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Pregnant migrant girls are being sent to a Texas shelter flagged as medically risky

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Pregnant migrant girls are being sent to a Texas shelter flagged as medically risky

The Trump administration is sending pregnant unaccompanied minors to a South Texas shelter (above) flagged as medically inadequate by officials from the Office of Refugee Resettlement. The facility is run by a for-profit contractor called Urban Strategies.

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The Trump administration is sending all pregnant unaccompanied minors apprehended by immigration enforcement to a single group shelter in South Texas. The decision was made over urgent objections from some of the administration’s own health and child welfare officials, who say both the facility and the region lack the specialized care the girls need.

That’s according to seven officials who work at the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, which takes custody of children who cross the border without a parent or legal guardian, or are separated from family by immigration authorities. The children remain in ORR’s care until they can be released to an adult or deported, or turn 18.

All of the officials asked not to be named for fear of retaliation.

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Since late July, more than a dozen pregnant minors have been placed at the Texas facility, which is in the small border city of San Benito. Some were as young as 13, and at least half of those taken in so far became pregnant as a result of rape, the officials said. Their pregnancies are considered high risk by definition, particularly for the youngest girls.

“This group of kids is clearly recognized as our most vulnerable,” one of the officials said. Rank-and-file staff, the official said, are “losing sleep over it, wondering if kids are going to be placed in programs where they’re not going to have access to the care they need.”

The move marks a sharp departure from longstanding federal practice, which placed pregnant, unaccompanied migrant children in ORR shelters or foster homes around the country that are equipped to handle high-risk pregnancies.

The ORR officials said they were never told why the girls are being concentrated in a single location, let alone in this particular shelter in Texas. But they — along with more than a dozen former government officials, health care professionals, migrant advocates and civil rights attorneys — worry the Trump administration is knowingly putting the children at risk to advance an ideological goal: denying them access to abortion by placing them in a state where it’s virtually banned.

“This is 100% and exclusively about abortion,” said Jonathan White, a longtime federal health official who ran ORR’s unaccompanied children program for part of President Trump’s first term. White, who recently retired from the government, said the administration tried and failed to restrict abortion access for unaccompanied minors in 2017. “Now they casually roll out what they brutally fought to accomplish last time and didn’t.”

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Asked if the administration is sending pregnant children to San Benito to restrict their access to abortion, HHS said in a statement that the allegation was “completely inaccurate.”

In an earlier statement, the department said that “ORR’s placement decisions are guided by child welfare best practices and are designed to ensure each child is housed in the safest, most developmentally appropriate setting, including for children who are pregnant or parenting.”

But several of the ORR officials took issue with the department’s statement. “ORR is supposed to be a child welfare organization,” one of them said. “Putting pregnant kids in San Benito is not a decision you make when you care about children’s safety.”

ORR’s acting director, Angie Salazar, instructed agency staff to send “any pregnant children” to San Benito beginning July 22, 2025, according to an internal email obtained as part of a six-month investigation by The California Newsroom and The Texas Newsroom, public media collaboratives that worked together to produce this story.

A copy of the July 22, 2025, email notifying ORR supervisors of the directive to send pregnant unaccompanied minors to a single shelter in San Benito, Texas. The move comes over objections from the government’s own health and child welfare officials.

A copy of the July 22, 2025, email notifying ORR supervisors of the directive to send pregnant unaccompanied minors to a single shelter in San Benito, Texas. The move comes over objections from the government’s own health and child welfare officials.
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Several of the officials said a handful of pregnant girls have mistakenly been placed in other shelters because immigration authorities didn’t know they were pregnant when they were transferred to ORR custody.

Since the July order, none of the pregnant girls at the San Benito facility have experienced major medical problems, according to the ORR officials and Aimee Korolev, deputy director of ProBAR, an organization that provides legal services to children there. They said several of the girls have given birth and are detained with their infants.

But ORR officials interviewed for this story said they worry the shelter is only one high-risk pregnancy away from catastrophe.

“I feel like we’re just waiting for something terrible to happen,” one of the officials said.

‘Blown away by the level of risk’

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There are dozens of ORR shelters or foster homes across the country that are designated to care for pregnant unaccompanied children, according to several of the ORR officials, with 12 in Texas alone. None of them could recall a time when all of the pregnant minors in the agency’s custody were concentrated in one shelter.

Detaining them in San Benito, Texas, doctors and public health experts said, is a dangerous gambit.

“It’s not good to be a pregnant person in Texas, no matter who you are,” said Annie Leone, a nurse midwife who recently spent five years caring for pregnant and postpartum migrant women and girls at a large family shelter not far from San Benito. “So, to put pregnant migrant kids in Texas, and then in one of the worst health care regions of Texas, is not good at all.”

The specialized obstetric care that exists in Texas is mostly available in its larger cities, hours from San Benito. And several factors, including the high number of uninsured patients, have eroded the availability of health care across the state.

Furthermore, Texas’ near-ban on abortion has been especially devastating to obstetric care. The law allows an exception in cases where the pregnant person’s life is in danger or one of her bodily functions is at risk, but doctors have been confused as to what that means.

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Many doctors have left to practice elsewhere, and those who’ve stayed are often scared to perform procedures they worry could come with criminal charges. While Texas passed a law clarifying the exceptions last year, experts have said it may not be enough to assuage doctors’ fears.

Several maternal health experts listed the potential dangers for the girls at the San Benito shelter: If one of them develops an ectopic pregnancy (where the fertilized egg implants outside the uterus), if she miscarries or if her water breaks too early and she gets an infection, the emergency care she needs could be delayed or denied by doctors wary of the abortion ban.

Getting the care that is available could take too long to save her life or the baby’s, they added.

Adolescents are also more likely to give birth early, which can be life-threatening for both mother and baby. The youngest face complications during labor and delivery because their pelvises aren’t fully developed, said Dr. Anne-Marie Amies Oelschlager, an obstetrician in Washington state who specializes in adolescent pregnancy.

“These are young adolescents who are still going through puberty,” she said. “Their bodies are still changing.”

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Pregnant girls who recently endured the often harrowing journey to the U.S. face even more risk, obstetrics experts said. Experts who work with migrant children say many are raped along the way and contract sexually transmitted infections that can be dangerous during pregnancy. Add to that little to no access to prenatal care or proper nourishment, and then the trauma of being detained.

“You couldn’t set up a worse scenario,” said Dr. Blair Cushing, who runs a women’s health clinic in McAllen, about 45 minutes from San Benito. “I’m kind of blown away by the level of risk that they’re concentrating in this facility.”

A history of problems

The San Benito shelter is owned and operated by Urban Strategies, a for-profit company that has contracted with the federal government to care for unaccompanied children for more than a decade, according to USAspending.gov.

Meliza Fonseca lives across the street from the San Benito shelter. She said she occasionally sees kids in the yard on weekends, “but for the most part, you don’t see them.”

Meliza Fonseca lives across the street from the San Benito shelter. She said she occasionally sees kids in the yard on weekends, “but for the most part, you don’t see them.”

Patricia Lim/KUT

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The main building, an old tan brick Baptist Church, occupies a city block in downtown San Benito, a quiet town of about 25,000. The church was converted to a migrant shelter in 2015 and was managed by two other contractors before Urban Strategies took it over in 2021.

On a fall day last year, there were no signs of activity at the facility, though children’s lawn toys and playground equipment were visible behind a wooden fence. A guard was stationed at one of the entrances.

“It’s pretty quiet, just like it is today,” said Meliza Fonseca, who lives nearby. “That’s the way it is every day.”

She said she occasionally sees kids playing in the yard on weekends, “but for the most part, you don’t see them.”

Reached by email, the founder and president of Urban Strategies, Lisa Cummins, wrote that the company is “deeply committed to the care and well-being of the children we serve,” and directed any questions about ORR-contracted shelters to the federal government.

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When asked about the San Benito facility, HHS wrote that “Urban Strategies has a long-standing record of delivering high-quality care to pregnant unaccompanied minors, with a consistently low staff turnover.”

But the ORR officials who spoke with the newsrooms said that as recently as 2024, staff members at the shelter failed to arrange timely medical appointments for pregnant girls or immediately share critical health information with the federal agency and discharged some of them without arrangements to continue their medical care.

ORR barred the shelter from receiving pregnant girls from September to December of 2024 while Urban Strategies implemented a remediation plan, but the plan did not add staff or enhance their qualifications, the officials said.

Some of the officials said ORR’s leadership was provided with a list of shelters that are better prepared to handle children with high-risk pregnancies. All of those shelters are outside Texas, in regions where the full range of necessary medical care is available. Yet the directive to place them at San Benito remains in place.

“It’s cruel, it’s just cruel,” one of the officials said. “They don’t care about any of these kids. They’re playing politics with children’s health.”

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‘A dress rehearsal’

Jonathan White, who ran ORR’s unaccompanied children program from January of 2017 to March of 2018, said he wasn’t surprised to learn that the new administration is moving pregnant unaccompanied children to Texas.

“I’ve been expecting this since Trump returned to office,” White said in an interview.

He said he views the San Benito order as a continuation of an anti-abortion policy shift that began in 2017, which “ultimately proved to be a dress rehearsal for the current administration.”

Scott Lloyd, the agency’s director at the time, denied girls in ORR custody permission to end their pregnancies, court records show. Lloyd also required the girls to get counseling about the benefits of motherhood and the harms of abortion and personally pleaded with some of them to reconsider.

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“I worked to treat all of the children in ORR care with dignity, including the unborn children,” Lloyd told the newsrooms in an email.

In the fall of 2017, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a class action lawsuit against Lloyd and the Trump administration on behalf of pregnant girls in ORR custody. The ACLU argued that denying the girls abortions violated their constitutional rights, established by the Supreme Court in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision.

Not long after the lawsuit was filed, White said, he received a late-night phone call from Lloyd, who had a request. He wanted White to transfer an unaccompanied pregnant girl who was seeking an abortion to a migrant shelter in Texas, where, under state law, it would have been too late for her to terminate her pregnancy. White said that he believed following the order would have been unlawful because it might have denied the girl access to legal relief under the lawsuit, so he refused. The girl was not transferred.

Lloyd, who has since left the government, acknowledged making the request but said he didn’t think it was illegal.

The lawsuit was settled in 2020; the first Trump administration agreed not to impede abortion access for migrant youth in federal custody going forward. Four years later, the Biden administration cemented the deal in official regulations: If a child who wanted to terminate her pregnancy was detained in a state where it was not legal, ORR had to move them to a state where it was.

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That rule remains in place, and the agency appears to be following it: ORR has transferred two pregnant girls out of Texas since July, though the agency officials said one of the girls chose not to terminate her pregnancy.

But now that Trump is back in office, his administration is working to end the policy.

‘Elegant and simple’

Even before Trump won reelection, policymakers in his circle were planning a renewed attempt to restrict abortion rights for unaccompanied minors.

Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s blueprint for a politically conservative overhaul of the federal government, called for ORR to stop facilitating abortions for children in its care. The plan advised the government not to detain unaccompanied children in states where abortion is available.

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Such a change is now possible, Project 2025 argued, because Roe v. Wade is no longer an obstacle. Since the Supreme Court overturned the landmark decision in 2022, there is no longer a federal right to abortion.

Upon returning to office, Trump signed an executive order “to end the forced use of Federal taxpayer dollars to fund or promote elective abortion.”

Then, in early July, the Department of Justice reconsidered a longstanding federal law, known as the Hyde Amendment, that governs the use of taxpayer money for abortion. The DOJ concluded that the government cannot pay to transport detainees from one state to another to facilitate abortion access, except in cases of rape or incest or to save the life of the mother.

And now, ORR is working to rescind the Biden-era requirement that pregnant girls requesting an abortion be moved to states where it’s available. On Jan. 23, the agency submitted the proposed change for government approval, though it has not yet published the details.

Several of the ORR officials who spoke with the newsrooms said it’s unclear whether children in the agency’s custody who have been raped or need emergency medical care will still be allowed to get abortions.

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“HHS does not comment on pending or pre-decisional rulemaking,” the department wrote when asked for details of the regulatory change. “ORR will continue to comply with all applicable federal laws, including requirements for providing necessary medical care to children in ORR custody.”

The day the change was submitted, an unnamed Health and Human Services spokesperson told The Daily Signal, a conservative news site, “Our goal is to save lives both for these young children that are coming across the border, that are pregnant, and to save the lives of their unborn babies.”

Experts who spoke with the newsrooms said it’s unclear why the government would concentrate pregnant children in one Texas shelter, rather than disperse them at shelters throughout the state. But they said they’re convinced that the San Benito directive and the anti-abortion rule change are meant to work hand in hand: Once pregnant children are placed at the San Benito shelter, the new regulations could mean they cannot be moved out of Texas to get abortions — even if keeping them there puts them at risk.

“It’s so elegant and simple,” said White, the former head of the unaccompanied children program. “All they have to do is send them to Texas.”

Mark Betancourt is a freelance journalist and regular contributor to The California Newsroom.

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Mose Buchele with The Texas Newsroom contributed reporting.

This story was produced by The California Newsroom and The Texas Newsroom. The California Newsroom is a collaboration of public media outlets that includes NPR, CalMatters, KQED (San Francisco), LAist and KCRW (Los Angeles), KPBS (San Diego) and other stations across the state. The Texas Newsroom is a public radio journalism collaboration that includes NPR, KERA (North Texas), Houston Public Media, KUT (Austin), Texas Public Radio (San Antonio) and other stations across the state.

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Native Americans celebrate victory at the Battle of Little Bighorn, 150 years later

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Native Americans celebrate victory at the Battle of Little Bighorn, 150 years later

Horse mounted riders circle atop a hill at the Battle of Little Bighorn National Monument, near Last Stand Hill, on June 25.

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CROW AGENCY, Mont. — Under the expansive Montana sky, hundreds of members and descendants of 19 tribal nations gather at one of America’s most famous battlefields. They’re here to watch as Native American riders on horseback charge onto the same land their ancestors did 150 years ago when they defeated the U.S. Army’s 7th Cavalry under the command of Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer.

The riders race across the dry landscape — kicking up clouds of dust before circling at the top of a hill at Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument. Some of them are wearing headdresses and regalia, others are wearing tank tops and T-shirts. Many of them are carrying their tribal flags in a show of unity — the same unity that made possible their swift victory on June 25, 1876.

“It was so important then, 150 years ago. … It’s important today still,” said Gaby Strong, who is Sisseton-Wahpeton and Mdewakanton. “Our victories are still possible.”

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Custer’s goal was to force Native Americans onto reservations. After the 1874 discovery of gold in the Black Hills, Indigenous peoples living off reservations were directed to report to their U.S. field offices, called Indian Agencies, or be deemed hostile.

Native American leaders, including Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull, organized villages and tribes together in a resistance effort.

Several battles broke out in what is now Montana and South Dakota as military forces attempted to push remaining groups onto reservations.

“Crazy Horse, he went from band to band, leader to leader, to tell them about this idea of our relatives coming together for a much greater cause than themselves,” said Christopher Eagle Bear. He is Sicunga Lakota from the Rosebud Sioux Tribe.

In 1876, Custer was tracking a nomadic village of various peoples, including the Oceti Sakowin (Sioux), Cheyenne and Arapaho. Custer was tracking that camp with the help of about three dozen Arikara and Crow scouts. Scouting for the U.S. government was a common practice among many tribes.

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Custer divided his forces of around 700 men into three columns, hoping to surround the village.

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Can the so-called nanobubbler save the Reflecting Pool? | CNN Politics

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Can the so-called nanobubbler save the Reflecting Pool? | CNN Politics

The $1.7 million “ozone nanobubbler” being used in an effort to make the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool water crystal clear has a unique ability to shoot 500 million microscopic bubbles into every teaspoon of water. The injected oxygen is supposed to oxidize — or, unscientifically speaking, smash through — algae, bacteria and other chemicals.

The Trump administration has touted the technology as “state of the art.” At the onset of the project, the administration dispatched a small company based in Brookfield, Ohio — one of the only in the country with this type of technology — to lead the high-profile, high-stakes gambit to see whether the technology could work on the 6.5 million-gallon landmark that for decades has evaded cleanliness. Only five years old, the technology has never been formally used or researched on a pool.

As questions mount over President Donald Trump’s broader renovation project — which has been overcome by other problems, including a peeling bottom and allegations of vandalism — Greenwater Services, the company in charge of the pool’s water quality, has been thrust into the national spotlight. The company has recently taken on a crisis communications firm to help manage the unfamiliar political waters while it attempts to focus on the pool’s actual water.

Chas Antinone, president and chief operating officer, had a one-word answer for CNN when asked whether the company’s part of the project had gone according to plan: “Yes.”

“I’ve got no political affiliation in this thing whatsoever either way. And I don’t really care about that part,” Antinone said. “Our job was to come here and bring a technology that we think can keep the Reflecting Pool looking clean and reflect the way it is supposed to.”

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A review of campaign finance reports, both federal and in Ohio, showed no contributions made by Antinone.

But the company and its no-bid contract have been dragged into a political morass as algae returned for a time to the pool, Trump campaign donations by the owner have come to light, and the pool has become a symbol of America’s divide and what some see as the president’s failures.

And questions remain about whether the new technology will work long term, with no timeline set by the Department of Interior for the more extensive repairs to decades-old pipes that are necessary to keep the technology running.

Joe Trusty, who is the editor of Pool Magazine and has a background in pool service and construction, said the nanobubbler has been “a tremendous buzzword around our industry.”

“It’s not surprising to me that they were brought into the conversation, nor is it surprising to me that they implemented it,” he said. “Whether or not it is going to be able to be effective in as large a body of water and as shallow a body of water such as the Reflecting Pool remains to be seen.”

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Greenwater Services walked CNN through a detailed timeline of its work with the Trump administration. That accounting revealed that some accommodations were needed to meet the president’s demands to have the pool refurbished by the July Fourth celebrations marking America’s 250th birthday.

From the get-go, the company had to be nimble.

The permanent ozone nannobubbler unit had not yet been fully fabricated in Ohio for the job, and yet the pool was being refilled with water. So, the company brought in temporary equipment to get the system running before the permanent structure was finished.

Four stand-alone mobile machines, which could be seen with the naked eye, were put in the Reflecting Pool on June 6, two days after the pool was refilled with water. The units, which work differently from the permanent ones, made small white plumes of bubbles as nozzles shot nanobubbles into the water. The company said the four machines were operating at the same amount of power that the permanent system would have had.

At that point the water was clear; everything was working well, a spokesperson said.

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However, on June 12, a source close to the project said the company was asked by the National Park Service to remove the temporary structures. They were not given a reason. The four units were taken offline and off-site by the company. The algae bloom appeared, according to a person close to the project and video images of the pool captured that afternoon by a CNN camera.

Greenwater Services would not comment on the time gap when the temporary systems were removed. The Interior Department and White House did not respond to CNN’s questions about why the call was made to take the machines out of the water. The New York Times first reported on the removal of the temporary systems.

During that 24-hour period, the Trump administration hosted a high-profile Ultimate Fighting Championship photo op on the National Mall.

The next day, the company reinstalled the temporary machines.

As the four temporary units continued to run, the permanent unit arrived on June 16 and installation began. On June 25, the temporary units were removed, and the permanent system began operating on its own, according to the company.

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“What I think everyone learned is that when the system is allowed to run, it cleans the water and keeps it clean,” Erin Kramer, a spokesperson for the company, told CNN.

The permanent ozone nanobubbler technology, unlike the temporary units, is not in the Reflecting Pool itself. The technology is instead housed in a small pump house, in the US Park Police stables just off the Reflecting Pool.

CNN exclusively obtained photos of last week’s installation of the technology in the pump house with the National Park Service, showing the high-tech system that is typically kept behind closed doors.

The water, which the Interior Department confirmed is pulled from municipal water, comes in and is filtered again. This is when Greenwater Service’s technology steps in.

An oxygen concentrator pulls air in and then sends an electrical current that breaks up that O2 into pure oxygen molecules to form “ozone.” That ozone is then injected into the master water pipe, through a series of patented nozzles with pressure.

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That master pipe splits into numerous preexisting smaller pipes that run around the exterior of the Reflecting Pool, providing inputs for water to enter.

The Interior Department has previously noted the need to repair and potentially replace thousands of feet of pipes that have been in disrepair for several years.

The ozone nanobubbler relies on at least some of the pipes being viable.

Antinone said a number of the pipes are viable but was unsure how many are up and running. It is his understanding that the National Park Service intends to test to see which ones are working, he said.

The Interior Department has not responded to multiple questions about the status of the pipes and the plan for broader repair.

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Antinone said the piping system would be one of the first things to look at should the algae return.

The ozone nanobubbler technology is very new, but industry experts say it is promising.

Heather Raymond, the water quality director for the Ohio State University College of Food, Agricultural, and Environmental Sciences, has tested and researched Greenwater Service’s technology for years.

One of the key factors that make it so powerful, Raymond said, is the ability for the ozone in the powerful algae-busting bubbles to stay in the water, reacting with the water, potentially for days.

Previous versions of the technology injected the bubbles into water, where they would then rise to the surface, losing power and effectiveness.

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Raymond said the new technology carries a powerful “one-two punch” because it creates a microsystem for battling bacteria that is more biologically active.

“In addition to directly oxidizing the chemicals, they promote the growth of these bacteria that eat the chemicals.”

Raymond said her studies show an effectiveness rate in the 90th percentile for the ozone nanobubbler, recognizing it as both clean and green.

Raymond was not involved in the Reflecting Pool project and said her studies have not been funded by Greenwater Services.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration has done independent research on the technology. In research published in 2020, the federal agency said the technology effectively remediates harmful algal blooms.

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Greenwater Services has never used its technology on a pool, only for projects in waterways, such as the Tijuana River, Ohio’s Lake Newport and Florida’s Port Mayaca.

Raymond said, ideally, the nanobubbler technology could work best by getting ahead of any algae, when installed during cooler months, not during the summer when the conditions for algae — heat and sunlight — are prime.

“If you had all the time in the world, you should launch this fall or winter,” she said.

But the company was under a tight deadline to make the pool clear by July.

Greenwater Services attempted to portray the timeline, and the warm, muggy DC weather they were up against as a positive.

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“If we had put this in here and there’s no algae, we wouldn’t have learned anything,” Antinone said. “The whole goal here is to make the process better, so every time we do something, we should learn a little bit.”

Like Virginia-based Atlantic Industrial Coatings, the company enlisted to resurface the pool bottom with a blue material, Greenwater Services was allowed to bypass a competitive-bidding process that is typically done for government contracts. Greenwater was awarded a no-bid contract in April.

The company’s co-owner, J.J. Cafaro, is a longtime supporter and donor to Trump and lives near his Mar-a-Lago club in South Florida. Cafaro pleaded guilty in 2001 to conspiracy to bribe Rep. James Traficant Jr., an Ohio Democrat.

“The White House was not involved in the selection process for any contract and did not weigh in on the companies selected. Full stop,” an Interior Department spokesperson said in a statement. “These companies were selected because they had the expertise, workforce and materials needed to complete such a huge project in the timeline required to celebrate our nation’s 250th.”

The White House said in a statement that it “did not play any role in the selection process.”

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Greenwater Services has sought to distance Cafaro from its daily operations.

“He is an Ohio-based businessman who invested in the Ohio-based company after the owners showed him research done on local Ohio bodies of water,” a spokesperson said. “He has no involvement in the day-to-day operations.”

CNN reached out to Cafaro but did not receive an immediate response.

Earlier this month, Cafaro defended his company’s technology to a local Ohio newspaper, the Vindicator, saying that he believes the system is working and that much of the public scrutiny over the Reflecting Pool is from “people who don’t seem to like Trump.”

Cafaro told the newspaper he would “never” talk to the president about his company’s work with the Reflecting Pool.

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“You don’t do things to put friends in awkward positions,” he was quoted as saying.

Employees of Greenwater Solutions have been at the pool on a near daily basis since early June. They anticipate remaining through the July Fourth holiday, at least. The company tests the water daily, Antinone said.

The next step is to give time to see how the permanent machine operates on its own.

CNN spoke to the company on Friday, just one day after it went online without the support of the temporary units.

“I will tell you, the water today continues to look good, and we’ll continue to test it and see how that works,” Antinone said.

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If algae and the green-hued water returns, Antinone said the company has the capability to bring in more units to the pump house to amp up the system. Additionally, he suggested there are many other options for mitigation. Some spot treatments — potentially with temporary machines — could also be used, he said.

“We think right now, we treated it — it looks good,” he said Friday while adding, “but you know, it’s going to be 100 degrees next week.”

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Three firefighters killed on Colorado-Utah border as wildfires intensify

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Three firefighters killed on Colorado-Utah border as wildfires intensify

A helicopter drops water on the Cottonwood Fire in Beaver, Utah, on Saturday, June 27, 2026.

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Three firefighters have died and two others have been injured Saturday while they tackled blazes on the Colorado-Utah border, the U.S. Wildland Fire Service has announced. The agency said the crew members had been part of an interagency response to the Knowles and Gore fires.

“The U.S. Wildland Fire Service stands united with the USDA Forest Service in grief and in our unwavering support for the loved ones left behind,” the service said in a statement on Facebook. “Their bravery, dedication, and sacrifice will never be forgotten.”

In a press release, the Department of the Interior said that the five firefighters were involved in a “burnover incident”, which refers to when officials are unable to find an escape route, so have to shelter as best they can while a fire passes directly over them. The department said the two firefighters who survived were being treated for burn injuries.

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Fires in Utah, Colorado and Arizona have been intensifying, thanks to days of low humidity, high temperatures and strong winds. The conditions have pushed fire behavior to extremes not commonly seen in the region, stretching resources and forcing the governors of both Utah and Colorado to declare emergencies.

Cottonwood fire not yet contained

The biggest blaze is the Cottonwood Fire, burning in rugged terrain in southern Utah’s Beaver County, which has grown to more than 144 square miles and remains entirely uncontained. It is currently the largest wildfire burning anywhere in the United States.

It has already severely damaged the Eagle Point ski resort and destroyed summer cabins. Damage assessments were underway Saturday, though no final estimates of destroyed structures were yet available.

On Saturday, hundreds of residents in the towns of Marysvale, Junction and Circleville were placed on notice to leave as conditions worsened.

Also burning is the Snyder Fire, covering more than 28,000 acres. It began as the Snyder Mesa Fire on Saturday in east Utah’s Grand County, but later combined with the smaller Jones and Knowles Fires in Colorado.

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Alyssa Mason, a spokesperson assigned to the Cottonwood Fire, told NPR that crews this weekend had been dealing with single-digit humidity and wind gusts of around 45 miles per hour, on top of fuel moisture readings between 2 and 8 percent.

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