Connect with us

News

They eat ice cream and read ‘Harry Potter,’ but these North Korean YouTubers aren’t what they seem | CNN

Published

on

They eat ice cream and read ‘Harry Potter,’ but these North Korean YouTubers aren’t what they seem | CNN


Seoul, South Korea
CNN
 — 

The younger lady rifles by way of a fridge of popsicles, pulling out a number of to indicate the digital camera.

“That is milk taste – the image is so cute,” she says in English, pointing to the cartoon packaging with a smile. “And that is peach taste.”

After lastly deciding on an ice cream cone, she bites into it, declaring: “The biscuit could be very scrumptious.”

The four-minute video has racked up greater than 41,000 views on YouTube, however that is no extraordinary vlog. The lady, who calls herself YuMi, lives in North Korea, maybe the world’s most remoted and secretive nation.

Advertisement

Her YouTube channel, created final June, is considered one of a number of social media accounts which have popped up throughout the web up to now 12 months or two, wherein North Korean residents declare to share their on a regular basis lives.

However consultants say not all is because it appears in these movies, and that the photographs comprise tell-tale indicators that the lives displayed are removed from the norm for the impoverished thousands and thousands underneath the dictatorship of chief Kim Jong Un.

As an alternative, they counsel, YuMi and others like are seemingly associated to high-ranking officers and could also be a part of a propaganda marketing campaign aimed toward rebranding the nation’s worldwide picture as a extra relatable – even tourist-friendly – place than its fixed discuss nuclear weapons may counsel.

YuMi’s movies “seem like a well-prepared play” scripted by the North Korean authorities, stated Park Seong-cheol, a researcher on the Database Centre for North Korean Human Rights.

Advertisement

For many years, North Korea has been comparatively closed off from the remainder of the world, with tight restrictions on free expression, free motion and entry to info.

Its dismal human rights file has been criticized by the United Nations. Web use is closely restricted; even the privileged few who’re allowed smartphones can solely entry a government-run, closely censored intranet. International supplies like books and films are banned, typically with extreme punishments for these caught with black market contraband.

This is the reason YuMi – who not solely has entry to a filming gadget however YouTube – is not any extraordinary North Korean, consultants say.

“Connecting with the surface world is an not possible factor for a resident,” stated Ha Seung-hee, a analysis professor of North Korea research at Dongguk College.

YuMi shouldn’t be the one North Korean YouTuber turning heads: an 11-year-old who calls herself Music A made her YouTube debut in April 2022 and has already gained greater than 20,000 subscribers.

Advertisement

“My favourite guide is ‘Harry Potter’ written by J. Ok. Rowling,” Music A claims in a single video, holding up the primary guide of the sequence – significantly putting given North Korea’s usually strict guidelines forbidding overseas tradition particularly from Western nations.

The video exhibits Music A talking in a British accent and sitting in what seems to be like an idyllic little one’s bed room full with a globe, bookshelf, a stuffed animal, a framed picture and pink curtains.

Song A, purportedly a resident of Pyongyang, North Korea, holds up a Harry Potter book in a YouTube video uploaded April 26, 2022.

The rosy depictions of every day life in Pyongyang can also give a clue to the social standing and identities of their creators.

YuMi’s movies present her visiting an amusement park and an interactive cinema present, fishing in a river, exercising in a well-equipped indoor health club, and visiting a limestone cave the place younger college students wave the North Korean flag within the background.

Music A visits a packed water park, excursions a science and expertise exhibition heart, and movies her first day again at college.

Advertisement

Park, the knowledgeable, says these representations aren’t 100% false – however they’re extraordinarily deceptive, and don’t signify regular life.

There have been reviews of North Korea’s rich elite, reminiscent of senior authorities officers and their households, gaining access to luxuries reminiscent of air-con, scooters and low. And the amenities proven within the YouTube movies do exist – however they’re not accessible to most individuals, and are solely granted to “particular folks in a particular class,” Park stated.

These amenities are additionally seemingly not open or working commonly because the movies indicate, he stated. “For instance, the ability provide in North Korea shouldn’t be easy sufficient to function an amusement park, so I’ve heard that they’d solely function it on the weekends or on a big day like once they movie a video,” added Park.

People walk on a snow covered street near the Arch of Triumph in Pyongyang on January 12, 2021.

North Korea is infamous for frequent blackouts and electrical energy shortages; solely about 26% of the inhabitants has entry to electrical energy, in keeping with 2019 estimates from the CIA World Factbook. These blackouts had been captured in nighttime satellite tv for pc photographs in 2011 and 2014 that confirmed North Korea cloaked in darkness, virtually mixing into the darkish sea round it – in sharp distinction to the dazzling lights of neighboring China and South Korea.

The YouTubers’ English fluency and entry to uncommon luxuries counsel they’re each extremely educated and certain associated to high-ranking officers, Park stated.

Advertisement

Defectors have beforehand instructed CNN that some North Koreans study British English of their English courses. The British Council, a UK-based group, additionally ran an English language trainer coaching program in North Korea, sending academics there for greater than a dozen years earlier than it was halted in 2017.

North Korean propaganda isn’t new; earlier campaigns have featured Soviet-style posters, movies of marching troops and missile assessments, and pictures of Kim Jong Un on a white horse.

However consultants say the YouTube movies, and related North Korean social media accounts on Chinese language platforms like Weibo and Bilibili, illustrate a brand new technique: Relatability.

“North Korea is striving to emphasise that Pyongyang is an ‘extraordinary metropolis,’” Park stated, including that the management “could be very concerned with how the surface world views them.”

Ha, the analysis professor, stated North Korea may very well be attempting to painting itself as a “secure nation” to encourage better tourism for its battered economic system – particularly after the toll of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Advertisement

Whereas it has not but reopened its borders to vacationers, “the pandemic goes to finish sooner or later, and North Korea has been concentrating on tourism for financial functions,” Ha stated.

Earlier than the pandemic, there have been restricted choices for excursions wherein guests had been shepherded across the nation by guides from the Ministry of Tourism. The excursions had been fastidiously choreographed, designed to indicate the nation in its greatest gentle. Even so, many nations, together with the US, warn their residents towards visiting.

After the pandemic started, “there was speak (in North Korea) about shedding earlier types of propaganda and implementing new varieties,” Ha stated. “After Kim Jong Un ordered (authorities) to be extra artistic of their propaganda, vlog movies on YouTube started showing.”

A 2019 article in North Korea’s state-owned newspaper Rodong Sinmun, citing Kim, declared that the nation’s propaganda and information channels should “boldly discard the previous framework of writing and enhancing with established conventions and traditional strategies.”

The YouTubers’ use of English might mirror this effort to achieve international viewers. Each YuMi and Music A additionally helpfully embody English names for his or her channels: YuMi additionally goes by “Olivia Natasha,” and Music A by “Sally Parks.”

Advertisement

North Korea has posted different varieties of propaganda to YouTube up to now decade – although its official movies are sometimes taken down by moderators.

In 2017, YouTube took down the state-run North Korean information channel Uriminzokkiri, and the Tonpomail channel managed by ethnic Koreans in Japan loyal to Pyongyang, saying they violated the platform’s phrases of providers and group tips.

One other YouTube channel known as Echo of Fact, purportedly run by a North Korean resident known as Un A who filmed herself having fun with every day actions in Pyongyang, was taken down in late 2020.

However the closures sparked outcry from some researchers who stated the movies offered a priceless perception into North Korea and its management, even when they had been propaganda.

When CNN requested remark from YouTube on these deleted channels, and people of Music A and YuMi, a spokesperson stated the platform “complies with all relevant sanctions and commerce compliance legal guidelines – together with with respect to content material created and uploaded by restricted entities.”

Advertisement

“If we discover that an account violates our Phrases of Service or Neighborhood Tips, we disable it,” the assertion stated.

Specialists stated the movies by YuMi and Music A is likely to be an try by Pyongyang to achieve an viewers with out attracting the eye of moderators.

And nonetheless scripted they is likely to be, they too provided a priceless window into the nation, consultants stated.

“Individuals already know that (the movies) had been created for propaganda functions … the general public is already conscious,” Ha stated. However, she added, “I believe there needs to be correct training and dialogue on how we must always understand (such) content material as an alternative of simply closing the doorways.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

News

Where Trump Gained and Harris Lost in New York

Published

on

Where Trump Gained and Harris Lost in New York

Where each candidate gained
or lost votes compared with the party’s 2020 candidate, by
borough

Donald J. Trump won 30 percent of the votes cast in New York City this month. It was a seven-point jump from his performance in 2020, and a higher share of the vote than any Republican nominee has won in the city since George H.W. Bush in 1988.

But his improved vote share was driven more by the votes Democrats lost than by the votes he gained.

How votes changed since 2020

In every neighborhood in New York City, from Red Hook in Brooklyn to Riverdale in the Bronx, Vice President Kamala Harris received markedly fewer votes than Joseph R. Biden, Jr. did in 2020, while in most neighborhoods, Mr. Trump notched modest increases compared with his last run.

The votes cast in New York City have not yet been certified, but more than 97 percent of them have been counted. That includes all ballots that were cast in person, both on Election Day and before, and a majority of absentee ballots, according to Vincent M. Ignizio, the deputy executive director of the city’s election board.

As it stands, the downturn in votes for the Democratic candidate was six times the size of Mr. Trump’s gains when compared with 2020. In some boroughs, the ratio was even larger.

Change in vote by borough, compared with 2020

Advertisement
All of New York City

−573,600

+94,600

Queens

−164,900

+35,400

Brooklyn

−151,700

Advertisement

+16,600

Manhattan

−120,900

+17,900

Bronx

−111,000

+23,800

Advertisement
Staten Island

−25,100

+900

Many New Yorkers moved out of the city during the pandemic, and by the 2022 midterms, the total number of registered voters here had already started to drop. As of this month, there were about 230,000 fewer active registered Democrats in the city than there were in 2020, and about 12,000 more registered Republicans.

It is not clear how much that contributed to the outcome of the election, but the pattern of Democratic losses and Republican gains was clear across all income levels and ethnic groups in the city. The drop-off was most pronounced among working-class immigrant groups who live outside Manhattan, many of them in the neighborhoods that were hit the hardest by the pandemic and the economic disruption that followed.

The neighborhood where Democratic turnout dropped the most in terms of percentage change was Borough Park, an Orthodox Jewish enclave in Brooklyn that voted overwhelmingly for Mr. Trump. While support for Mr. Trump increased only slightly, from about 22,200 votes in 2020 to 22,700 in 2024, turnout for the Democratic candidate dropped 46 percent, from about 7,600 votes in 2020 to about 4,100 in 2024.

Advertisement

Where Democratic support declined the most

Percentage change in votes compared with 2020

Borough Park, Brooklyn

−46%

+2%

Woodhaven, Queens

−42%

Advertisement

+46%

Bensonhurst, Brooklyn

−40%

+12%

Corona, Queens

−40%

+57%

Advertisement
Richmond Hill, Queens

−39%

+35%

Ocean Parkway, Brooklyn

−39%

+1%

Elmhurst, Queens

−38%

Advertisement

+30%

Gravesend, Brooklyn

−37%

+13%

Flushing, Queens

−36%

+11%

Advertisement
Dyker Heights, Brooklyn

−36%

+9%

Morrisania, Bronx

−36%

+62%

East Tremont, Bronx

−36%

Advertisement

+57%

East Harlem, Manhattan

−36%

+26%

South Richmond Hill, Queens

−36%

+49%

Advertisement
Concourse, Bronx

−35%

+58%

Note: Data includes neighborhoods that had 10,000 votes or more in 2024.

Among income groups in the city, the precincts with the lowest median incomes saw a the largest drop in support for the Democratic candidate, and the largest increase in support for Mr. Trump.

Advertisement

Percentage change in votes compared with 2020

Lowest income

−32%

+24%

Middle income

−26%

+12%

Advertisement
Highest income

−17%

+7%

Note: The lowest income areas have a median income in the bottom 25 percent of all precincts; middle income areas have a median income in the middle 50 percent of all precincts; and highest income areas have a median income in the top 25 percent of all precincts.

Ms. Harris lost substantial support in precincts with larger populations of Latino and Asian voters. Asian voters have been shifting rightward in recent years because of a mix of concerns about crime, city education policies and the economy.

Advertisement

Mr. Trump made significant gains in precincts where a majority of residents were Latino or Black.

Percentage change in votes compared with 2020

45% Asian

−37%

+19%

70% Hispanic

−37%

Advertisement

+55%

70% Black

−21%

+46%

90% white

−18%

−2%

Advertisement
Continue Reading

News

Northvolt chief resigns a day after battery maker collapses into bankruptcy

Published

on

Northvolt chief resigns a day after battery maker collapses into bankruptcy

Unlock the Editor’s Digest for free

Northvolt’s chief executive has resigned a day after Europe’s big battery hope filed for bankruptcy in the US.

Peter Carlsson took responsibility for the dramatic collapse during a town-hall meeting with employees on Friday morning, the Stockholm-based company said.

Northvolt was Europe’s best-funded start-up, having raised more than $15bn from investors and governments, but was left with just $30mn in cash — enough to operate for a week — before its bankruptcy filing under US Chapter 11 rules that gives it protection from creditors.

Advertisement

“The Chapter 11 filing allows a period during which the company can be reorganised, ramp up operations while honouring customer and supplier commitments, and ultimately position itself for the long term. That makes it a good time for me to hand over to the next generation of leaders,” Carlsson said.

He later told reporters that Northvolt needed about $1bn-$1.2bn to be able to continue as a going concern after Chapter 11.

The former Tesla executive founded Northvolt in 2016 and positioned it as Europe’s answer to the growing dominance of Asian players in battery manufacturing such as China’s CATL and BYD, Japan’s Panasonic and South Korea’s LG and Samsung.

Northvolt gathered more than $50bn in orders from automotive groups such as Volkswagen, BMW, Scania and Porsche as well as billions more in capital from the same groups and from financial investors including Goldman Sachs and BlackRock.

But it said late on Thursday that it was filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in the US with $5.8bn in debts, so that it could access $145mn in cash and $100mn in fresh financing from truckmaker Scania. It is now looking for one or more investors to provide it with future financing to exit Chapter 11.

Advertisement

Current and former employees have told the Financial Times that the fall of Northvolt was due to a litany of issues, from mismanagement and overspending to poor safety standards and over-reliance on Chinese machinery.

Several investors had privately urged Carlsson to resign to take responsibility for Northvolt’s dramatic fall from grace.

Speaking to reporters on Friday about what went wrong, Carlsson said: “I should have pulled the brakes earlier on the expansion path to make sure the core engine was moving according to plan.” He also said there had been “gravel in the machinery”.

VW, Northvolt’s biggest current shareholder with a 21 per cent stake, had told the start-up that “they’re not able to continue capitalising us”, Carlsson continued. But he also said that the company had received strong support from Scania, Porsche and Audi, which are all part of the VW group.

Northvolt has struggled to ramp up production at its sole factory in Skellefteå, just below the Arctic Circle in northern Sweden.

Advertisement

Its plans for factories in Germany and Canada remain unaffected by Chapter 11 as they have received significant subsidies from the respective governments.

“We are incredibly thankful to Peter for his vision and dedication to building Northvolt from an unprecedented idea to becoming Europe’s battery manufacturing champion,” said Tom Johnstone, Northvolt’s interim chair.

The company will begin searching for a new chief executive immediately.

Its present leadership consists of Pia Aaltonen-Forsell, chief financial officer; Matthias Arleth, a former VW executive who is now head of cells and who will also take the role of chief operations officer; and Scott Millar, an executive at Teneo who has become chief restructuring officer.

Carlsson, currently one of Northvolt’s largest shareholders, will remain on the company’s board and as a senior adviser.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

News

You can sword-fight at this club. But no politics allowed

Published

on

You can sword-fight at this club. But no politics allowed

Gaia Ferrency, 17, of Swissvale, Pa., waits to participate in a long-sword tournament as part of Friday Night Fights, hosted by Pittsburgh Sword Fighters, on Oct. 4 at a former Catholic church northeast of Pittsburgh.

Justin Merriman for NPR/‎


hide caption

toggle caption

Advertisement

Justin Merriman for NPR/‎

Over the last few years and through this year’s contentious campaign season, which was rooted in America’s deep divisions, there has been a coarsening in the way people talk to each other. We wanted to explore how some are trying to bridge divides. We asked our reporters across the NPR Network to look for examples of people working through their differences. We’re sharing those stories in our series Seeking Common Ground.

CREIGHTON, Pa. — With their faces hidden behind hard black masks, two fighters stand a few feet apart and raise their swords.

They step forward and clank the broad, dull metal blades against each other repeatedly. One fighter strikes the other in the chest. The fight is over, and a small crowd applauds.

Advertisement

Inside this former Catholic church northeast of Pittsburgh, under a 25-foot ceiling flanked by Gothic, pointed-arch windows, members of the Pittsburgh Sword Fighters club and school gather.

In this photo, two sword fighters, wearing all black and protective gear, fight against one another with long metal swords. In the background, audience members watch them compete in the tournament.

The audience cheers on two sword fighters as they take part in a long-sword tournament hosted by Pittsburgh Sword Fighters.

Justin Merriman for NPR


hide caption

toggle caption

Advertisement

Justin Merriman for NPR

It’s a tournament — as well as a party — billed as Friday Night Fights.

There are plenty of rules in a sword fight. But there’s one rule that applies after the fighters have put down their weapons: no talk of politics.

The evolution of the rule started around 2016, when club owner Josh Parise says he was getting fed up with the rancor of political discourse in the U.S. — personal attacks were on the rise, even within families, as was cancel culture.

Advertisement

“I couldn’t tolerate the lack of decency between human beings,” says Parise, whose club focuses on historical European martial arts.

“None of it made sense anymore,” he says.

This photo is a portrait of Josh Parise. The photo shows him from the waist up, and he's wearing a gray shirt with an unbuttoned horizontal-striped shirt on top of it.

Josh Parise, 48, of Oakmont, Pa., is the owner of Pittsburgh Sword Fighters.

Justin Merriman for NPR


hide caption

Advertisement

toggle caption

Justin Merriman for NPR

And then there were a few would-be sword fighters who came to the club and didn’t treat others well. Parise had to tell them to get on their horses and leave.

“It’s infuriating to me, so with this place, we just don’t allow that to happen,” Parise says.

Advertisement

Leaving their politics at the door

As club volunteer Kat Licause watches the matches, she says the directive to avoid politics has led to closer relationships in the club.

“I don’t think we avoid it in the sense that we’re running scared of big questions and topics,” says Licause, who works as a tech writer. “I think we just have this mutual understanding here that if any of us was ever in trouble, we would pick each other up, like immediately.”

The club space is outfitted with medieval and Gothic touches, like coats of arms, a three-eyed raven sculpture and faux stonework that Parise made himself.

Chuck Gross stands in the doorway of the former Catholic church. He's wearing a dark tank top and has a long beard. Taxidermic animals with antlers are mounted on the wall above and around him. A teenage girl or young woman is to the left of him in the doorway.

Chuck Gross, one of the head long-sword instructors at Pittsburgh Sword Fighters, stands in the doorway of the former Catholic church where a long-sword tournament will take place.

Justin Merriman for NPR


hide caption

Advertisement

toggle caption

Justin Merriman for NPR

Against the far wall, a custom Dumbledore throne sits on a fake altar. Off to the sides, there’s a table for potluck dishes and an open bar. The crowd and the vibe are noticeably chill, considering the main activity.

Advertisement

“You walk up, you acknowledge one another, and then you hit each other with big metal sticks,” Parise says with a wry smile.

But divisive political rhetoric, which can be sharper than the swords here, must be left at the club’s big wooden door. The politics ban doesn’t rise to the level of, say, a 15th-century heresy law, but it’s there.

Parise says his students and club members run the gamut politically, from religious conservatives to progressives. He loves to see them find common ground.

“I just don’t want people to feel uncomfortable, but I also don’t want them to bring their baggage with them,” he says. “Leave it outside and just do the thing.”

Teaching and learning from fellow fighters

As the tournament gets underway, a judge briefs the fighters and urges them to play by the rules and stay under control, lest he “red-card” them.

Advertisement
In this photo, Todd Rooney stands while holding a long metal sword. He's wearing a black protective sword-fighting outfit that has a skull patch on one sleeve.

Todd Rooney, a high school English teacher, is photographed on Oct. 4. Rooney is a competitor in the long-sword tournament.

Justin Merriman for NPR


hide caption

toggle caption

Justin Merriman for NPR

Advertisement

“These are teachable moments,” the judge says. “We fight at Friday Night Fights to learn and help each other.”

More fighters line up. Among them is high school English teacher and long-sword instructor Todd Rooney.

He’s holding his headgear, waiting for his name to be called to fight. Rooney has been a member of the sword fighters’ club for almost 10 years and appreciates the politics-free zone.

“Because that rule exists here, I get to work with, spar with, teach, learn from people from all different walks of life, all different political affiliations, religious groups,” Rooney says.

Advertisement

And the controlled conflict of a sword fight, he says, brings about a kind of clarity.

“We have to encounter each other as fully human — we have to respect each other,” he says. “And it’s especially important here, when we’re coming at each other with weapons.”

In this photo, nine men and one woman are congregated around the steps of the former church where the sword fights are held. They are wearing casual clothes. Some are sitting or standing on the steps, while a few are standing in front of the steps.

Members gather on the steps of the former Catholic church where Pittsburgh Sword Fighters hosts a Friday Night Fights long-sword tournament.

Justin Merriman for NPR


hide caption

Advertisement

toggle caption

Justin Merriman for NPR

Continue Reading

Trending