on Svitlana Zalizetska, director of Melitopol’s foremost newspaper, Holovna Gazeta Melitopolya, and RIA-Melitopol information web site. Her 75-year-old father was kidnapped by Russians on March 23, after she refused to report in assist of the occupation.

Simply hours earlier than Melitopol’s mayor, Ivan Fedorov, was kidnapped, Zalizetska mentioned she was picked up from her residence and brought to an industrial plant for a gathering with the girl that Russia put in in his stead. “Galina Danilchenko had a private dialog with me. She informed me about how I ought to work for them, cooperate with them, what profession awaits me in Moscow and so forth. And she or he mentioned that the commandant desires to satisfy me in individual,” Zalizetska informed CNN.

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“I am afraid for my life, and I am scared simply to go outdoors.”

Oksana Afanasyeva

“I replied that, ‘I didn’t want any commandant, as a result of, I am going to let you know proper now: There will not be any cooperation with you. I like Ukraine and I wish to dwell in my native Ukraine. And never within the Rushka [a derogatory name for Russia].’”

After the expertise, Zalizetska packed her baggage and left her residence, staying in a number of residences earlier than fleeing the town. Days later, she mentioned she obtained a name from the Russians to inform her that they’d her father and needed her “close by.” She refused and fortunately, three days later, he was launched.

Zalizetska is adamant about carrying on her protection of life underneath Russian occupation in Melitopol to doc kidnappings and detentions, like that of her personal father. However many extra have stopped, terrified for his or her lives and the protection of their households.

After 20 years working as a journalist, Olkhovska, the Melitopolski Vedomosti reporter, is taking a hiatus from reporting, fearful that the Russians will come again for her.

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Sitting at residence in her front room, she is horrified on the pro-Kremlin propaganda now taking part in on her TV — the 32 channels she as soon as acquired have been diminished to fewer than 10. Watching life via Russia’s trying glass, she is aware of with each fiber of her being that she could not work for them, serving to to unfold lies about life underneath occupation.

“I believe they will most likely come once more. However to date, thank God, they have not. I hope they’ve already forgotten about me,” Olkhovska mentioned.

Oleksandra Ochman contributed to this report.

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Trump-Biden debate draws smaller audience as voters tune out US election

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Trump-Biden debate draws smaller audience as voters tune out US election

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Thursday night’s US presidential debate was watched by 48mn television viewers, a sharp drop from the numbers that tuned in to the clashes between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in the 2020 campaign.

CNN, the Warner Bros Discovery-owned network which hosted the event, said just over 9mn viewers had watched on its own channels, narrowly ahead of Fox News and ABC News, with cable rival MSNBC drawing about 4mn viewers. Another 30mn people tuned in on CNN’s digital channels or YouTube, it added.

The combined television audiences were well below the totals for previous presidential debates, however, extending a pattern of US media outlets reporting less interest in their election coverage this year.

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Trump and Biden drew 73mn viewers for their first debate in 2020, while Trump and Hillary Clinton pulled in an audience of 84mn for the opening showdown of their 2016 contest.

With full control over the style, content and format of the debate, CNN inserted rules that are atypical for US political events, such as foregoing a live audience and muting each candidate’s microphones unless it was their turn to speak.

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The debate was also a stark departure in tone from last year’s CNN town hall event with Trump, when a studio audience filled with the former president’s supporters prompted comparisons with his raucous rallies. CNN’s own media commentator slammed the town hall as a “spectacle of lies”, and Chris Licht resigned as CNN’s chief executive just a few weeks later.

By comparison, Thursday’s night’s debate was restrained. With microphones muted, there were no shouting matches, and with no audience or press in the room, it was quiet. The moderators played a background role, leaving the debate largely a back-and-forth dialogue between Trump and Biden. 

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However CNN was criticised for one significant choice: moderators Jake Tapper and Dana Bash largely avoided fact-checking the candidates in real time. The format seemed to favour Trump, who was allowed to make a series of unsubstantiated claims without being challenged during the 90-minute programme. 

The debate was a big test for CNN — the network that pioneered the dramatic, ultra-competitive cable news format in the US in the 1980s, but whose audiences have dwindled in recent years. It was easily the biggest moment yet for CNN chief executive Sir Mark Thompson, who took over as leader of the channel last year and has been tasked with turning around its business and restoring its brand.

CNN landed the sponsorship of the debate in May, beating out competitors including Fox News. The network seized on the moment, promoting the event heavily and forcing its rivals, who simultaneously broadcast the debate, to display CNN’s logo prominently on their screens.

The event was unique for a number of reasons. It was the first presidential debate in decades that was not organised by an independent commission, after Biden and Trump chose to bypass the tradition. It was also scheduled far earlier than usual in the election cycle. In previous years, the initial match-ups between presidential candidates took place in September or October. 

CNN has a fraught history with Trump, who frequently attacked the channel during his presidency. But on Friday morning, the Trump campaign blasted an email out to his supporters titled: “I love CNN . . . Because they gave me the opportunity to wipe the floor with Joe Biden.”

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Supreme Court denies Steve Bannon's plea to stay free while he appeals

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Supreme Court denies Steve Bannon's plea to stay free while he appeals

Steve Bannon, former adviser to President Donald Trump, and attorney Matthew Evan Corcoran, depart the E. Barrett Prettyman U.S. Courthouse on June 6, 2024 in Washington, D.C.

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The U.S. Supreme Court rejected an appeal by Steve Bannon, the right-wing podcaster and former Trump White House aide, to remain free while his case goes through the appeals process.

“The application for release pending appeal presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is denied,” the court said in a one-sentence order.

Bannon now has a deadline to report to a federal prison in Connecticut July 1. He must serve time after refusing to comply with a congressional investigation into the siege on the U.S. Capitol.

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A federal jury in Washington, D.C., convicted Bannon two years ago on two criminal contempt charges, for defying subpoenas for documents and testimony from the House Select Committee investigating the events of Jan. 6, 2021.

Bannon successfully delayed his four-month prison sentence for years, as appeals wound through the courts. But his luck ran out in May, when a federal appeals court unanimously rejected his claims.

Bannon is the second Trump-era official ordered to serve prison time for flouting demands from Congress. Trump trade adviser Peter Navarro reported to a prison in Florida in March, after Chief Justice John Roberts refused to intervene in the case.

Both men cast their disputes with Congress as challenges to the Constitution’s separation of powers, but judges found no evidence that Trump had formally asserted executive privilege to block their cooperation with lawmakers.

Bannon had tried to argue at his trial that he had relied on advice from his lawyer, and therefore lacked the intent to “willfully” violate the contempt law. A judge foreclosed that defense based on court precedent, but raised significant questions about it — questions that Bannon cited in a June 21 petition to the Supreme Court.

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“Mr. Bannon relied in good faith on his attorney’s advice not to respond to a subpoena issued by a House Select Committee until executive privilege issues were resolved—as they had been on three prior occasions when Mr. Bannon had agreed to testify after President Trump’s counsel had asserted executive privilege,” his lawyers wrote.

Bannon, who has been a vocal supporter of Trump’s bid to regain the White House later this year, may now be incarcerated on those misdemeanor charges through the election in November.

He’s separately fighting fraud, money laundering and conspiracy charges in New York state court over an alleged scheme to defraud donors to a charity that aimed to build a wall along the southern border. That case is scheduled for trial later this year.

Trump granted Bannon a full pardon from federal charges related to We Build the Wall in January 2021, shortly before he left the White House. Presidents lack power to issue pardons for state crimes.

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Psychiatrist Bessel van der Kolk: ‘When trauma becomes your identity, that’s a dangerous thing’

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Psychiatrist Bessel van der Kolk: ‘When trauma becomes your identity, that’s a dangerous thing’

The sound of piano music floats among the white-linened tables of the Red Lion Inn’s dining room as Bessel van der Kolk declares the end of humanity.

“We are doomed as a species!” says the 80-year-old psychiatrist, perhaps the most influential of the 21st century, leaning towards me across a half-empty glass of Sauvignon Blanc.

“We can’t do it! We can’t use our rational brains,” he continues, with the vigour of a much younger man. “Climate change. It’s very serious stuff! . . . Are you still flying?”

He jabs a finger in my direction. I confess that I am.

“You know you shouldn’t!” he says in a thick Dutch accent, his bearded face creasing with affable frustration.

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Over the past few hours in this corner of rural Massachusetts, I’ve learnt that the energetic octogenarian is not short on strong views. We have already touched on the militant group Hamas (“What the hell were you doing?”), and will later get on to Sigmund Freud (“a bit of an egomaniac”) and Brexit (“You guys fucked that one up!”).

But van der Kolk has built a storied career on stubbornly staking out contentious positions. One of the first researchers to study post-traumatic stress disorder in Vietnam war veterans in the 1980s, he spent the ensuing decades fighting a tide of indifference in the academic community over the psychological impact of the worst horrors that can befall human beings.

In recent years, his 2014 masterwork The Body Keeps the Score has become an improbable sensation. Buoyed by a groundswell of popular interest in trauma and psychology in the wake of the pandemic, the dense, scientifically rigorous text has become a latent, runaway success, spending nearly 300 weeks on the New York Times bestseller list.

“It feels odd,” he says of his elevation to the internet’s favourite therapist. “Because it’s a sort of external persona that you become, but of course I am unchanged. I’m still the same old flawed creature I’ve always been.”


The 18th-century Red Lion Inn is a curiously tranquil place to be meeting this archaeologist of nightmares. As I await van der Kolk’s arrival earlier that afternoon, the faint smell of potpourri wafts from among chintz armchairs in the lobby beyond. Above my head, I notice absent-mindedly, the ceiling beams host an impressive collection of antique teapots.

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“You flew all the way here from London?” he says a few minutes later, settling into his chair and scrutinising me through wire-rimmed glasses. “This had better be a good lunch!”

The thesis of van der Kolk’s book, and indeed much of his life’s work, is that horrifying experiences leave an imprint on the mind and body that prevents them from being properly consigned to the past. As a result, traumatised people become stuck, like mosquitoes in amber, frozen in the moment of catastrophe.

“You and I, what will we remember of this lunch a year from now?” he says as we each order a glass of white wine and look out over the thick forest carpeting the surrounding Berkshire mountains. “Maybe what we ate. Maybe something else. But we won’t have nightmares about it.

“But if something terrible were to happen from now on, sitting at a table like this may become a trigger for me,” he continues. “Somebody who looks like you. The sensation becomes the trigger for the emotional experience.”

The book describes case studies of unthinkable horrors. A woman wakes up during surgery to feel a scalpel lacerating her abdominal organs; a married couple miraculously survive an 87-car pile-up on a Canadian highway.

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But while these extraordinary events are edge cases, van der Kolk argues that it is “extremely common” to experience trauma. “I’m about as privileged as you get, and my life is still hard,” he says, in a whispery intonation that frequently reminds me of David Attenborough. “We all have people die on us, people disappear on us. It’s challenging.”

A waiter arrives with a goat’s cheese salad for me, adorned with candied walnuts. Van der Kolk, who has declined a starter, sips his wine contentedly as I chomp hastily through pear and radicchio. 

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The Old Red Lion
30 Main Street, Stockbridge MA 01262

Glass Sauvignon Blanc x4 $56
Goat’s cheese salad $15
Steak frites $40
New England lobster roll $36
Total (incl tax and tip) $177.66

We turn to his childhood in the Netherlands in the aftermath of the second world war. Van der Kolk says his father, despite being jailed by the Nazis for his pacifism, was an authoritarian at home. “I said, ‘Dad, you were in a Nazi concentration camp, and here you are running a house like a concentration camp!’” he says.

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The impact of “adverse childhood experiences” is a major thread of van der Kolk’s work, and explains why so many people bear the hallmarks of traumatic stress, from depression to addiction. The Body Keeps the Score argues that child abuse constitutes the “gravest and most costly public health issue in the United States”.

In a landmark 1998 US study cited in the book, more than a quarter of respondents said they had been physically abused as children. It also found that people who had four types of negative early-life experience — such as abuse, neglect or family dysfunction — were seven times more likely to become alcoholics than those who had none.

“Everybody who gets hurt at home tries to pretend it’s normal to everybody else,” says van der Kolk gravely of the child’s evolutionary impulse to protect the bond with their caregiver, even if that person is causing them harm. “You’re not going to tell your classmates that something [bad] happens to you.”


A waitress deposits a Subway-sized lobster roll in front of van der Kolk and hands me a plate of steak so large that its accompanying frites are spilling on to the table.

A few weeks before our meeting, the social psychologist Jonathan Haidt published the much-discussed The Anxious Generation, which links the recent rise in adolescent mental-health problems to the increased use of smartphones among young people.

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“Very important book I think,” says van der Kolk, attacking his lobster with his knife and fork. “This huge flag that he’s raising, I don’t know what the hell we’re going to do about it.”

Like Haidt, van der Kolk argues that the rise of screen-based communication, propelled by the pandemic lockdowns, has degraded the experience of human interaction. “On a screen, you don’t work for it, you get a reward without reciprocity,” he says. “That’s huge. You don’t have the sense you’ve done anything, any sense of accomplishment. You get cheap rewards for minor actions, and it’s meaningless.”

The pandemic also accelerated a shift in the way people think about themselves, as a social-media-driven focus on identity fused with concerns about our collective mental health. The result has been a growing cultural preoccupation with trauma — a word that is invoked everywhere from university campuses to TikTok.

“Did you ever take a history course?” says van der Kolk of the popular argument that we are living in an unusually traumatic era. “Read about the French Revolution?”

For van der Kolk, there is a strange irony that the concept he worked so hard to inscribe into the academic canon has become a mainstay of online culture.

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“The moment I saw trauma, it grabbed me,” he says, remembering the day in 1978 when he first encountered a Vietnam veteran with PTSD. But as he pursued the subject further, he says, “My colleagues would say, ‘What’s this trauma bullshit? After you croak, no one will ever talk about trauma again.’”

Despite the popularity of The Body Keeps the Score today, he says that the academic community remains fractured in its understanding of the mechanisms and treatment of trauma. (It has also battled institutional dysfunction: in 2018, van der Kolk was fired as medical director of the Trauma Center in Massachusetts over what was characterised as an allegation of bullying, which he denies, saying he was removed to “mitigate . . . legal liability” over the actions of another employee.)

“Maybe from the outside, you see people have adopted [the concept of trauma] . . . I don’t see it in the major academic institutions,” he says. “It’s curious how widely the book is read.”

We are meeting as the conflict between Israel and Hamas has killed more than 30,000 people, and is threatening to spill over into a broader regional war.

I ask if he views such events through the lens of trauma — of each side reacting not just to the immediate demands of warfare but also to years, even generations, of pain.

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“I get both stories,” he says, referring to the fraught histories of Israel and Palestine, “and they’re both horrible trauma stories . . . [But] we all come from generations of trauma. It’s no excuse. When trauma becomes your identity, that’s really quite a dangerous thing.”

“What’s appalling to me is that ideology is trumping facts,” he says, noting that he has faced accusations of antisemitism for making public reference to the Palestinian death toll without mentioning the Israelis killed on October 7.

“It’s tearing America apart,” he says. “This may just have a disastrous result on our election.”

Van der Kolk, who emigrated to the US in 1962 and now lives with his wife in the nearby Berkshire Hills, appears to retain a fondness for his home continent. He calls the European Union “the greatest miracle of our time”. The American healthcare system, by contrast, he describes as “a disaster”.

“There is something about this high-risk living in America that really brings out the best and the worst in people,” he says thoughtfully. “If I’d stayed in Holland, I would’ve become chronically depressed.

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“In America,” he adds with a chuckle, “I’m chronically anxious.”


The dining room has thinned out and the chattering of lunchtime guests has dwindled to a low hum. A waitress removes my long-finished plate and asks if we’d like a second glass of wine as van der Kolk picks at the last of his lobster.

“I’ll get another,” he says brightly, after some consideration.

If the first half of van der Kolk’s book is concerned with the damage that our existence can inflict on us, the second proposes solutions for how we might be healed. Contentiously in this golden age of talk therapy, he is sceptical of the power of language to treat psychological injuries.

“These are habitual, visceral reactions,” he says. “Understanding why doesn’t rewrite the experience . . . Talking about why my tennis game was off is not always useful. I need to go back on the court and practise again.”

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He is similarly lukewarm on mainstream pharmaceutical interventions for depression and anxiety, such as Prozac and other selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, or SSRIs. “It’s: let me give you a pill, and stop being a pain in the ass!” he says of psychiatrists’ tendency to prescribe drugs that simply block out psychological pain.

Instead, he believes that the brain can be more durably rewired to properly integrate traumatic experiences into memory, using more experimental treatments such as MDMA-assisted therapy.

“In psychedelics, it’s as magical an exploration of the world as you can have,” he says, with evident enthusiasm. “It’s entering a territory you don’t know anything about, and stuff comes up that you didn’t know was living inside of you.

“You go there and part of you experiences it,” he continues, “and part of you observes yourself experiencing it, and the experience is very much like, ‘Oh my God, that’s what I went through.’”

He argues that the clue to healing may lie as much in the body as the mind. Yoga can produce “quite dramatic” results in traumatised people, he says, noting that he recently visited a prison that had implemented a programme for inmates based on his book.

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“A goddamn healing environment in a maximum-security prison?” he says. “That’s stunning.”

Van der Kolk’s book contains frequent admissions that the mechanisms behind many trauma treatments, some of which border on the bizarre, are not fully understood. (He is particularly enthusiastic about eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing, or EMDR, in which patients move their eyes from side to side while remembering traumatic events.)

I ask if we will look back on such methods as laughably rudimentary in years to come, in the same way that we see bloodletting and lobotomies today. “I hope so! . . . It’s the nature of the beast, we always cling to stuff that to other people sounds ridiculous,” he says. “But I hope that 50 years from now we’ll be laughing at ourselves.”

As we finish the dregs of our wine, I note that van der Kolk’s continued enthusiasm for his field is impressive at an age when most people would be enjoying a quiet retirement. “What do I do?” he says incredulously. “Learn how to play golf?”

He suddenly grabs his phone in alarm. “Oh my gosh, it’s almost three o’clock. Oh boy! Who did I stand up?”

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He tells me he has a patient to see. I call for the bill. We shake hands, say our goodbyes, and he’s off into the forest.

India Ross is the FT’s deputy news editor

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