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St. Louis Judges Embrace Ankle Monitors Amid Calls to Reform Bail

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St. Louis Judges Embrace Ankle Monitors Amid Calls to Reform Bail

In the heat of an argument last spring, Khyla Mason raised a handgun into the air on a neighbor’s porch. She was acting in self-defense, she said, and never fired, but the confrontation was captured on video, and some children were nearby. Ms. Mason wound up in a St. Louis jail charged with unlawful use of a weapon.

Just a few years ago, someone facing the same charge in St. Louis was likely to pay a small bond and resume life as usual until trial, local attorneys said. But Ms. Mason, who was then 21, was released from jail with a box the size of a deck of cards strapped to her right ankle. It tracked her every move.

For weeks, the device alerted officials each time she missed her court-imposed curfew or left her house without approval. Sometimes, she was buying food or diapers for her 2-year-old son, or taking him to the hospital, she said. After more than two dozen violations, she was sent back to jail.

She remained there for a month.

More and more defendants across the country are being placed on electronic monitors, part of an ambitious effort to prevent overcrowding in the nation’s jails and keep people from being imprisoned while awaiting trial for minor offenses.

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Like courts in Baltimore, Dallas and Los Angeles, the St. Louis city circuit court is among those that have embraced electronic monitoring as a powerful reform of the cash bail system. The number of new monitors activated here more than doubled from the first half of 2021 to the first half of 2024, when it surpassed 550, a New York Times analysis found.

But in that time, St. Louis has had to grapple with some unforeseen complications — including technological mishaps, privacy concerns and high costs — that offer lessons to other courts. More significantly, the devices are now worn by hundreds of people who most likely would not have stayed in jail anyway.

The Times analysis found that about three-quarters of the people monitored in St. Louis in the first half of 2024, including a small number ordered to download monitoring apps, were charged with misdemeanors or lower-level felonies such as unlawful gun possession, driving while intoxicated and third-degree assault. In the past, people facing those kinds of charges would generally have been offered a cash bail, four local criminal attorneys said.

The devices have subjected some defendants to more scrutiny than those individuals would have otherwise faced. They have also made it more obvious that the defendants were accused of a crime, and several said that having a visible monitor cost them a job or made it hard to attend school or care for a child or an older relative.

In a statement, Joel Currier, a St. Louis city circuit court spokesman, acknowledged that monitoring was “an imperfect tool,” but said that the court’s program balanced “the rights of the accused as well as the safety of crime victims and the community.”

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Michael K. Mullen, a retired St. Louis city circuit judge who supports monitors, said the devices were better for defendants than jail.

“That’s what they have to be reminded of when they come in front of me,” he said.

But Matthew Mahaffey, who runs the city’s public defender office, which represents people who cannot afford attorneys, said that monitoring was too often required of people who posed no flight risk or threat to public safety.

Making matters worse, he said, the devices have occasionally malfunctioned and provided inaccurate readings.

“Until it gets cleared, it looks like a violation, which can put the client in a tricky spot,” Mr. Mahaffey said, adding that defendants had been sent back to jail or issued harsher sentences as a result.

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Research has also shown that electronic monitoring can lead to isolation and prejudice from landlords and employers, said Kate Weisburd, an expert on surveillance and technology who teaches at U.C. Law San Francisco. She raised further concerns about privacy.

“As there is a growing appetite to end incarceration, there’s this knee-jerk reaction to want to substitute incarceration with something,” she said. “We can’t just strip people of their privacy rights the moment they are arrested for a crime.”

Last year, The Times sat in on dozens of pretrial bond hearings, which are held to determine whether a person who has been arrested will be released or held in jail, and interviewed more than 20 people who wore ankle monitors. The charges against them ranged from harassment and property damage to domestic assault.

James Neal wore a monitor for about six months last year after he sped away from a traffic stop. He was later charged with fleeing, resisting arrest and drug and firearm possession, court records show.

Mr. Neal, 42, was not allowed to carry a weapon because of a past felony conviction. He said he kept one anyway because of the city’s high crime rates.

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Once the monitor was installed, Mr. Neal had to charge the device by connecting it to an outlet and sitting tethered to the wall for hours at a time. That was especially difficult while he was looking after his young son, he said.

Mr. Neal received violations because the battery died and because he left his house without the court’s permission, court records show. Once, he was cited for spending two nights at his mother’s house after a death in the family, the records confirm.

Mr. Neal pleaded guilty in July and was sentenced to probation.

Ms. Mason, who was sent back to jail last summer for the violations her monitor flagged, fell behind on her rent while she was incarcerated, she said. By the time she was released in August, she had been evicted from her north St. Louis apartment. She was in the second trimester of a new pregnancy.

Ms. Mason said the monitor affected her life in other ways. After wearing it to the hospital where she worked as a dietary worker, she lost her job. The hospital said she was let go because of poor attendance, but Ms. Mason said she had covered her absences with sick time.

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In the months that followed, she said, potential employers zeroed in on her ankle at job interviews.

“I can’t really get a job or any good opportunities because people instantly judge me,” she said in October.

In December, a judge reduced Ms. Mason’s felony charges to a single misdemeanor. If she stays out of trouble for two years, the remaining charge will be expunged from her record.

She had the ankle monitor removed two weeks before giving birth in the new year.

The St. Louis city circuit court began using devices with GPS technology to monitor a small number of defendants about a decade ago. At first, the initiative drew criticism because of how it was funded: The private company running the program charged defendants installation and surveillance fees, and those who could not afford those fees could be sent back to jail.

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The program remained small for years. But in 2019, amid a wave of bipartisan bail reform policies, the Missouri Supreme Court directed judges across the state to seek out alternatives to incarceration for defendants who could not afford bond.

In St. Louis, the number of people ordered to wear monitors spiked, data shows. The numbers held steady during the pandemic, when public health officials called for fewer people to be held in jails, and then surged when Gabe Gore — who cast himself as a law-and-order candidate — became circuit attorney and ramped up prosecutions.

In the cases The Times observed last year, prosecutors regularly recommended monitoring for people being considered for release. In a statement, Mr. Gore’s office said that monitors were not the default, and that prosecutors evaluated the facts of each individual case.

While defense lawyers can weigh in on the recommendation, judges ultimately decide whether a defendant will be detained or released, and whether monitoring is necessary. Judges are supposed to impose the “least restrictive” conditions to ensure public safety as well as the defendant’s return to court.

Mr. Currier declined to make Judge Christopher E. McGraugh, who became the court’s presiding judge in January, available for an interview.

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In many ways, the St. Louis court has done more than most to make the monitors less disruptive to defendants’ lives. It now covers the costs of monitoring for those who cannot afford to pay, something many other courts across the country, including the neighboring St. Louis County circuit court, do not do. In recent months, the city’s circuit court has paid for almost 90 percent of people who were being monitored, data shows.

In addition, the court’s pretrial services office offers bus passes and mental health and shelter referrals to people with pending cases, Mr. Currier said.

Total Court Services, a company based in Michigan, is the court’s contractor for monitoring services. It rents a small office across the street from the courthouse; there, four or five employees keep tabs on more than 400 defendants at a time.

The vice president for sales and marketing, Jason Tizedes, said the company was trying to make monitoring less intrusive. It recently released a smartphone app that judges in the St. Louis city circuit court have started to use in a limited number of cases.

“If folks are lower risk, you don’t want to overmonitor them,” Mr. Tizedes said in an interview. “If you oversupervise, overmonitor people that don’t need it, it’s essentially setting them up for failure.”

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As for the privacy concerns, Mr. Tizedes said, the company shares people’s location data only with court officials and law enforcement officers who have warrants. He blamed the job loss and the discrimination people with monitors sometimes face on unsympathetic employers.

David D. Hemphill, who works in home renovation, said he felt that discrimination while wearing a visible monitor last year. After landing fewer contracts than he expected, he fell into a depression.

Mr. Hemphill, 38, said that he had been arrested after failing to pull over for a traffic stop and leading the police on a 30-minute chase. He said that the officer who had initiated the stop was a neighbor, and that he did not trust the police.

Four months after the arrest, the charges against Mr. Hemphill were dropped, he said. But in that time, Mr. Hemphill became increasingly paranoid. His monitor beeped constantly and issued loud voice alerts. Sometimes he did not know whether the noises meant that the equipment was faulty or that he had unknowingly violated the terms of his release.

Once he began wearing his monitor, he noticed just how many of his co-workers on construction sites were wearing the same kind of device. He started talking to them about their experiences and realized that many felt the same as he did.

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“Each violation plays on your mental,” he said. “You don’t know what the outcome is going to be. These people have your life in their hands.”

Though many see it as a reform, electronic monitoring has drawn wide-ranging criticism both in St. Louis and across the country.

Blake Strode, the executive director of ArchCity Defenders, a St. Louis civil rights law firm that has challenged the use of cash bail and inhumane jail conditions, called the city circuit court’s monitoring program “an incarceration scheme” that set people up to be jailed for technical violations.

Mr. Strode acknowledged that judges used cash bail less frequently now, and that the jail population had shrunk. But electronic monitoring starts punishing people as soon as they are charged with a crime, he said, not after a finding of guilt.

“We should ask whether that trade-off is worth it,” Mr. Strode said.

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The policy has also faced a different critique: that letting people accused of crimes await trial at home undermines public safety. Some critics have also said that court officials and prosecutors have not been aggressive enough in punishing people for violations.

In St. Louis, that argument gained traction in 2023, after a man awaiting trial on robbery charges ran a red light and seriously injured a teenage pedestrian. The defendant, Daniel Riley, had amassed dozens of GPS violations before the crash, but was never ordered to appear in court over the infractions. The city’s circuit attorney at the time, Kim Gardner, resigned amid the controversy.

National proponents of electronic monitoring like Carl Wicklund, a former executive director of the American Probation and Parole Association, continue to see the value in the system. But Mr. Wicklund said that people with the devices must be able to hold jobs, secure housing and be involved with their families, churches and communities.

Without those things, he said, defendants become “higher risk, because they have nothing to lose.”

According to the St. Louis circuit court’s 2023 annual report — the most recent it has published — nearly 87 percent of defendants who wore monitors completed their pretrial periods without a new arrest. The figure was nearly the same for defendants who awaited trial at home without monitors. (The court cautioned against using the statistics to draw conclusions about the effectiveness of monitoring, saying that the figures did not account for factors such as age, criminal history and substance abuse.)

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Court officials’ investment in the program continues to grow. This fiscal year, the city budgeted more than $850,000 for the initiative, a record high for St. Louis. Budget documents show the court is on track to spend more than $1 million on the initiative.

In the spring, the court plans to solicit proposals from contractors interested in providing monitoring services after its current contract expires. Mr. Tizedes said Total Court Services was likely to submit a bid.

Justin Mayo contributed reporting. Susan C. Beachy contributed research.

This article was reported in partnership with Big Local News at Stanford University.


ABOUT THE ANALYSIS

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To calculate the number of new ankle monitors activated in St. Louis, The Times analyzed hundreds of pages of monthly invoices that Total Court Services sent to the St. Louis City 22nd Circuit Court from October 2020 through June 2024. The invoices, obtained through a public records request, show how much Total Court Services billed for each defendant (identified by case number) who used 24/7 ankle monitoring services. The Times excluded defendants monitored only via the company’s smartphone app, CourtFact, which has a limited GPS component. The invoices specify start and end dates, as well as whether the court or the defendant was responsible for payment.

To calculate the share of monitored defendants who were charged with misdemeanors or class D or E felonies, The Times analyzed the court’s monthly pretrial data reports. The reports, which are available online, include monthly counts of defendants released from jail with GPS monitors broken down by class of charge.

Discrepancies between the invoices and the court’s reports are because the reports indicate the month judges ordered defendants to wear GPS monitors while the invoices indicate when the monitors were activated, and the two dates can be different. Additionally, pretrial data reports included defendants released with CourtFact smartphone monitoring in the totals. Beginning in June 2024, the reports included only defendants with GPS ankle monitoring.

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WATCH: Massey family speaks at vigil after Illinois sheriff’s deputy convicted over killing of Sonya Massey

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WATCH: Massey family speaks at vigil after Illinois sheriff’s deputy convicted over killing of Sonya Massey

PEORIA, Ill. (AP) — A jury on Wednesday convicted an Illinois sheriff’s deputy of second-degree murder, a lesser charge, in the shooting death of Sonya Massey, a Black woman who called 911 to report a suspected prowler.

Watch Massey’s family and supporters speak after the verdict in the video player above.

Sean Grayson could be sentenced to up to 20 years in prison or even probation. The jury did not convict him of first-degree murder, a crime that carries a sentence of 45 years to life.

Massey’s supporters were angered by the result. Her father, James Wilburn, called it a “miscarriage of justice.”

WATCH: Activists demand reform and justice after deputy shoots and kills Sonya Massey in her home

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“She called for help and she was murdered in her own home. … Second-degree murder — that is not right. That is not justice for anybody’s family,” Teresa Haley, a civil rights activist in Springfield, Illinois, told reporters outside the courthouse.

Grayson and another deputy arrived at Massey’s home in Springfield early on July 6, 2024, after she reported a prowler. He shot the 36-year-old woman after confronting her about how she was handling a pot of hot water on the stove.

Grayson and his attorneys argued that he fired his gun in fear that Massey would scald him with hot water.

Massey’s killing raised new questions about U.S. law enforcement shootings of Black people in their homes, and prompted a change in Illinois law requiring fuller transparency on the background of candidates for law enforcement jobs.

Grayson, 31, was charged with first-degree murder, but the jury was given the option of considering second-degree murder, which can apply when a defendant faces a “serious provocation” or believes their action is justified even if that belief is unreasonable. He will be sentenced on Jan. 29.

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State’s Attorney John Milhiser declined to comment as he left the courtroom. He was repeatedly praised by Massey’s supporters for pursuing a trial that was moved 75 miles (120.7 kilometers) north to the Peoria County courthouse because of intense publicity in Springfield.

Defense attorney Daniel Fultz declined comment after the verdict.

“While we believe Grayson’s actions deserved a first-degree conviction, today’s verdict is still a measure of justice for Sonya Massey,” the family’s attorneys, Ben Crump and Antonio Romanucci, said after the seven-day trial.

FILE PHOTO: The family of Sonya Massey, a 36-year-old Black woman shot and killed by an Illinois sheriff’s deputy during a call for help at her home, holds a press conference and rally at New Mount Pilgrim Missionary Baptist Church in Chicago, Illinois, July 30, 2024. Photo by Vincent Alban/Reuters

Body camera video recorded by another Sangamon County sheriff’s deputy at the scene, Dawson Farley, was a key part of the prosecution’s case. It showed Massey, who struggled with mental health issues, telling the officers, “Don’t hurt me,” and repeating, “Please God.”

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When the deputies entered the house, Grayson saw the pot on the stove and ordered Massey to move it. Massey jumped up to retrieve the pot, and she and Grayson joked about how he said he was backing off from the “hot, steaming water.” Massey then replied, “I rebuke you in the name of Jesus.”

Both Grayson and Farley drew their pistols and yelled at Massey to put the pot down. Grayson told investigators he thought her “rebuke” meant she intended to kill him and, in the following commotion, fired three shots, striking Massey just below the eye.

Farley testified that Massey didn’t say or do anything that caused him to view her as a threat. But under cross-examination, he acknowledged that he initially reported to investigators that he feared for his safety because of the hot water. Farley did not fire his weapon and was not charged.

Grayson, who was subsequently fired, testified in his own defense. He told jurors he noticed the bottom of the pot was red and he believed Massey planned to throw the water at him. He said Massey’s words felt like a threat and that he drew his gun because officers are trained to use force to get compliance.

“She done. You can go get it, but that’s a head shot,” Grayson told Farley after the shooting. “There’s nothing you can do, man.”

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Grayson relented moments later and went to get his kit while Farley found dish towels to apply pressure to the head wound. When Grayson returned, Farley told him his help wasn’t necessary, so he threw his kit on the floor and said, “I’m not even gonna waste my med stuff then.”

Massey’s death forced the early retirement of the sheriff who hired Grayson and generated a U.S. Justice Department inquiry. The federal probe was resolved with Sangamon County Sheriff’s Department’s agreement to fortify training, particularly de-escalation practices; develop a program in which mental health professionals can respond to emergency calls; and to generate data on use-of-force incidents.

Massey’s family settled a lawsuit against the county for $10 million, and state lawmakers changed Illinois law to require fuller transparency on the background of candidates for law enforcement jobs.

A free press is a cornerstone of a healthy democracy.

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Want to opt out of AI? State labeling laws might help

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Want to opt out of AI? State labeling laws might help

Red STOP AI protest flyer with meeting details taped to a light pole on a city street in San Francisco, California on May 20, 2025.

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Utah and California have passed laws requiring entities to disclose when they use AI. More states are considering similar legislation. Proponents say labels make it easier for people who don’t like AI to opt out of using it.

“They just want to be able to know,” says Utah Department of Commerce executive director Margaret Woolley Busse, who is implementing new state laws requiring state-regulated businesses to disclose when they use AI with their customers.

“If that person wants to know if it’s human or not, they can ask. And the chatbot has to say.”

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California passed a similar law regarding chatbots back in 2019. This year it expanded disclosure rules, requiring police departments to specify when they use AI products to help write incident reports.

“I think AI in general and police AI in specific really thrives in the shadows, and is most successful when people don’t know that it’s being used,” says Matthew Guariglia, a senior policy analyst for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which supported the new law. I think labeling and transparency is really the first step.”

As an example, Guariglia points to San Francisco, which now requires all city departments to report publicly how and when they use AI.

Such localized regulations are the kind of thing the Trump Administration has tried to head off. White House “AI Czar” David Sacks has referred to a “state regulatory frenzy that is damaging the startup ecosystem.”

Daniel Castro, with the industry-supported think tank Information Technology & Innovation Foundation, says AI transparency can be good for markets and democracy, but it may also slow innovation.

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“You can think of an electrician that wants to use AI to help communicate with his or her customers … to answer queries about when they’re available,” Castro says. If companies have to disclose the use of AI, he says, “maybe that turns off the customers and they don’t really want to use it anymore.”

For Kara Quinn, a homeschool teacher in Bremerton, Wash., slowing down the spread of AI seems appealing.

“Part of the issue, I think, is not just the thing itself; it’s how quickly our lives have changed,” she says. “There may be things that I would buy into if there were a lot more time for development and implementation.”

At the moment, she’s changing email addresses because her longtime provider recently started summarizing the contents of her messages with AI.

“Who decided that I don’t get to read what another human being wrote? Who decides that this summary is actually what I’m going to think of their email?” Quinn says. “I value my ability to think. I don’t want to outsource it.”

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Quinn’s attitude to AI caught the attention of her sister-in-law, Ann-Elise Quinn, a supply chain analyst who lives in Washington, D.C. She’s been holding “salons” for friends and acquaintances who want to discuss the implications of AI, and Kara Quinn’s objections to the technology inspired the theme of a recent session.

“How do we opt out if we want to?” she asks. “Or maybe [people] don’t want to opt out, but they want to be consulted, at the very least.”

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In a Looming Nuclear Arms Race, Aging Los Alamos Faces a Major Test

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In a Looming Nuclear Arms Race, Aging Los Alamos Faces a Major Test

In a sprawling building atop a mesa in New Mexico, workers labor around the clock to fulfill a vital mission: producing America’s nuclear bomb cores.

The effort is uniquely challenging. Technicians at Los Alamos National Laboratory must handle hazardous plutonium to create the grapefruit-size cores, known as pits. They do so in a nearly 50-year-old building under renovation to address aging infrastructure and equipment breakdowns that have at times disrupted operations or spread radioactive contamination, The New York Times found.

Now, the laboratory is under increasing pressure to meet the federal government’s ambitions to upgrade the nation’s nuclear arsenal. The $1.7 trillion project includes everything from revitalizing missile silos burrowed deep in five states, to producing new warheads that contain the pits, to arming new land-based missiles, bomber jets and submarines.

But the overall modernization effort is years behind schedule, with costs ballooning by the billions, according to the Congressional Budget Office. In 2018, Congress charged Los Alamos with making an annual quota of 30 pits by 2026, but by last year it had produced just one approved for the nuclear stockpile. (Officials have not disclosed whether more have been made since then.)

That pace has put the lab — and especially the building called Plutonium Facility 4, or PF-4 — under scrutiny by Trump administration officials.

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