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Many state abortion bans include exceptions for rape. How often are they granted?
Dr. Emily Boevers, an OBGYN based in Waverly, Iowa, poses for a portrait at her family’s farm in nearby Tripoli. She says the state’s rape exception requirements threaten the privacy, trust and intimacy of the patient-doctor relationship.
Geoff Stellfox for NPR
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Geoff Stellfox for NPR
After the Supreme Court overturned the federal right to abortion in 2022, many states that banned the procedure did so with the promise that it would still be legal in some circumstances, including in the event of rape. One study estimates that over 64,000 pregnancies have occurred due to rape in the years since the ruling in states where abortion is banned.
But many people on the frontlines of this issue say getting an abortion in these states after an assault is difficult or – in some cases – impossible.
There is no central database that measures abortions performed because of rape. For this story, NPR looked at state records and talked with researchers, advocates and doctors in seven of the 11 states where abortion is banned but legal in the case of rape. Taken together, these accounts show a patchwork of laws governing rape exceptions, confusion over who qualifies for an exemption and law enforcement’s role in that process, and widespread fear from doctors about performing abortions for assault victims.
Many victims aren’t capable of immediately reporting their rapes
It’s all but impossible to know exactly how many abortions are performed because of rape exemptions. When they report the procedure, doctors aren’t required to include a reason. And an abortion could fall under a different exemption – such as a fetal anomaly or life of the mother.
Existing annual data suggests that in many states, the numbers of known abortions performed due to rape are in the single digits or, in some cases, zero.
One reason for that is because in many states, rape victims who want an abortion are required to report their assault to law enforcement. Advocates and medical professionals who work with rape victims say in the aftermath of an attack, there are more immediate issues to consider than abortion laws.
“It’s just too much for them to manage at that point,” says Katy Rasmussen, a nurse who works with assault victims with the Johnson County Sexual Assault Response team in Iowa. The patients she sees are frequently in shock or dealing with the stigma around sexual assault. If alcohol or illegal substances are involved, Rasmussen says, patients may feel shame or even blame themselves.
“Often, sexual assault survivors just want it to be over,” says Kelly Miller, former executive director of the Idaho Coalition Against Sexual and Domestic Violence. “And so having to go through the trauma of reporting, the trauma of a forensic interview, most survivors opt out of all of that.”
Other advocates point out that many patients are experiencing domestic violence when they are raped. That’s what happened to Laurie Betram Roberts. She says she became pregnant years ago after she was raped by someone she lived with. Reporting him and risking his arrest, she says, could have meant losing her housing.
“We shared a residence,” she says. “There was no domestic violence shelter that would take me because my family was too big.”
Bertram Roberts, who has seven children, did eventually disentangle herself from this man. She now works with people in similar situations as part of her job with the Mississippi Reproductive Freedom Fund, a nonprofit that helps people get abortion care in that state.
“There’s a perception of good and bad abortions” among people who defend state abortion bans, Bertram Roberts says. “But the truth is the exemptions are all rhetoric and no practical use.”
Last year in Mississippi, there were zero abortions for any reason, according to a recent report from The Society of Family Planning’s WeCount project.
Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves promised exemptions for rape when the state’s 2022 law went into effect. NPR reached out to Reeves’ office as well as to lawmakers in multiple states who sponsored these bans and to national anti-abortion groups. None of them wanted to speak on the subject of rape exemptions across the country.
One group, Susan B Anthony Pro-Life America, sent NPR a written statement laying blame with doctors and health systems for their confusion and inability to utilize the law. “If there are doctors who are confused about rape exceptions, hospital administrations and health associations should provide clarity,” the statement read.
Some doctors say they feel weaponized and intimidated
Involving law enforcement makes patients and doctors feel like “potential criminals,” says Jessica Tarleton, an obstetrician in South Carolina, where by law, doctors must report abortions performed because of a rape to their local sheriff’s office.
“Somebody comes into the emergency room who’s been shot, we don’t ask them what they did to be in a position to be shot. We take care of the patient,” says Tarleton. She points out that no other kind of medicine demands doctors legally justify care.
“In the past two years,” she says, “I am aware of one one patient that I was associated with that sought a legal abortion under the rape exception.”
Tarleton tries to offer abortion care whenever she legally can. But she says many doctors in this state are scared and feel they don’t have enough support to provide abortions in a place where it feels legally risky. As a result, she says, many distance themselves from the practice altogether.
‘Now I’m the investigator’
Iowa makes it particularly difficult for rape victims to get an abortion, according to doctors and reproductive rights advocates.
This summer, after a long court fight, the state started enforcing a six-week abortion ban, which makes an exception for certain things like rape. But directions from the Iowa Board of Medicine say doctors – before performing an abortion – must determine whether a rape is legitimate or risk legal consequences for noncompliance.
Dr. Emily Boevers says that so far, she hasn’t had to investigate the circumstances around a patient’s rape, but she’s been practicing what she’ll say when that day comes.
Geoff Stellfox for NPR
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Geoff Stellfox for NPR
It’s an unusual level of detail for doctors to collect and document, even among the other 10 states that include exemptions for rape.
“Now I’m the investigator trying to decide if the details of the incident constitute rape as per Iowa Code,” says Dr. Emily Boevers, who works in Waverly, a town of 10,000 in northeastern Iowa. She says these requirements threaten the privacy, trust and intimacy of the patient-doctor relationship. “I’m supposed to maintain a therapeutic, caring relationship with this patient while I query all these details,” Boevers says.
So far, she hasn’t had to investigate the circumstances of assault with a patient, but she’s practicing what she’ll say when that day comes. “Unfortunately, our government mandates that I must ask you some questions,” she plans to say. “If you are able to answer these, I might be able to help you.”
Those who enforce the laws might not always know the laws
In some states, there is little clarity on rape exemptions even among those officials charged with enforcing the laws.
Idaho outlaws abortion with exceptions for rape, incest and when the life of the mother is threatened. To get an abortion, sexual assault victims have to produce a police report for medical providers.
When the state’s ban went into effect in 2022, victim advocates quickly pointed out that law enforcement agencies don’t release police reports until a case is closed – preventing victims from accessing timely care. The following year, the Idaho Legislature amended the bill’s text so that rape victims are entitled to receive, upon request, a copy within 72 hours of the report being made.
But agencies appear to follow these requirements unevenly.
Boise State Public Radio reached out to 56 law enforcement agencies across Idaho about their protocols to assist rape victims since the ban. A handful said they complied with the 72-hour amendment and said their in-house victim advocates were available to help victims throughout their process.
Many others seemed unfamiliar with the amendment. Several public records departments said they would automatically deny requests for copies of a report on an open case, regardless of who made it. One agency realized it hadn’t been complying with the 72-hour law after it went into effect and had unknowingly denied records to rape victims.
Local agencies said they had received no guidance from the state.
Advocates say this murky process compounds a system of reporting that’s already unwelcoming to victims.
“Survivors generally don’t report to these systems that were never created to be centered around survivors in the first place,” says Miller, the former head of the Idaho Coalition Against Sexual and Domestic Violence. “It’s just unrealistic to expect that survivors will access these systems just for the purposes of being able to gain access to an abortion as a result of a pregnancy from a sexual assault.”
State records suggest there were fewer than 10 abortions for any reason last year in Idaho.
Providers of rape-exception abortions often are shielded by big institutions
Only a handful of doctors interviewed for this story reported performing rape exception-abortions with any consistency. Those who did all worked at major academic medical institutions.
Dr. Nisha Verma in Georgia estimates she sees someone who has been raped or experienced incest who meets the exception standard “every couple weeks.”
Verma isn’t an official spokesperson and didn’t want to be identified using her institution’s name. But she says her employer has protocols and task forces to assist doctors in managing their legal risk. That helps mitigate doctors’ fears of losing their medical license, being fined or going to jail.
“At my institution, we have really again worked to create a system that helps us as doctors feel more supported and protected,” Verma says.
But for most people who work with victims, it’s not simply a question of how to get abortion exemptions. Some states, for example, are also constrained by a shortage of providers willing even to deliver babies, let alone perform legally risky procedures.
“The question is,” says Bertram Roberts of the Mississippi Reproductive Freedom Fund, “If you got an exemption in Mississippi, who’s going to perform your abortion?” The state has a significant shortage of obstetricians.
Bertram Roberts says she’s never seen anyone in that state get an exemption – for any reason, let alone rape.
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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get
Members of the group Patriot Front ride the subway as a commuter looks on, in Washington, D.C., on July 4.
Cheney Orr/Reuters
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Cheney Orr/Reuters
The sight of hundreds of masked men roaming the streets of Washington, D.C., on July Fourth weekend, wearing khakis, blue shirts and uniform patches, was chilling to some of the city’s residents.
For many Americans, it was the first they heard about Patriot Front, a white nationalist organization that was born out of the deadly 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va. A now-viral Reuters photo prompted reflections on the experience of a lone African American woman who was photographed in a Metro subway car, surrounded by white supremacists.
The planned demonstration of force was timed to bring a fringe group of extremists into public view as the nation marked 250 years of its independence. Indeed, the stunt succeeded in earning the group media coverage across mainstream outlets, amplifying its brand and potential to reach new recruits. On this occasion, the members refrained from engaging in violence and property damage, projecting an image of law-abiding, orderly activism.
But those who are closely familiar with Patriot Front’s history and operations warn: Don’t believe what you see.
“That is not who they are in private,” said Len Kamdang, director of the Criminal Justice Project at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. “Although they were on their best behavior [last] weekend, this is a dangerous group that commits acts of violence all over the country.”
Patriot Front’s history of violence and property damage
Kamdang’s organization sued members of Patriot Front for vandalizing a public mural dedicated to the tennis legend and Black activist Arthur Ashe in Richmond, Va., in 2021. Ashe, who was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985, was born in Richmond and his legacy is a continuing source of pride to members of that community.
“A couple of Patriot Front members showed up under cover of night and vandalized the mural,” Kamdang said. “They painted white stencils all over. … They literally tried to whitewash him and they put their symbols of hate all over — their stencils, their slogans. And all the while they were caught on video. And that video leaked using some of the most horrible language that you can imagine.”
In many jurisdictions, law enforcement can seek additional hate crime charges or sentencing enhancements in cases where illegal acts appear to have been motivated by racial bias. But in this case, Kamdang said, Patriot Front members faced no criminal charges and their identities were only revealed when online activists later infiltrated the group and leaked internal records.


In another civil case, Patriot Front was ordered to pay almost $2.76 million to an African American musician whom they assaulted in Boston in 2022, at another July flash rally they staged. Despite a police detective concluding that the attack “appeared to be more likely than not motivated in whole or in part by Anti-Black bias,” nobody was criminally prosecuted.
Neo-Nazi ideology in patriotic colors
In 2020, Kristofer Goldsmith said that a fellow veteran invited him to partner up on infiltrating Patriot Front. Goldsmith, who later established the Task Force Butler Institute to recruit Army veterans to counter fascist groups through open source online research, was not closely familiar with the group at the time.
“Frankly, when my friend used the term ‘neo-Nazi,’ I thought he was using hyperbole,” Goldsmith said. “It wasn’t until I saw them doing things like debating the merits of national socialism versus fascism versus monarchy that I truly understood that neo-Nazi was not hyperbole, that these people actually praise Hitler. … These people have dedicated their lives to promoting white nationalist, fascist and genocidal ideology.”
Patriot Front’s founder, Thomas Rousseau, was formerly a leader of a group called Vanguard America, which was prominent in planning and a presence at the 2017 Unite the Right rally. That gathering, the largest public white nationalist event in generations, turned fatal when one extremist drove a car through a crowd of counterprotesters, killing Heather Heyer. Ultimately, Goldsmith said that rally further smeared public perception of the white nationalist movement as violent and un-American — lessons that Rousseau took to heart.
“Rousseau needed to rebrand Vanguard America,” Goldsmith said. “So he basically stole all of its assets, its digital assets … and made it into Patriot Front and literally painted everything in red, white and blue so that it would be more attractive.”
The group has also shown up at natural disaster sites, namely in Central Texas last summer, ostensibly to assist local residents. Goldsmith said these missions and the group’s outward aesthetic are meant to project an idea of patriotism and service. He said the group maintains a strict code of conduct. Among other things, they do not display swastikas or give Hitler salutes in public.
“The goal of their propaganda, of their public actions like this, is to beat MAGA and conservatives and Republicans into defending them and to saying, ‘I don’t see anything wrong with this group. They clearly love America,’” he said.
Patriot Front described as a “cult” and a “pyramid scheme”
The show of force in D.C. has raised questions about the group’s financing, and whether members’ travel was sponsored by outside individuals or groups. In fact, Goldsmith and Kamdang said that members of Patriot Front appear almost entirely to shoulder the cost of operations and Rousseau’s lifestyle. They said it’s most likely that those who traveled to D.C. had to cover their costs themselves.
“All of them funnel resources to the top,” Kamdang explained about the group’s general financial structure. “In order to be a Patriot Front member, you have to engage in acts of what they call ‘activism.’ And usually what that means is vandalism: putting up banners, spreading the slogans of hate all over the country. And in order to do that, they will have stickers, stencils, branding. All of that has to be approved from the top down, and all of it has to be purchased from the top down. So all the members who do this multiple times a month send cash to Thomas Rousseau for essentially stickers and stencils.”

Goldsmith said that from his time infiltrating the group, the costs could run up to hundreds of dollars a month per member. Kamdang, who said that attorneys are actively seeking to collect judgment in the settlement over the Arthur Ashe mural, noted that Rousseau appears not to hold any additional paying jobs.
“This seems to be what he’s doing full time,” Kamdang said. “So he appears to be being propped up full time by his members.”
Goldsmith likened the financial operation to a pyramid scheme. But he said even more substantial than the financial investment that Patriot Front members are required to make to retain membership is the control they give up over their time and personal choices.
“I describe it as a cult, not to be offensive, but because it is like Rousseau needs to have complete control of all of his members,” Goldsmith said. “[The group] requires its members to give up all of their lives, all of their relationships. All of their priorities in life need to be focused towards growing the organization or continuing the organization [and] enriching its leadership. So, it’s costly.”
NPR reached out to Patriot Front for comment. The group did not respond by deadline.
Goldsmith also noted that Rousseau often gives lengthy speeches that members are expected to listen to, via online platforms.
To Kamdang, the publicity that Patriot Front earned through the group’s D.C. stunt presents a danger: It amplified a presentation of the group that was deliberately crafted to make Patriot Front appear orderly and patriotic.
“I think the reason why it got a lot of attention is because Patriot Front was very careful in their language,” he said. “They try to mask their replacement theory, the white supremacy and in ‘Americana’ terms and patriotism. But that is not who these guys are.”
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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race
Now-former Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks at his primary election night event on June 9 in Blue Hill, Maine. Platner officially dropped out of the race July 10 following rape allegations from a former romantic partner that he denies.
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Graham Platner, Maine’s Democratic nominee for Senate, is officially out of the race.
The Maine Secretary of State said Platner filed the necessary paperwork to withdraw his candidacy two days after he announced he planned to do so following an accusation of rape by a former romantic partner. Platner denies the allegation.
The Maine Democratic Party has until July 27 to pick Platner’s replacement.
In his withdrawal notice, Platner said “people are desperate for change” and that’s why they voted “for a new kind of politics” by making him the Democratic nominee. He expressed gratitude for those who supported his campaign and said that he will continue to fight for “the movement we have built together and the future we believe in.”
He ended his notice with a strong statement aligned with the progressive platform.
“F*ck ICE. Free Palestine. Up the Hearts.”
Platner announced his plan to withdraw from the race in an 11-minute video he posted to social media on July 8. He said he had no choice but to suspend his campaign, citing it was no longer viable financially.
“We are going to lose our ability to fundraise. We are going to lose our ability to access voter data. We are going to lose all of the things that any campaign needs on the basic level simply to function,” he said.
Platner added that dropping out was not an admission of guilt. Rather, the decision, he said, is to keep the progressive movement in Maine alive to defeat Republican Sen. Susan Collins in November. Platner blamed the “political establishment” for his downfall and argued the goal was to force him out of the race.
“We built a campaign. We engaged in electoral politics. We motivated people. We banded together. We did it the way that we were told we are supposed to make change and we won. And now they are not going to let us have it. Not if it’s me,” he said.
Many powerful Democrats and progressives, including Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent, urged Platner to step down.
Platner has had to answer to a waterfall of scandals since he launched his Senate bid. Despite those, he ran away with the nomination in the June 9 primary, securing more than 150,000 votes — more than any other Democratic Senate candidate in Maine’s history.
Platner ran on a progressive platform centered on affordability, universal health care and getting corporate money and influence out of politics. During his campaign, he generated an undeniable amount of enthusiasm, something the Maine Democratic Party will have to harness if it hopes to beat Collins in the general election.
Multiple people have already launched campaigns to replace Platner, including former state Sen. Troy Jackson and former CDC official Nirav Shah, who both ran unsuccessful bids for governor.
Platner called on the replacement process to reflect “the Mainers who on June 9 turned out and showed that they are desperate for a different kind of politics.”
“We were asking for real democracy, and we did it the right way. And we won. But now the ball is in the court of the Democratic establishment,” he added.
The Maine Democratic Party said that it intends to hold a new nominating convention where around 600 delegates will select Platner’s successor. Candidates have until July 15 to declare their intent to seek the nomination and gather signatures from at least 8 of Maine’s 16 counties. Party leadership added they will make the nomination process public and transparent.
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