Florian Hoffmann’s “Yazz,” about a teenager growing up in a UN compound in the Central African Republic, celebrated two major wins at this year’s Locarno Pro Awards for the Alliance 4 Development co-development platform for projects from Austria, France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland

Swiss-German-French co-production from Tellfilm, NiKo Film and Eaux Vives Productions beat out 10 other projects for top prizes. “Yazz” took home both the Nebel Studios Award, estimated at CHF 30,500 ($37,678) for three days of studio use and five days of camera equipment, and the Studio13/Valais Film Commission Award, estimated at close to $14,825 for five days of studio use at Studio13 in Valais, Switzerland.

“What really struck us about ‘Yazz’ is its unique and very personal perspective on a world we think we know, but rarely see from the inside,” the jury stated. “The project has also shown to be at incredibly advanced stage of development that has already received strong recognition, with experienced co-production partners on board, great talent attached and development funding secured in Switzerland — confirming our belief in the project’s artistic and production potential.”

The Masé Studios Post-Production Award, worth nearly $31,000 in post-production services, was shared by queer and feminist coming-of-age musical “Cuore Matto,” by Tamer Ruggli, produced by Francine Lusser and Gérard Monier of Switzerland’s Tipimages Productions, and “Les Orages Magnétiques” (“Magnetic Storms”) by Wendy Pillonel, produced by Flavia Zanon of Swiss shingle Close Up Films, a coming-of-age tale that explores the complexity of becoming a woman in a misogynistic environment. “Les Orages Magnétiques”also picked up the Midpoint Consulting Award, an online script consultancy with a Midpoint Institute expert.

“Sparare alle Angurie”(“Shooting Watermelons”) by Antonio Donato, produced by Santiago Fondevila Sancet at Italy’s Cinedora, received the Masé Studios Award, a cash voucher worth more than $3,706. The story centers on an authoritarian father and his two sons on vacation following a difficult separation and explores themes of power, masculinity and patriarchy.

Jessica Puppo’s “Le Règne des Silures”(“Reign of Silures”), produced by Alexis Perrin (Rumble Fish Productions, France), won the Ticino Film Commission Residence Award: a two-day location scout worth nearly $5,000 plus a letter of intent for financial support up to CHF 12,000 ($14,824) should the film shoot in Ticino.

Bruce LaBruce’s “Third Take,” produced by Nicolas Brevière (Local Films, France), took the Alphapanda Market Breakout Award consisting of consultancy services worth some $4,320.

Heritage Restoration Contest

Since 2022, in collaboration with the Zurich-based Cinegrell film lab, the Locarno Film Festival’s Heritage Restoration Contest has been dedicated to bringing cinematic heritage back to life.

This year’s prize went to 1997’s “Nous sommes tous encore ici” (“We’re All Still Here”) by Anne-Marie Miéville, a three-part meditation on philosophy and everyday life featuring Jean-Luc Godard in a rare on-screen role.

It was selected by an international jury composed of Amy Homma, director and president of the Academy Museum of Motion Pictures and Academy Collection; Leslie Vuchot, CEO and founder of The Festival Agency; and Nicole T. Allemann, head of film restoration and lab at Zurich-based post-production group Cinegrell.

As part of the award, the film will undergo a complete restoration at Cinegrell and then premiere at the 2027 edition of the festival.

“First presented at the festival in 1997, ‘Nous sommes tous encore ici’ is an essential work of Swiss cinema by one of the country’s leading female directors,” the jury said. “In the year of its 30th anniversary, this restoration offers a long-overdue opportunity to rediscover both the film and the work of a major filmmaker, whose contribution to Swiss cinema deserves renewed recognition, as Locarno approaches its 80th edition.”

Now in its fourth edition, the Heritage Restoration Contest previously honored “Letter From My Village” (1976) by Safi Faye; “The Cannibals”(1969) by Liliana Cavani; and Mulher de Verdade(1954) by Alberto Cavalcanti.

Israel has taken delivery of its most advanced and expensive submarine from Germany, expanding its fleet amid escalating regional threats, according to reports.

The handover of the INS Drakon is expected to significantly bolster Israel’s underwater strike and reconnaissance capabilities, The Algemeiner reported. The warship had been scheduled to be delivered in 2025.

A statement following the submarine’s naming ceremony in Kiel in 2024 said the INS Drakon is of the Dolphin AIP class and “equipped with unique systems, including groundbreaking technologies that expand the range of the IDF’s capabilities across various arenas.” 

Built specifically for the Israeli Navy by Germany’s ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS), the submarine is said to provide a vital sea-based layer of “deterrence and retribution,” amid the war with Iran, defense analysts say.

Dr. Ehud Eilam, an Israeli national security expert and former researcher for Israel’s Ministry of Defense, told Fox News Digital that maintaining a continuous undersea presence is paramount for the nation’s national survival.

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“Some of them would have to be at sea, on high alert, around the clock, if Iran suddenly attacked Israel in such a way that would cripple the IDF, including its strategic capabilities,” Eilam said.

“In such a drastic scenario, Israel’s submarine/s that would be at sea could respond,” he added.

“Israel’s other submarines might be in Haifa harbor at the time. They might be attacked and unable to operate. This demonstrates how important it is to always have submarines at sea.”

TKMS reportedly handed over the INS Drakon—the sixth Dolphin-class vessel and third modified Dolphin II-class submarine in Israel’s fleet—at its shipyard in Kiel, Germany, in late July.

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Measuring more than 70 meters (230 feet) in length with a displacement exceeding 2,000 tons, the vessel is reported to be the largest submarine constructed in Germany since World War II, carrying an estimated price tag of $634 million, according to The Algemeiner.

According to Israeli outlet Ynet , Israel’s Dolphin-class fleet also provides the nation with a critical sea-based second-strike capability in its defense program.

“Everything is going according to plan with the new program for Israel,” TKMS CEO Oliver Burkhard told Ynet Global.

“That also applies to the handover of the last boat of the previous series, including the homecoming in Israel,” he said of the expansive submarine program.

The INS Drakon’s arrival comes as Israel projects increasing military power across distant operational theaters, Eilam said.

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“Israel has been acquiring submarines for several purposes. One of them is for deterrence and retribution, such as if Iran manages to develop nuclear weapons,” Eilam said before adding that “Israel has to be ready.”

While submarines on active deployment carry out intelligence and reconnaissance missions across the Mediterranean Sea, their primary objective remains readiness for “doomsday scenarios,” Eilam noted.

“Israel’s new submarine is bigger than others, which suggests Israel wants to have more options, such as increasing the range of the submarine’s missiles so they can reach every target in Iran, even if the Israeli submarine is in the Mediterranean Sea,” Eilam said.

“That way the submarine does not have to get closer to Iran, which requires crossing the Suez Canal, and this could be very risky, if not impossible in some situations,” he added. “The other alternative is to bypass all of Africa, which would take a long time.”

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The new submarine was named INS Drakon (Dragon) — a mythical sea creature symbolizing strength, uniqueness and power — was chosen because it contains the Hebrew letters ד׳, ק׳, ר׳ (Dakar), thus commemorating the legacy of the submarine INS Dakar and its crew, the Ministry of Defense said.

Fox News Digital has reached out to the Israeli Navy, the Ministry of Defense, TKMS and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) for comment.

Tehran, Iran – Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have expanded their mutual defence pact to add Turkiye, raising questions about the emergence of a new security architecture at a time when the United States and Iran have yet to reach a final deal to end their war.

Under the agreement signed in Mecca on Friday, any external armed attack on either of the three countries will now be considered an attack on all.

The trilateral pact was announced more than five months after the US and Israel launched a bombing campaign against Iran, triggering a conflict that quickly spread to the Gulf and disrupted maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.

Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye, however, have been careful not to antagonise any regional or international actors while finalising what they said was the result of years of hard work and negotiations. They have stressed the pact, which does not identify a specific threat, is not targeted against any country – particularly Iran – and does not abrogate or replace any existing agreements with others.

In Tehran, the reaction has largely been subdued, with officials mostly focusing on aspects of regional and Muslim cooperation and what they perceive as a declining role for the US.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said on Friday that when Muslims stand together, “we can face every challenge by malicious outsiders head-on”.

“Time to rely only on ourselves and embrace true brotherhood,” he wrote on X, without directly mentioning the trilateral agreement signed hours earlier.

But Iran certainly sees some reasons to be concerned in the long run, according to Hamidreza Azizi, a researcher and analyst on Iran and Middle Eastern geopolitical dynamics.

The associate at Clingendael Institute told Al Jazeera that the timing is important, since the agreement comes after months of a war in which Saudi Arabia has faced attacks from the Iran-aligned Houthis in Yemen and armed groups in neighbouring Iraq.

“From Tehran’s perspective, the concern is therefore not only that the pact could strengthen Saudi deterrence, but that it could eventually facilitate coordinated pressure on Iran in Yemen, Iraq, and even economically through Turkiye and Pakistan,” he said.

On Sunday, the Houthis claimed another successful drone strike on the Saudi Aramco refinery in Jizan. Saudi Arabia confirmed a fire was extinguished without inflicting casualties, but did not mention the cause.

Separately in Yemen, Houthi missiles and drones struck the Saudi-backed and internationally recognised government’s Red Sea port of al-Makha, with officials reporting at least seven people killed, 15 wounded and severe infrastructure damage. The Yemeni group, which has also been hitting or turning back Saudi-linked ships in the Red Sea over recent weeks, said it targeted weapons depots.

‘A strong bloc’

Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not released a formal statement about the Pakistan-Saudi-Turkiye deal, but a senior official outlined Tehran’s diplomatic thinking in an interview with local media on Saturday.

Hossein Noushabadi, a director general for parliamentary and legal affairs, told the state-linked ISNA news service that the ministry predominantly regards the agreement within the context of a diminishing direct US presence in the region.

The pact “is being viewed as the beginning of the collapse of US security hegemony in West Asia and the Persian Gulf”, said Noushabadi.

“It appears that, in the not-too-distant future, a new regional security order based on cooperation among regional states will replace the power structures imposed by extra-regional actors, heralding the end of the prevailing security and geopolitical paradigm and West Asia’s departure from the sphere of vital US interests,” added the official, who is a former Iranian envoy to Oman.

Political scientist Vali Nasr said he does not believe the pact is currently a threat to Tehran.

“For now, these are all elements of a post-American security order in the Middle East,” the professor of international affairs and Middle East studies at Johns Hopkins University told Al Jazeera.

“This is also as much a balance to the Abraham Accords as a direct challenge to Tehran,” he added, in reference to the US-pushed regional normalisation effort with Israel, which US President Donald Trump last month tied with a civil nuclear deal sought by Saudi Arabia.

Mehran Kamrava, a professor of government at Georgetown University of Qatar, also agreed that decision-makers in Iran do not immediately feel threatened by the pact, especially since they have maintained cordial relations with both Pakistan and Turkiye even under trying circumstances.

“Ultimately, this pact is not that new, nor is it something that, at present at least, has a great deal of substance beyond its symbolic significance. For example, neither Turkiye nor Pakistan would be willing to get involved in Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen despite recent Houthi attacks on the kingdom,” Kamrava told Al Jazeera.

Not all inside Iran are content with the pact, however, with some hardline lawmakers and media arguing that it could ultimately be directed against the “resistance front” of Tehran-backed armed forces across the region, and degrade Pakistan’s credibility as a main mediator between Iran and the US and others.

“It’s clear that Arab states finally understand security cannot be imported; it must be built within the region. However, a roadmap is still missing,” Ebrahim Azizi, a member of the Iranian parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, said in a more hawkish viewing of the pact.

“Warning: Miscalculation is a historical mistake. Iran has proven that every error comes at a cost. Balance is the only way forward,” he wrote on X.

Ebrahim Rezaei, another member of the commission, also wrote on X that “a paper agreement with Turkiye and Pakistan” will not bring Saudi Arabia security, “just as years of one-sided dependence on the Americans did not bring them security”.

Is Iran missing out?

Clingendael Institute’s Azizi said Tehran’s priority will likely be to avoid turning the pact into an explicitly anti-Iranian coalition amid a war with regional repercussions, and that would mean preserving individual relations with each of the three countries.

He said Tehran can also continue to emphasise its long-standing argument that regional security should ultimately be organised by regional states rather than external powers.

“If those states come to see the pact as providing meaningful protection against Iran or Iran-aligned groups, that would make Iranian membership even more difficult,” said Azizi. “Over the longer term, however, if the arrangement evolves from a balancing coalition into a broader regional security architecture, the question of Iranian participation could look quite different.”

Experts also said it could be a possibility that Iran itself would be seeking potential membership in the pact in a distant future, but that would mean a sustainable end to attacks in the Strait of Hormuz and across the region, while expansion to other regional Arab states seems more plausible in the near term. Egypt has already been floated as a candidate, but that could be a complex decision for Cairo to make.

Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East and North African Programme at Chatham House, said the trilateral pact reflects both short- and long-term security concerns and opportunities for Riyadh, Islamabad and Ankara.

“They are driven together to forge greater diplomatic and defence cooperation in reaction to US unreliability, Israeli revisionism and Iranian retaliation,” she told Al Jazeera.